Anthony Books
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American Hunter Magazine reviewReview Date: 2004-11-11
Editor's ChoiceReview Date: 2004-10-05

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a great synthesisReview Date: 2006-01-29
Badger looks at the New Deal's response to this dark situation in several areas: industrial policy, labor relations, agrucultural politics, welfare policy and coalitional politics. In each of these areas, Badger emphasizes the constraints that Franklin Roosevelt faced in attempting systematic reform. At first, Roosevelt had to stress recovery over reform: in the dark, dark, days of the winter of 1932-33, people needed a sense that help was on the way immediately not a few months down the line. Later, when the economy at least stablized, he had to assess realistically his desire for economic restructuring and social justice (to the extent he possessed such intentions) against growing congressional conservatism, the power of localism in the administration of New Deal reforms (which usually worked to the benefit of local elites), and the belief of most working and middle class Americans in the American creed of individualism and laissez faire capitalism.
In sketching this, Badger seems to be most interested in countering critiques from the left concerning President Roosevelt and the New Deal. From the left, historians have argued that government and coporate leadership concocted the New Deal to save capitalism and inhibit the native radicalism of the American citizen confronted with the overwhelming catastrophe of the Great Depression. This cabal highjacked revolution and preserved capitalism.
Professor Badger agrees that Roosevelt saved capitalism, but he did so against the tooth and nail efforts of almost all capitalists in America, who did not appreciate FDR's efforts on their behalf. There was no cabal, just a lot of animosity between Roosevelt and industrialists. With a handful of enlightened exceptions (many of whom reaped big time benefits in World War II mobilization) capitalists were too shortsighted to engage in a plot to stave off revolution.
Badger's main critque of Roosevelt is that he should have embraced governmental spending -- Keynsianism -- on a systematic basis much earlier in the 1930s (he grudgingly accepted the eocnomic principles of Keynes only in 1938). This would have raised wages and thus increased demand. Had that happened earlier in the 1930s, Badger argues, Roosevelt could then have focused, if he wished, on the systematic reform of the American economy, and genuine social justice.
Regardless of how you feel about the correctness of Badger's analysis of Roosevelt's motivations and achievements, this is one of the best single volume treatments of the New Deal. It is an excellent case study of the political/historical constraints of politicians and policy makers in America, in the face of certain institutional and political cultural constraints.
Outstanding Book on the Great Depression and the New DealReview Date: 2004-04-04
The book should actually be titled "The Great Depression and the New Deal," because it first brilliantly describes the Great Depression and the causes. He presents differing interpretations, which I really appreciated. Not everyone agrees. Not all aspects of America experienced the Depression the same, so Badger presents several observations. The portrait he paints is simply outstanding.
His analysis of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal is excellent. Badger has read everything written about the Great Depression, it seems. There are no better studies than this book, in my opinion. This is an important and authoritative review of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal, and is even suitable as a college text.
My only quibble is that Badger should have more thoroughly covered the massive infrastructure investments that Roosevelt made, which greatly contributed to the economic boom during the second-half of the 20th Century. Badger also does not cover the post-war boom, which is an extension of the New Deal reforms and investments. In my opinion, Badger somewhat focuses too much as the relief aspects of the New Deal, but only slightly.
There recently has been a slight reinterpretation of the New Deal, with an emphasis on the infrastructure investments and the political economy. For example, read "Building New Deal Liberalism: The Political Economy of Public Works, 1933-1956" by Jason Scott Smith. Also read "The New Dealers: Power Politics in the Age of Roosevelt" by Jordan A. Schwarz.
Also consider Schlesinger's classic multi-volume history of the New Deal era.

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Incredible insight into passenger rail and the USReview Date: 2007-10-10
Rare Insight into the Fog of Transport PolicyReview Date: 2002-06-28
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No more misconceptions about divorce and annulment!Review Date: 1998-10-20
A must read for the divorced or separated Catholic.Review Date: 1998-10-20

Biafra to the SeychellesReview Date: 2004-09-09
FANTASTICReview Date: 1999-02-03

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This book examines Braxton's music & his treatment by mediaReview Date: 1998-09-13
A Unique Insight Into a Complex MindReview Date: 2002-10-08
Part biography, part explication, part cultural critique, Radano manages to talk knowledgably and extensively about Braxton's music without resorting to technical jargon or waxing romantic like a fan...both serious mistakes of most jazz critics. And he also charts a sympethetic course through the philosophical divides of black artists in the 60's without taking sides or launching into unfounded polemics. Instead, Radaon's central premise, that Braxton's unique musical vision has never found a place in American musical society due to it's difficulty of classification (is it jazz? is it European oriented experimental music? What do we call this stuff?) and due to the less than orthodox education and views of it's creator, rings true in light of the facts of Braxto's life and the critical coverage and destruction that he recieved in the 70s and 80s.
Radano also does a marvelous job explaining Braxton's notoriously difficult philosophic/musical theories. The Triaxium writings are very difficult for the uninitiated (as are most free musician's theories - try making sense out of Ornette Coleman's descriptions of harmelodics...it's pretty tough going, though the results are stunning.) Radano strips away some of the deliberately obscure language that Braxton uses and gives us "Triaxium lite" as it were. Though this may seem on some level sacriligious, for many of us who truly admire Braxton and want to understand his thought, this helps enormously. It's made it possible for me to understand more of the liner notes on Braxton albums.
This book is recommended highly, both for fans of the composer/improvisor, and for anyone interested in the sad state of American culture at the end of the millenium. One hopes that Radano will decide to revise this book in light of the developments of the last 10 years (the book came out in 1993). Braxton's tenure as professor at Wesleyan University and his creation of an entirely new genre of music (Ghost Trance Music), along with a greater, belated appreciation of his notated music, may change some of Radano's conclusions, or at least inform them a bit.

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New York VaudevilleReview Date: 2007-07-15
Excellent book with great photos!Review Date: 2007-07-03
I own several of these paperback books (called: IMAGES OF AMERICA). These compact books never disappoint me. This company is still producing these wonderful books today ,and every few months, the company adds to the various IMAGES OF AMERICA themes.
I bought this book because I wanted a "general" photo book showing photos of the most well-known of the Vaudeville performers, especially those from New york.
This book did not disappoint. Under each photo, there is also a brief description of the actor-performer.
(NOTE: There are no side-show performers in this book. This book is mostly about singers and actors/actresses from the early days of Vaudeville in NEW YORK).
Each chapter also gives a brief description of the Era of Vaudeville. Very interesting information.
The price for these small IMAGES OF AMERICA paperbacks are always low ($) and affordable. For me, they are worthwhile to own in any Library.
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Post Morten of the Nixon PresidencyReview Date: 2006-10-19
In April 1973 J. Anthony Lukas was assigned to write an article on Watergate. This was followed by a second article; then a third. This book covers the whole story of Richard Nixon's abuse of his presidential powers. Chapter 1 starts with the 1970 election, which was not favorable to Nixon's hopes. He wanted a big victory in 1972. Attorney-General John Mitchell was a state and municipal bond lawyer who new about back-room deals. Protests in May 1971 Washington were met with Nixon's public disdain; privately he was worried (p.10). Nixon chose young men who had no independent judgment (p.8). Nixon felt threatened by the Establishment: "Wall Street, Cambridge, Georgetown" and others (p.13). A private security entity was created to investigate Nixon's enemies. [Was Nixon's problems due to an inferiority complex "lifelong sense of powerlessness" (p.18)?] Chapter 2 describes the insecurity of Nixon. The Huston Plan was killed by J. Edgar Hoover; but it seems to have gone forward (p.37). Sophisticated officials don't discuss secrets over a telephone, but in person in a private place (p.55). You never know who is listening to you.
Nixon's 1972 campaign raised an unusually large amount of corporate money; often from companies that had problems in Washington (p.127). [Is creating problems for corporations a way for government to raise campaign contributions?] "Most contributions from the business community ... are made in response to pressure ..." (P.128). [The more business is regulated, the more money that can be extracted by the officials in Washington. "They all do it."] Nixon also raised money from the wealthy who wanted to be appointed ambassadors (p.134). Page 142 shows how a company backs the twin-party system. There are no witnesses on a golf course. [Could Nixon's greediness have caused the Establishment to turn on him after the election?] Kevin Phillips' book noted that the lack of a Wallace candidacy would swell the 1972 Republican vote (p.147). Nixon tried to stop Wallace (pp.147-149), and failed. But something happened (p.150). The most famous dirty trick was on Ed Muskie (p.163). Bogus letters to newspapers and congressmen were used to create public support for Nixon, at least 50 a week (p.166). There is a report about Senator Thomas Eagleton's health (p.168). The next step was to stage break-ins (before Watergate).
And so the book continues with so very many pages on the Nixon Presidency. The Note on Sources says there was a glut of information where the difficulty was finding the truth among self-serving and conflicting data. The 45 pages of index to the 569 pages of text make this a reference book on Nixon's Presidency. The Sources list the books, articles, interviews, documents, and remarks used for this book. This is a one-volume book of information this topic. Lukas watched what Nixon did, not what he said. Not much has changed since this 1975 book was published. Lukas' comment that W. Mark Felt, Jr. was believed to be the source called "Deep Throat" has been confirmed (p.273). [The pagination is from the hardcover edition.]
What Journalism Ought to BeReview Date: 2004-02-18
The fulcrum of this book is, of course, the "third-rate burglary" from which Watergate takes its name. But Lukas is far-sighted enough not to begin with that. He gives us the larger context of the early Nixon years: the internal wiretapping, the fund-raising money machine, the systematic campaign of dirty tricks against the 1972 Democratic campaign, both primary and general.
Indeed, for me perhaps the true pivot point is not the burglary at all, but rather that moment in January, 1972, when Gordon Liddy launched "a well-prepared thirty-minute 'show-and-tell'" to introduced "Project Gemstone" -- intended as "a vast intelligence-gathering and dirty-tricks campaign" against the Democrats and (one would have to say) against the electoral process itself. Here it all is: electronic surveillance and wiretapping; breakins; kidnap squads; mugging squads; call girls; sabotage. John Dean says he found it "mind-boggling." But Attorney General John Mitchell was more restrained: "That's not quite what we had in mind," he said. And Jeb Magruder was more proactive: "Cheer up, Gordon," he said, "You just tone the plan down a little and we'll try again."
For my money, that is the point at which any decent public servant would have stood up and shouted "GET THIS GUY OUT OF HERE! Don't let him come within a dung-fork's distance of any public policy issue any time, anywhere, ever again." Of course we know better now: in fact, Liddy's campaign did go forward largely as he had planned it. And it was not a free-lance operation: rather, it was embedded at the very heart of the Nixon administration.
From the introduction of Gemstone we move on moment by moment through the burglary, the coverup, the coverup of the coverup and finally, Nixon's resignation. By that point, almost any reader will concede that Lukas has documented his case. The denoument is the celebrated "smoking gun" -- the text of the tape of Nixon's conversation on June 23, 1972.
"What made the tape so damaging," says Lukas, "was ... the plain, irrefutable language which showed that six days after the Watergate burglary the President of the United States knew a great deal about the break-in, realized that Liddy and [E. Howard] Hunt had been involved, recognized Mitchell's probable complicity, personally ordered a cover-up of the facts, and used the CIA and the FBI to protect his personal political interests."
Watergate was a tragedy, of course, and any honest account is bound to make pretty sordid reading. But at the end, one can find uplift. For however many people behaved badly, quite a lot of people behaved well: famously Eliot Richardson, who resigned as Attorney General rather than fire Archibald Cox; perhaps more subtly Congressman Peter W. Rodino, Jr., who succeeded (at no small efort) in keeping the House hearings decent and honorable; more surprisingly Congressman Lawrence Hogan, conservative Republican from Maryland who upstaged some of his more liberal colleagues by declaring for impeachment (he was offended at what Nixon had done to the FBI). And I'd even save a kind word for Hugh W. Sloan, Jr., a campaign staffer who did, concededly, take part in some of the money-sloshing, but who in the end refused to go along with the coverup.
Woodward and Bernstein have their place in Watergate history, if not nearly as great as their own (well--Woodward's) self-promotion would suggest. If they did not originate much in the way of real Watergate news, they did a great deal to keep the topic on the agenda. But their project also did a great deal of long-term harm, helping to facilitate the growth of a climate of "client journalism" where reporters get cozy with sources and manipulate the process as much as any active participant. Tony Lukas died far too young (and a suicide). As a monmument, he leaves a body of exemplary journalism, of which this is a capstone.

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An Exquisite Translation of a Long-Lost TreasureReview Date: 2006-10-27
For those interested in John's Gospel and early Christianity, this book is an invaluable resource. For those who simply love great literature, this extrordinary translation brings a true poetic gem to the modern world.
Great Art and Historically ImportantReview Date: 2004-01-11


Warm and Refreshing....Review Date: 2000-12-24
Also introduced in the book are: Nicholas, Pam, Maiya, and Reggie. The characters and tone of voice in the book set an atmosphere in which you feel as if you're either talking or listening to your best friend. I found myself laughing at the commentary between the characters and also at times, feeling their pain, especially Christian's desire to find the "one" who would love him unconditionally and completely. And, I could also relate to Maiya's pain with the "drama" she went through even though I've never been faced with the consequences she endured.
The book alternates between the viewpoint of Christian, Maiya, and Tanya and once you start reading it, you will NOT want to put it down. You can feel Anthony's excitement for his characters from page one until the very end....and you'll be screaming for more. You might even be like me and start filling up his email box with queries on when the sequel will be ready. Anthony's writing style is warm and refreshing and you'll find yourself in a sea of happiness and feel a bond of friendship with him and his characters. I felt as if I were enveloped in a cloud of warmth while reading this book and highly recommend it to anyone who's had and lost a friend or to those who have dreamed and hoped for true love. Anthony Rivers is here to make his mark on Literature! Don't miss out.... ~Tee C. Royal
Founder, R.A.W. SISTAZ Book Club
A New Collector's ItemReview Date: 2000-12-08
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The New Age Hunter asks the question that has wrinkled the brow of anti-hunting urbanites since the practice of vegetarianism became en vogue; a question that is imperative hunters answer before the inevitable political battles over the future of hunting come to a head.
Mauro asks why a modern person, who does not depend on procuring his own protein for survival, still chooses to hunt.
He writes, "... it is the spiritual aspect that is the most compelling reason for why we hunt, but it ranks as the least understood by non-hunters. ..."
Using an anthropologist-type study of human evolution, a psychologist's analyzation of the human psyche, and combining his empirical and biological data with a hunter's insight and a writer's gift to weave theory with entertainment, Mauro takes as good a shot at nailing this critical question since the influential words of James Swan.
If you are a hunter intent on preserving your way of life, a conservationist, a student looking for truthful answers, or a non-hunter with a desire to understand the hunter's unwavering mindset, "The New Age Hunter" by Anthony Mauro is a worthy read.
--Jeff H. Johnston, Associate Editor, American Hunter magazine