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I got really frustrated with this book because it did'nt say who had Stevie for secret santa! I liked it when they went caroling, but I wish Carol or Lisa would ride the Prancer rather than lead it. I think that would draw more attention. Over all. I would recomend all saddle Clubs to any one! There great!!!

this book is great it brings the special and giving side out of any person. what Caroles " secret santa " does for her is remarkably special! I love this book and I think you will too!

Another rare SADDLE CLUB great. When the girls draw names for Secret Santa's, Max tells them they have to DO something, not give something! Lisa and Carole are fine with who they draw, but Stevie draws...Veronica! Also, the girls are shocked when toys are stolen from Carole's dad's Marine Corps toy drive and they invent an exciting, equine way to raise money for more toys. But will they finish in time? And what will Stevie do for--not TO--Veronica? This is harder than anyone imagined. I loved this SUPER EDITION and I think everyone who loves horses and has friends should read it.

Hey everyone! I really liked this book, but I had a question for the people who've read it. What happened to the Starlight Ride this year? Why don't the Saddle Club girls go on it? That part really confused me. Thanx.

First of all I want to say that Bonnie Bryant is a really good author, I think the Saddle Club and Pine Hollow Books are brilliant! This book was very good, so much happened in it. At Pine Hollow Max held a secret santa but instead of buying something for the person you got you had to do something for them. Stevie got Veronica, Carole got Lisa and Lisa got Max. What Caroles secret santa does for her is really something special! Lisa's realatives, the Rosses from Scotland are over spending Christmas with the Atwoods, although she thinks there great she feels like shes no space to breath, this inspires what she is going to do for Max as his secret santa! Stevie is busy getting voice lessons to prepare for an audition for a solo part in her schools Christmas play..................While all this is happening Carole is busy helping her Dad and the marines collect toys as Christmas presents for needy children...Until!?! I would really recoment this book. It was very enjoyable to read!

I've read this book at least 'more than' 15 times. I don't
know where I got it, as a birthday gift, I believe, but wherever,
I took to it as I have to few books in my life. I was unathletic
as a kid, though not as smart as the fictional Herbie, so that
helps. The book is dated, though not in a bad way, one can say
it just increased its attractiveness as a historic reference. Hard to
say how much Mr. Wouk is recalling his own childhood, but one can tell
he loves the characters, and it shows.

This is one of Herman Wouk's first books, if not his first. It is a wonderful story of a young man's growth in New York City. A perfect book for readers looking to introduce themselves to the novel; easy to read; a story of young love and of facing the universal emotional problems of youth.

This book reminded me quite a bit of the trite wisdom and stereotypes we see so often portrayed on modern family sitcoms and in fortune cookies...bullies never win, bad people always get whats coming to them, a kid who is smart enough can outsmart a whole group of teachers, love conquers all embarrassment and humiliation, rich girls are fickle snobs, the smartest kids are fat and/or ugly, and the best athletes never do well in school (and many, many more). None of which is true in the real world.

Yet, in this book, these very traits are exaggerated JUST enough to very colorfully and accurately display the vivid emotions of 11 year old Herbie just coming of age in 1920s New York, which makes the whole story a very entertaining read. What appeals most is Herbie's highly developed imagination, which brings him great trouble in his passion for Lucille, the horribly obnoxious girl who as soon snobbishly deserts him when he shows the slightest flaw as fawns over him when he shows outwardly just how wonderful his inner qualities can be.

But the same imagination also brings him great reward, leading him on a life-changing adventure with is average cousin Cliff, the final result of which wins the admiration not only of Lucille but of the entire summer camp (save for bully Lennie who has to wear a nurses dress and the unscrupulous smarmy camp owner/school principal Mr. Gauss). And, upon his return home from camp, an important moral lesson from his father.

Interspersed with this are hilarious moments, most especially with Clever Sam the perverse horse and the whole "Camper's Day" scenario.

A read I highly recommend!

At a loss for something to read, I picked this book at random - and then read it in three days flat! So nearly one of the best books I have read, it's full of true-to-life characters, plenty of touching moments and a lot of laugh-out-loud ones too.

The main character is obviously Herbie Bookbinder, an eleven year old growing up in the Bronx in the early 20th century. He is a fat but very intelligent boy, so intelligent he skips a year in school. However his main flaw in the book is that he falls hopelessly in love with a girl, Lucille Glass, a love so intense that he is led to do some truly extraordinary things. The intensely passionate feelings he has for this girl are to me what makes the character of Herbie so real.

The main event of the book is Herbie, his cousin Cliff, his arch-enemy Lennie and Lucille (among others) going to a summer camp, Camp Manitou. This turns out to be a fairly prison-like establishment, but dissent is kept to a minimum by shrewd calculation on the part of the camp owner, Mr. Gauss.

With Mr. Gauss, Herman Wouk has made into a person all those unpleasant characteristics we encounter in everyday life - greed, cunning, false charm and many more. He feeds the children ice cream on the first night, to dull their unhappiness at the dismal nature of the camp, and when the camp is defeated at games with another camp, Mr. Gauss manages, somehow, to inculcate a feeling that in fact Manitou won a great victory. As the final outrage Mr. Gauss effectively steals money from the naive Herbie.

The climax of the book comes with the confession of Herbie stealing from his father. It is very noticeable that the book gets a lot more serious towards the end, but it is never overly serious, and the warmth of it still shines through.

There are a lot of extremely funny moments, mostly involving a horse by the name of Clever Sam, and Wouk's dry humour at these points really had me laughing out loud.

The only thing that spoiled the book for me was the very end. Here it seems that Herbie and Lucille are finally going to realise their love for each other and perhaps share a truly romantic moment which has eluded them for so long - but instead the book ends with an extremely ambiguous encounter with an older boy whom Lucille seems to like. Even though this ending was obviously meant to be ambiguous in this way, I found it unsatisfying given all that Herbie and Lucille have gone through before. I really wanted to know for sure if they would ever get together.

Still, if anything this shows what real and sympathetic characters Wouk has created, and this small point did not seriously affect my view of the book as a whole. It is a thoroughly enjoyable and absorbing read, and I would recommend it to absolutely anyone!

Set in the Bronx in 1928, this Herman Wouk novel (his second) is all about Herbie Bookbinder and his experiences growing up during that time period. The scenes are warm and humorous, and move from one to another like the episodes in a good situation comedy. Two of my favorite funny scenes from the many to choose from are when Herbie and his friends are trying to get home on the subway and they don't have the nickel to ride, sneak on, get caught, and promise to send the nickel to the subway authority the next day (which they do); and the school play about the surrender of Lee at Appomattox, which has too many hilarious components to summarize. The writing is light and breezy, yet very assured, and Wouk keeps himself out of it so it doesn't come across as nostalgia in the form of a novel. It's an interesting book about growing up and childhood experiences, and deserves a place on the shelf next to TOM SAWYER and the stories of Jean Shepard.

As I sat at my computer, I glanced over at my bookcase and reached for a book. It was a Cup Of Christmas Tea. I began reading out loud and soon started crying. Several times I had to stop and wipe away tears. It takes you back to when holidays were simple and pure and about the people you love.
As I finished the book and wiped away my final tears, I decided that I will make our Chanukah celebration something special for my grandsons.

Symbolized by sharing a cup of tea with an elderly aunt and reminiscing about Christmases past - this is a heart warming poem reminding us to slow down during the holidays and enjoy our time with family and friends.

A friend recommended this book to me several years ago, and when I read it, I was moved to tears. Since that time, I have given countless copies to friends and family because I want to share the message that I received from it with everyone I know. The text is brief, but very descriptive, so I could picture in my mind the events that the authors were describing. The message that I received is that monetary gifts are not as important as the gift of time that we spend with others; so often we set out to do things for others because we feel obligated, and in the end are more blessed than the person who was the object of our attention. This is truly a wonderful Christmas story to read again and again!

I think of this book as an adult "christmas book". I have had a copy for some years and purchased this one to accompany a Spode Christmas "tea pot and cup for one" I gave to my mother. The 25th Anniversary Edition is a celebration of a book that will never go out of style and is a perennial reminder of gracious traditions and feelings that are the heart's treasures.

It's a family tradition to read this book at Christmas

An incredible journey.Absolutely Brilliant writing! A book that should be in everyone's home. The millions of children innoculated with the polio vaccine,that were contaminated with monkey virus'. This led to a possible
development of soft tissus in later life,(and possibly AIDS). Even worse after the discovery,was the cover-up by the Government.You can NOT put this book down.The documentation and footnotes,are flawless. The new Orleans Connection,Lee Harvey Oswald,Jim Garrison,the death of President Kennedy,and the homicide of Dr. Mary Sherman,The links to the finest researchers brought to New Orleans to try to keep the secret while trying to find an answer. One of the best and most riveting books I have EVER read!

I was amazed when I read Dr Mary's Monkeys. This is honest research and shows just how corrupt scientists and governments can be. It also explained the connection to why JFK was murdered.

This book will definitely make you reconsider the murder of JFK, along with the cancer so many of us fight each day. It's scary to imagine what the government can do.

As a native New Orleanian, I was 20 years old when Dr. Sherman was murdered and remember parts of the strange story of her murder in her St. Charles Ave apartment. Having actually met a couple of the players in the book, back in the early and mid-60's, remembering the stories of the Primate Center over the years and various related vague controversies, I find Haslam's story very compelling, well researched and totally believable - it sure tied up a lot of loose ends for me about many questions I've had since 1962. It also helps explain why so many people of my generation (who took the polio vaccine in question) seem so susceptible to the current cancer epidemic, at least here in New Orleans. Call me cynical, but to me, there is nothing far-fetched in this book at all and Haslam clarifies a lot of issues/mysteries that have been successfully suppressed for 40+ years.

This book was somewhat "under the radar' here and was a word-of-mouth type of thing that locals started to talk about, passing around their copies of the book (which I could initially only find on Amazon); however, I noticed it on display at a Border's store this week (at $19.99). I've referred the book to everyone I know and I am ordering another 4 copies today from Amazon for friends - I think it is a must-read - even if you don't believe part of it, it is a book that is hard to put down and frightening on many levels.

Excellent writing style, easy to read. I love that throughout the book, the author second guesses himself which leads him into other paths of investigation. Very sad topic. Makes one question the level of evil reigns over the masses. Real life murder mystery. Fact finding and proof is well established. Fascinating!

INTRO
This is the magnus opus of J.N.D. Kelly, a Protestant who has done his research on the the beliefs, doctrines, practices and creeds of the early Christians (1st century until 8th century).

CONTENT:
This book has an easy to follow content and table of contents, is very easy to read, and the chapters are all in chronologically increasing order. This revised edition actually contains a NEW chapter - "Mary and the Saints" - which was actually the first chapter that I read. The content and exposition of early Christian's doctrines is very fair, balanced, yet erudite, not trying to lean towards any modern belief-system or pull any punches. The author writes very convincingly and with great prosaic skills.

CONCLUSION:
Eastern Orthodox, Evangelical Protestants, and Roman Catholics will find many fascinating and uplifting facts regarding the doctrines of the early Christians. Even tho the book would benefit from better paper and print quality, and a bible verses index, I hope that everyone reading this book will form or strengthen their collaboration in word and deed with Christians from other traditions/confessions/denominations.

If this classic work on the formulation of basic Christian doctrines teaches its reader anything, it is that Christian men and women once worried incessantly and carefully about matters that we moderns and post-moderns too quickly dismiss as quibbles. One can consider this obsessive and even perverse, yet it stands in stark contrast to an approach to Christian theology that is perhaps best described as careless.

A read through Kelly's more than five hundred pages of classic exposition of the processes that led to definitions of Christology, canonicity, Trinity, and the like is a warning shot across the bow of a generation that would be well served by worrying just a bit more about things that matter very deeply.

Kelly's survey comprises four 'parts'. Part I: Prolegomena surveys the trends and material witnesses that formed the basis of Christian deliberation in the first five centuries. Part II: The Pre-Nicene Theology names that Council (325 A.D.) as a watershed, probing deeply into the incipient doctrines that would be crystallized and canonized by subsquent colloquys. Part III: From Nicea To Chalcedon follows the afterwinds of Nicea through to one of the essential Councils. Part IV: Epilogue projects into Chalcedon's future the lines of thought that were developing at the time and picks up a few miscellanies.

Because Kelly's work (see also his Early Christian Creeds stands as a reference point for historical theologians, a deeper survey of his eighteen chapters is in order. The author's first chapter sets forth an apology for his choice of doctrinal development from the close of the first century through to the middle of the first ('The Background', pp. 3-28). On the one hand, it makes sense to begin outside the parameters of the New Testament. On the other, the creative surge of the first five centuries gave way to 'formalism and scholasticism in the sixth.' Kelly's heuristic rubric utilizes a vertical and a horizontal dividing line. The vertical distinguishes the different temperaments of East and West. The horizontal recognizes a concrete passage with the reconciliation of Church and State under Constantine, a development of which Nicea is the emblem. When Kelly surveys the matrix of the post-apostolic era in terms of Judaism, religious trends in the Roman Empire, Graeco-Roman philosophy, Neo-Platonism, and gnosticism, one becomes aware how ahead of his time the author stood in 1960. His perception of a highly traditional Judaism clothed in the language of Hellenism but with a Palestinian soul and his delineation of gnosticism as a habit of thought rather than an organized religion would only later come to represent scholarly consensus.

Chapter II ('Tradition and Scripture', pp. 29-51) examines the interrelationship of scripture and tradition at a time when there was no fixed canonical 'New Testament'. Kelly judiciously treats the combination of oral and written apostolic material that must have oriented the nascent church and the problems forced upon the community by the gnostic utilization of scripture for ends that were not aligned with apostolic teaching. 'The Bible as interpreted by the Church' that became the Christian norm, an affirmation and confidence that would require considerable qualification in due course.

When these scriptures eventually crystallize into a 'New Testament', Kelly judges the composite to have included the deuterocanonical books on the theory of an 'elastic' Hellenistic attitude towards the sacred writings (Chapter III, 'The Holy Scriptures, pp. 52-79). Irenaeus is the first to have used the term 'New Testament' and to lay the uniquely Christian scriptures as equal in authority alongside the Hebrew canon, now by implication called the 'Old Testament'. Sectarian tendencies often led to and/or were generated by a disdainful attitude towards the latter, an historical datum that ought to weigh heavily on the conscience of Christians today. Kelly is particularly helpful when he addresses the Christian hermeneutic that found in the Christ event a fulfillment of scriptural anticipation and even promise. Here he brings to the discussion the differing Alexandrine (alt., Alexandrian) and Antiochene temperaments that were to exist in tension and even contradiction most notably, more than ever in the context of christological controversy.

Kelly initiates his survey of Pre-Nicene theology (Part II of the book) with a chapter on 'The Divine Triad' (pp. 83-108). The word 'triad' is presumably chosen in order not to prejudice the slow and tortuous process that ended in the choice of 'trinitarian' language. The author rightly recognizes that the early conversation's monotheistic assumption was a legacy of the Bible and Judaism rather than philosophy. The secondary nature of the philosophers is evidenced in, say, Justin's conviction that Plato and subsequent Greek thinkers had access to Moses. Yet this visceral monotheism was complicated by Christian conviction, for as Kelly writes: 'Before considering formal writers, the reader should notice how deeply the conception of a plurality of divine Persons was imprinted on the apostolic tradition and the popular faith.' How to reconcile both convictions? Kelly presents the apostolic fathers as witnesses to the tradition rather than interpreters of it. The beginnings of an 'angelic christology' are present in Hermas.

Such conceptual innocence ended with the apologists, who began to develop a language for 'describing eternal distinctions within the Deity'. Yet this new attention to the nuances of plurality do not compromise their fundamental conviction: '(the) Logos was one in essence with the Father, inseparable in HIs fundamental being from Him as much after His Generation as prior to it.' Monotheism was not in doubt, though it's expression in the light of the Christ event and New Testament reflection on it was to require considerable time to reach its mature form. Shades of what would become known as 'economic Trinitarianism' were visible in Irenaeus' writing, though not to the detriment of this pre-Nicene giant's ability to recognize 'the mysterious three-in-oneness of the inner life of the Godhead'.

By the time his gaze falls upon the third century, Kelly is prepared to employ the word 'Trinitarianism' (chapter V, 'Third-Century Trinitarianism', pp. 109-137). This is as it should be, for attention now fixes with regularity upon the distinctions within the Godhead that urge new vocabulary and sophistication if they are to be adequately described. From North Africa, Tertullian framed the question in terms of two diametrically opposed approaches, the first asking about the Three-in-One in his eternal existence, the second inquiring into his self-revelation in creation and redemption. A purely analytical approach would have severed the tendons of monotheistic conviction, but Tertullian of course was alive to that danger and too wedded to the biblical materials to fall victim to it. Tertullian was prepared to designate the Son a persona and to use the term trinitas to describe the Godhead. To speak of distinction between the personae was to discern a distinctio or dispositio but emphatically not a separatio.

Outside of what history would judge to be orthodox, dynamic and modalistic monarchianism was to seek to preserve the deity's unity by ascribing the appearance of plurality to presentation and appearance alone. He is distinct, according to this view, in his operations but not in his existence. Meanwhile, Clement and Origen in the East were temperamentally more inclined to focus on the distinctions than the unity of the triadic God. The three persons were each a 'distinct hypostasis from all eternity, not just ... in the economy'. Clearly this view militates against modalistic tendencies. Kelly lingers over the persistently subordinationist tendencies in Origen's synthesis, a legacy that was to prove both fruitful and complicated.

Chapter VI, 'The Beginnings of Christology', begins with the observation that the primitive confession 'Jesus is Lord' contained the recognition that Jesus Christ was divine as well as human, an affirmation that by its very nature would require the unpacking of its complex implications (pp. 138-162). Christology proceeds along the lines of the 'double premiss of apostolic Christianity, viz. that Christ as a Person was indivisibly one, and tht He was simultaneously fully divine and fully human ... (T)he task of theology (was) to show how its two aspects could be held together in synthesis.' Unilateral solutions to the christological conundrum were not lacking: Ebionism denied the divinity of Christ altogether. Adoptionism, too, considered Jesus to be merely a man. On the other extreme, Docetism (and its cousin, Gnosticism) denied the humanity of Jesus Christ, placing all its christological eggs in the basket of his divinity. The latter attempted to preserve the notion of divine impassibility by rendering the human aspect of the Christ a mere appearance.

One of the considerable achievements of this chapter is that Kelly reminds us how close Gnosticism came to winning the day. 'Orthodoxy' conquered in the end by holding fast to the reality of Jesus' two natures according to the primitive apostolic confession, even when the ambiguities inherent in this stance must have seemed inconvenient and troubling. Tertullian was the first theologian seriously to address the relationship that must exist between the two natures, divine and human. He laid down the important premise that both nature must have remained unchanged. As the chapter title suggests, these searchings represent but the beginnings of Christology. Yet they establish the logical parameters and habits of mind that were to endure into the mature phase of the discussion.

Kelly introduces soteriology as that topic about which 'no final and universally accepted definition of the manner of its achievement has been formulated to this day', a rather startling observation in a book that tends to treat creedal consences reached in the first five chapters with something akin to reverence (chapter vii, 'Man and his Redemption', pp. 163-188). By the time of the Apologists, the relationship of Adam and his sin (as the second Adam and his righteousness, Pauline language all of it) to the rest of the human race has become the soteriological locus of attention. Irenaeus--building upon and moving beyond the work of Justin--changed everything by offering a theory of 'recapitulation' that sought to bring the biblical materials into a coherent soteriological system that did more than simply choose a preferred biblical vocabulary of salvation and ignore the rest. Origin saw humanity being offered a 'new start' in the second exemplary Adam of the biblical drama. The theologians Kelly canvas largely emphasized the example of Jesus, mankind's mystical union with the Christ, or even a species of penal substitution without reaching the kind of detailed synthesis that was to become the gift of the Councils when other areas of theology came under their treatment.

When he comes to the topic of ecclesiology, Kelly notes the poles of particularity and universality that came early to the communal instincts of the Christian movement, together with the emergence in second century between a catholic church that maintained the apostolic faith over against multiple heterodoxies, which did not (chapter VIII, 'The Christian Community', pp. 189-220). Fairly early in its life the Church was forced to declare its mind with regard to the orthodox 'sacraments' and the effect of these (or not) that ensued upon their enactment by non-orthodox parties.

Eventually, Christian reflection upon Christ's deity passed the Nicean watershed and attention became focused on new concerns. The road from Nicea to Chalcedon entailed intricate consideration of the two natures of Christ. The 'Christological controversy', it turns out, was not to end in Nicean harmony. Part III of Kelly's work takes up this next stage of Christology in the making.

The Nicene Crisis was set off by Arius' reduction of Christ's status to that of a demigod, in keeping with his insistence that the Father alone is the eternal God in the fullest sense of the phrase (chapter IX, 'The Nicene Crisis', pp. 223-251). Arianism was condemned at Nicea in 325 in an enduring creed that establishes Christ's co-equality and co-eternity with the Father. Talk of Jesus as a creature would henceforth be considered heresy. Yet the creed's statement hardly specifies the manner in which its Christ can be fully human. In terms of Christology, Nicea represents a penultimate consensus. It is worthwhile to linger over Kelly's treatment of Athanasius, the young Egyptian who represents the 'moderate' position of the Nicene party. Athanasius was able to maintain in tension the deity and humanity of Christ in a way that foreshadows the Chalcedonian achievement. Kelly notes the 'battle royal' that the extant literature portrays with regard to the conflict of Sabellians and Arians. Orthodoxy, in the person of Athanasius and the company of the Nicene party, was to steer a course between such extremes and such articulate extremists. Passion, one might surmise, is not enough to generate orthodox belief.

Chapter XI ('Fourth-Century Christology', pp. 280-309) is the book's pivotal chapter. This is so in part because of the critical christological analysis that came to the fore in that century and in part because Kelly's survey of the 'Word-Flesh' (associated with Alexandria) and 'Word-Man' (associated with Antioch) christologies is masterful in its clarity. Nicea did not only settle problems. It created new ones by the brevity of its claims regarding the Son's deity. Critically, Appollinarianism forced the Church to reckon with the two natures of Christ--human and divine--and to struggle in the direction of articulating their relationship. Even so moderate and intuitively acute moderate Alexandrian as Athanasius was unable finally to provide a satisfying description of 'the structure of the Godhead'. Kelly is surely correct to observe that it would fall to the Antiochenes to bring dogma into vital contact with the historical Jesus. They found 'the Alexandrian truncation of Christ's humanity unacceptable and set about developing the vocabulary that would serve the Chalcedonian project of accounting for Christ's two natures. Though Nestorianism lingered over the horizon, Kelly achieves a sympathetic reading of some fathers who would eventually be derided as 'Nestorians before Nestorius' because of their concrete convictions regarding Christ's humanity. This is surely accurate historiography. This chapter augments the reader's comprehension of how orthodoxy was increasingly becoming the ability to hold in tension the christological paradox without caving in the urge to allow the Son's deity or, conversely, his humanity to practically erase the reality of the other.

Between the years 428 and 451, there occurs what Kelly calls 'the decisive period for Christology, viz. the short span between the outbreak of the Nestorian controversy in 428 and the council of Chalcedon in 451' (chapter XII, 'The Christological Settlement', pp. 310-343). In preparing his reader to understand the collision between the 'Word-Flesh' and 'Word-Man' christologies that shaped the anteroom to Chalcedon, the author alerts him to the prevalence of personalities and politics in what would be mistakenly apprehended as a merely abstract and conceptual controversy. Indeed it turns out that Nestorius himself might not have been a 'Nestorian', though it was convenient for his adversaries to concur with the notion that he subscribed to a view of Christ's two natures as essentially distinct and ununited. If this quintessentially Antiochene figure was willfully misunderstood as dividing the two natures, so was Cyril--his erstwhile Alexandrian opponent--somewhat recklessly said to have united the two natures in a way that denied Christ's humanity.

Curiously, the controversy was in part fueled not by a discrete attempt to define the relationship of Christ's 'two natures', but rather by the question of how Christians should refer to Mary. Cyril, the Alexandrian, preferred theotokos ('God-bearing') while the Antiochenes preferred anthropotokos ('man-bearing') or at most christotokos ('Christ-bearing'). Nestorius suspected that theotokos denied Christ real humanity. Cyril saw in Nestorius' preference for anthropotokos a virtual adoptionism via the denial of Christ's real deity.

It is worthwhile to hear Kelly's own appraisal of Cyril's strength, one that emerges from his focus on the 'structure of the Godhead' not in terms of the need to explain the two natures but rather by an almost chronological scheme that attempted to explain the Son's status before and after the incarnation:


Cyril thus envisaged the Incarnate as the divine Word living one earth as very man. Here lay the strength of his position from the religious and soteriological standpoints; the Jesus of history was God Himself in human flesh, living and dying and rising again for men. Understood in this light, his horror of Nestorius's rejection of Theotokos is comprehensible.

Kelly tells us that it was when Cyril came to accept that it was possible to make a distinction between the two natures that did not imply a separation, the Alexandrian bishop found it possible to accomodate a settlement with the moderate Antiochenes, yet not before becoming rather lavish with the anathemas he pronounced upon his eventual partners-in-compromise.

Personalities and politics also shaped the lay of the land subsequent to the Chalcedonian Definition. Dyophysites (on the extreme 'Antiochene' side) and Monophysites (on the 'Alexandrian')--quotes now seem appropriate in the wake of the Definition--continued to denounce the work of Chalcedon. It would fall to future councils to reassert the substance of the Definition with allegedly increased clarity.

Christian faith necessarily stewards and negotiates reflexes with regard to human nature and the human condition that are profoundly optimistic, on the one hand, and deeply pessimistic on the other. It was the fourth and fifth centuries when this paradox came to the fore in Christian thinking (chapter XIII, 'Fallen Man and God's Grace', pp. 344-374). The dominance of the Bible's creation narratives and the Pauline wrestling with the relationship of Adam and his sin to humanity in general supplied the prevalent motifs.

In the West, Ambrose, Ambrosiaster, and Augustine worked towards a theory of original sin that presumed the race's moral solidarity. Mankind was at least contaminated and possibly even culpable in Adam's sin. Augustine's view of the human race as a 'lump of sin' incapable of helping itself without assertive divine interference ran counter to Pelagius' uber-optimistic conviction that human 'free will' could not be obstructed in any real way and was indeed the pivot upon which a person's destiny hinged. Augustine's logic leads inexorably in the direction of a doctrine of predestination, since human intervention is the sine qua non of any redemptive outcome. Augustine, notoriously for both supporters and detractors, followed that logic to its end, arguing that God elected certain individual from eternity past to know the benefits of faith and redemption, passing over other less fortunate souls who nonetheless have no claim upon their Creator for having overlooked them in his salvific movements.

Pelagianism was, in the end, condemned. The evidence suggests that Augustinianism enjoyed a fate somewhat less than universal approbation. On balance, its penetration of the divine and human wills worked more faithfully with the biblical materials than its rather humanistic alternative, though sectors of the church remained and remain reticent about pushing its logic further than the biblical materials themselves appear to warrant. All orthodox positions underscore that salvation is a 'gift', though different sectors parse the implications of this affirmation in diverse fashion.

At the beginning of his chapter on soteriology, Kelly warns his reader that it was not until the twelfth century that the effective of Christ's redemption would receive anything near the definition that the christological controversies demanded of the church's first five centuries (chapter XIV, 'Christ's Saving Work', pp. 375-400). Instead one finds apparently unrelated theories that Kelly argues can and should be viewed as complementary. The notion of recapitulation--presented by the apostle Paul and developed by Irenaeus--is in Kelly's approach the thread that unites the evident disparity. In discussing physical, mystical, and realistic theories of redemption, the author is particularly attentive to how 'ransom' notions work themselves out in terms of who pays the price, who receives the price, and how exactly the liberation of the ransomed is made effective. Augustine steps for the bearer of a mind capable of uniting the diverse forms of conversation about redemption into the closest thing to a unified theory of redemption that the church of the first millennium would produce.

In all of this struggling to know its mind, the Church had necessarily to establish its own identity. Who merited full inclusion in the great conversation, and on what basis? To whom was full fellowship to be extended and from whom withheld? Though the answers to these questions were for some time held to be implicit, they would be articulated with relationship with the Constantinopolitan Creed in terms of four adjectives: 'one', 'holy', 'Catholic', and 'apostolic' (chapter XV, 'Christ's Mystical Body', pp. 401-421). Because these terms are as much theological as sociological, the proper relationship of the human assembly known as the church--in all its far-flung corners--to Christ himself would come in for intense discussion. This reviewer finds Kelly to be a particularly useful guide with regard to Rome's emergence to preeminence, a prerogative whose merits were not always and entirely clear to all parties.

In chapter XVI ('The Later Doctrine of the Sacraments', pp. 422-455), Kelly portrays the church wrestling with the role of the priest, of the medium, and of the believing recipient in the gradually emerging collection of sacraments. True to form, Kelly wisely indicates the role of the restoration (or not) of Christians who had lapsed under persecution in driving forward the definition of the sacraments, by what criteria they can be assumed to function, and upon whom they should be conferred.

Somewhat unexpectedly, the author's 'Part Four'--entitled 'Epilogue'--contains just two chapters, one on 'The Christian Hope' (chapter XVII, pp. 439-489) and the other on 'Mary and the Saints' (chapter XVIII, pp. 490-499). Several turns of phrase in these two chapters encourage the view that these subjects fall into an 'epilogue' as much because the author was able to come to them only lately as because they are afterthoughts in the development of early Christian dogma.

In his consideration of eschatology, Kelly surveys the twin elements of the apostolic teaching that forever consign Christian thought to managing the tension between the once-and-for-all 'nowness' of a new kingdom, on the one hand, and the expectation of a spectacular consummation at the end of ordinary time, as another. Along other lines, the early church struggled with the nature of resurrection. Was it chiefly a corporate experience or, rather, did it represent the endpoint of individual human existence and its entrance or even release into the world to come? Is the nature of the resurrected body identical with that of what we know in this world's experience or, alternatively, is resurrection metaphorical of the eternality of the soul or is the human body as we know it susceptible to a transformation that requires continuity with present experience in the light of an intensified or glorified extension of it?

Does prophetic and apostolic expectation merge with the famous twentieth chapter of John's revelation in a way that constructs a chiliastic or millenarian hope, or is this vision rather to be construed as a picturesque representation of the church's experience in this age.

Finally, is the blessing of the life to come representative of a perfect contemplation of God or will we yet see through a glass darkly, even if (much) less darkly?

From the perspective of this reviewer, none of these considerations ought from either a historical or a theological viewpoint be consigned to marginal status, and so it is advisable to read this chapter of Kelley's work without undue attention to its label.

Finally, the author takes account of the natural preoccupation of the early church with honoring the mother of its Lord. Defining the nature and duration of her virginity may seem a colossally unfathomable preoccupation to moderns but was arguably a natural sidebar to the reverential instinct. Signs of a cult of Mary are evident, if just, by the third century. Yet the orthodox Church's respect for the person some would both describe and address as theotokos was restrained by the gospel's own witness to her need for correction by her beloved son.

It is difficult to assess a work like this in a few words. One attempt to do so finds recourse to the word 'classic' to characterize the enduring power of Kelly's synopsis of a body of material that easily overwhelms a lesser student. This reviewer has no hesitation in doing so.

Early Christian Doctrines is perhaps the finest such synopsis to see the light in the last century. That it is read still by historians and theology students is testament not to some preternatural ability to anticipate academic development since its first publication, but rather to a uniquely masterful statement of what we knew not so long ago that somehow still stands as an adequate point of departure a half century hence.

Kelly's treatment of the first few centuries is an outstanding work and a rightfully a standard in the field but THIS PRINTING IS TRASHY (hence 4 stars rather than 5). The paper is of ultra low grade quality and the binding is pretty crummy also. You are much better off buying the more recent printing by Prince Press.

`Early Christian Doctrines' by J. N. D. Kelly was my textbook for a course of the same name in 1964, over 40 years ago, when our Philosophy Department thought it could not assemble a large enough class for Medieval Philosophy. The joke was on them, because the class came to but three students, two Philosophy majors (myself and a classmate) and a `heretic' who was clear about the fact that he was taking the class to support arguments for his specifically anti-Christian point of view. I am not really qualified to address this book as an historian, and I could address it as a general scholar and from a philosophical point of view (which I will to some extent), but I really wish to present the book to this third fellow in our class, and to the opposite camp, extreme Christian conservatives.

For starters, I am really impressed that this unassuming book is still in print and going strong. The fact that it has gone through a number of editions and revisions says a lot about the value of the book even before you crack the spine. From the point of view of the casual scholar who may not read scholarly books for a living, I find the book just a bit weak in its layout. To the inveterate reader of bibliographies (me, for example), I find a weak presentation of very brief and cryptic scholarese references in the back of each chapter, and no general bibliography at the end of the book. This is unfortunate to those who would like, for example, to find out more about the major players in the first five centuries of Christian doctrinal development. Most people have some notion of St. Augustine, but most people don't have a clue as to when and where in history Origen, Arius, Eusebius, and Irenaeus, among a cast of hundreds, lived, worked and wrote. The author is basically speaking to an audience who knows the careers of these figures well, at least as far as we can know them from this far remove.

But none of this really detracts from the overall value of the book to the average intelligent reader. The overall impression one gets very early on is the notion that for almost 200 years after Christ, the body of documents, the foundation of the modern New Testament, and even the exact composition of the Old Testament inherited from Judaism, was not firmly defined. This is in sharp contrast to, for example, the Koran, the foundation of Islam, which was written by a single individual within a single lifetime and, to my limited knowledge, has undergone very little modification. The problem faced here is how to reconcile the character of Christian doctrine as revealed by God when the plain physical fact is that it took 250 years to decide from a larger body of writings, which were `holy' and which were not! And that doesn't even start to get into the problem of translations from Greek and Hebrew to Western European languages! What I take from the author's very scholarly point of view of this issue is that this is not at all a difficult problem. Selection, translation, and interpretation may be difficult, but the nature of faith plus a bit of understanding makes it all quite understandable. The written documents are human artifacts and no matter how much divine inspiration had a hand in the conception, it was still a fallible human who put pen to papyrus or sheepskin and put thoughts into a poorly standardized natural language.

I will not deal with the problems of translation, as Kelly's book is not about archeology or philology. For this, check out `Things a Computer Scientist Rarely Talks About' by the distinguished computer scientist, Donald E. Knuth. Rather, Kelly's main interest is in the interpretation of these documents by the early church fathers.

For those fundamentalists who are inclined to take every word of their Bible translation at `face value', it may be surprising to discover that some of the most important makers of `Early Christian Doctrines' including the great St. Augustine, were very definitely interpreting New Testament writings to explain things which, on the face of it, seemed either bizarre or utterly simple. Some of the very earliest writings even went so far as to interpret some statements with allegorical meanings.

This being said, we should also be reassured that this interpretation was often done within very carefully prescribed limits, threading the needle between the excesses of Gnosticism and the oversimplifications of Arianism. I for one am really quite surprised to see that there was a quasi-Christian sect, the Gnostics, who had an interpretation which looked remarkably like the old Greek and Roman myths. But, even 1000 years before it was promulgated, the mainstream church fathers seemed to follow the principle of Occam's razor, paraphrased by Albert Einstein, which said that doctrines need to be just as complicated as need be, but no more complicated!

For those who thing the interpretation of 2000 - 4000 year old documents which became our Bible is an uninteresting pursuit fit only for scholars, you only need to look at the abomination to which Biblical literalism can be put in nominally political works such as Ann Coulter's book `Godless'.

My main object in reviewing this book was less scholarly than it was to bring this book's point of view into the radar of the average well-informed reader who needs to evaluate statements seemingly based on scripture.

Professor Kelly has served us well over the years!

I purchased this book because I was told by the most reliable scholars that is this is the classic must read! They were correct.

"Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion Of Europe, 900-1900"
by Alfred W. Crosby. Cambridge University Press, 1986.
The implication of this book's theory is that the Europeans succeeded in the "New" World due to the imperialistic strength of European flora and fauna. European cattle and European horses conquered the plains of both North America and Argentina, making them "neo-Europes". When Columbus introduced the pig, (either inadvertently or consciously), he knew that that the porcine animal species would "conquer" their local environment. The author's excellent writing follows this theme throughout his book, but, in my opinion, he spends too much time on New Zealand ... pages 217 to 268.

Yet, if the author's thesis is correct, the book becomes a disparaging comment on human efforts. For example, compare the Pilgrims' landing in 1620 with the landing of Hernando De Cortez (1485-1547) at Vera Cruz in 1519. The Pilgrims snuck ashore, onto that Rock in Plymouth, on a cold winter's day. There was no one to meet them, as the locals (or "indigenes" as Crosby likes to call them) had all been killed off by strange and new diseases. The diseases were probably brought over by Englishmen; otherwise where did Squanto, the Indian chief, learn his rudimentary English? (Just as my aside, if the Scots, who first settled in Ulster, Ireland and then came to North America, are known as Scots-Irish, why weren't the Pilgrims known as "Anglo-Dutch"?)

In February 1519, more than a century before the Pilgrims, Hernando De Cortez landed at the Rich Villa of the Holy Cross, Vera Cruz, with some 500-600 men, to face not thousands, but hundreds of thousands. To instill courage in his men, Cortez burnt his boats. The Spanish had to go forward and they conquered an empire. On the other hand the Pilgrims occupied a dead village. In both cases, European diseases were the deciding factor, but the achievement of either group was entirely different. Crosby's book treats them as if they were equal.

I believe that Alfred W. Crosby has hit on something that bears further investigation. In the late summer of 2004, I attended a wedding in Slovenia. As we drove through Germany, I noticed goldenrod by the sides of the corn fields. I asked and I was told that goldenrod was introduced as a flowering plant but was not doing so well in Europe. I wonder if Crosby's thesis was borne out by the lack of success of goldenrod ...and other American plants? Don't get me wrong: since I am allergic to goldenrod, I am happy it was NOT successful in German farm fields, but why?

Crosby brought up an argument that I've never heard before - and argued it quite well. This book has a wealth of well-researched information that documents the ecological dominance of nations that underwent neolithic developments over those that did not. He also is very careful to demonstrate his technical knowledge while at the same time making the book accessible to all students of history. Loved it.

The most impressive and pleasant aspect of this new approach to world history is the non-anthropocentric perspective Crosby adopts. He tells the story of the expansion of a tightly connected group of European organisms, which includes humans alongside with other domesticated animals, crops, weeds, viruses and bacteria.

The book shows that humans were the leading elements in this great expansion beyond Europe and across the oceans - but they would not have managed to successfully invade, occupy and dominate vast areas of the planet such as America, Australia and New Zealand if they had not been supported by a powerful combination of fauna, flora and germs. In fact, often enough these supporting organisms even took the lead in making the "new-found" territories hospitable for Europeans. Once they had arrived to faraway lands with similar climatic conditions as Europe - but with much less people, germs, domesticated animals and plants - the horses, pigs, cows, sheep, bees, rats, weeds and endemic diseases carried by European vessels began spreading quickly in these totally unexposed areas, and thrived mainly by destroying the native organisms.

Another important point developed by Crosby is that this apparently aggressive invasion and occupation of other continents was actually the consequence of a long process started many thousands of generations before, and of which Europeans were totally unaware. They were simply the ones most prepared and willing to cross unknown oceans (in fact, for centuries they had to painfully learn all about winds and currents - for which many a vessel with all its human and non-human crew had to be sacrificed) and settle down many 1000 of kilometres away from their original home, because the "old continent" had become overpopulated, deforested and overgrazed. Their "ecological imperialism" was in the end part of their struggle to survive and reproduce (to the disadvantage of other human and non-human organisms).

Thus, Crosby urges his readers to think of this propagation of certain humans and their accompanying flora, fauna and germs in detriment of others as a natural phenomenon. In fact, he often compares the European ecological expansion with an "avalanche" or a "bursting dam", i.e., something that had to inevitably happen given the circumstances. In this scenario, it becomes clear that these organisms were vehicles for a great "biological revolution" (in the words of the author), where humans were the spearhead of the movement - but hardly the all-knowing, dominant, free agents they mostly imagine(d) themselves to be.

Book Review: "Ecological Imperialism"
In his book, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900, Alfred W. Crosby investigates the roots of European domination over the western world. He calls the places where early Europeans settled "Neo-Europes" with special emphasis on North and South America , Australia , and New Zealand . In his prologue he ponders whether Europeans dominated their environment and other cultures because of their technology, or whether the consistent "success of European imperialism has a biological, [and] an ecological, component.". Crosby 's thesis is that Europeans were successful imperialists because wherever they went their agriculture and animals thrived; and the indigenous populations and local ecosystems collapsed under their biological advance.
Crosby begins at the beginning, discussing the one big continent, Pangaea, supposed to have existed in pre-history and the slow development of life forms other than reptilian, in particular Homo sapiens. The break up of Pangaea (this hypothetical super-continent) caused the "the decentralization of the process of evolution," that is, when the land cracked apart flora and fauna were spilt between the newly created continents. That continental split is the reason similar species are found in Europe and North America.
Eventually Crosby brings the reader up to the end of the Ice Age. Ten thousand years ago humans were exploring the islands of the Eastern Atlantic including Australia . Once on these islands humans domesticated plants, piled up mounds of garbage, spread disease, and hunted animals into extinction. Normally the despoilment of indigenous flora and fauna occurs over tens of thousands of years. In locations where humans arrived with mature hunting skills a sudden extinction of local plant and animal life occurred. These sudden prehistoric, or Pleistocene, overkills were the first concentrated impact humans had on virgin ecosystems.
The virgin ecosystem of Porto Santo Island was the destination of Portuguese settlers during the 1400s. Porto Santo Island was completely uninhabited and filled with untouched flora and fauna. One Portuguese ship captain brought a mother rabbit and her babies to the island. The rabbits loved Porto Santo and thrived in the island environment. So much so that soon the settlers were blasting away at the rabbits in an attempt to exterminate the entire local rabbit population. It seems the rabbits could not determine the difference between the crops meant for human consumption and the crops meant for bunny consumption. The rabbits won in this instance and for a time the settlers moved elsewhere, "defeated by their own ecological ignorance."
The experience of Spanish invaders in the Canaries showed them that no matter where they went, even if they could not out-fight their opponents, Europeans could dominate their enemies anyway. "In all these [new] places, the newcomers would conquer the human populations and Europeanize entire ecosystems." The Spanish learned from their experiences in the Canaries that their livestock and crops would succeed in these new environments; they also learned they could easily defeat the local natives without traditional warfare. The various "plagues" and "sleeping sicknesses," which the Spanish called peste and modorra, killed off and weakened natives who had no natural immunity to ailments common to the Spanish. In essence, sore throats and colds were the winning weapons of the conquerors; it was the flu that subjugated the Canaries.
The unfortunate natives of the Canary Islands , the Guanches, did not survive their meeting with the Spanish sailors. These previously isolated people died rapidly from dysentery, pneumonia, and venereal disease. According to Crosby "few experiences are as dangerous to a people's survival as the passage from isolation to membership in the worldwide community that included European sailors, soldiers, and settlers." When the Spanish conquered the Canaries the Guanches lost their land and therefore their livelihood. Some Guanches joined the Spanish army and went to fight in the Americas ; the Spanish sold others into slavery. The majority of Guanches however died of disease and the entire population became extinct.
Unlike the Guanches of the Canaries, the Maoris of New Zealand did survive despite great odds. When invaded by Europeans the Maoris assumed they would become extinct. European rats annihilated the Maori rat, an animal that was a food staple for the natives. The Maori fly might have help ward off the incursion of sheep that quickly destroyed the local flora, but invading European houseflies wiped out the local flies. Clover took over where ferns had been, and the Maori waited for their own extinction. The Maori population hit bottom in 1890 but then began a mysterious recovery and 280,000 people claim to be Maori by 1981.
In the 1500s Europeans arrived in the Americas with horses, technology (weapons), domesticated plants (crops), farm animals, germs, insects, diseases, weeds, and varmints. The garbage piled up by farmers encouraged varmint populations (mainly mice and rats) which spread disease and attacked human food supplies. Crosby devoted an entire chapter to the spread of weeds around the world. Weeds are not specific plants. "Weed" is a general term applied to a plant that spreads rapidly and encroaches on other plants. The study of where specific weeds appeared and when, aids in tracking population movements. The weeds brought by Europeans were actually another unintentional imperial victory. Weeds repaired damaged top soils and provided feed for livestock. " Rye and oats were once weeds." "Weeds are the Red Cross of the plant world; they deal with ecological emergencies." "Weeds thrive on radical change, not stability. That, in the abstract, is the reason for the triumph of European weeds in the Neo-Europes..." Weeds were resilient and thrived in soils laid bare by European plows, and damaged by drastically altered ecosystems.
European populations exploded in the Americas and Australia . What distinguished these Neo-Europes were the large food surpluses they generated. Neo-Europes led the world in food production "relative to the amount locally consumed." Other cultures actually produced more food per capita and per hectare, but the Neo-Europes exported more food than any other society. Especially successful exports from Neo-Europes were wheat, soybeans, pig products, and beef. Europeans consistently chose to settle in temperate climates where their animals and crops thrived. This was prudent and logical, it would have made no sense for Europeans to settle in torrid climates where their livestock would have suffered, and their favorite crops could not be grown.
The wind also aided European imperialists. When faced with strong winds the Portuguese marinheiros, true sailors, did not turn around and go home or sit sail-less in the water until the winds changed. Marinheiros would "sail around the wind." Sailors would tack close enough to the contrary wind to keep moving and then find a wind that they could use to continue their course. The Portuguese who perfected this "crabwise slide" called it the volta do mar, literally "going back to the sea." This understanding of winds allowed marinheiros to sail out on trade winds and back home on the westerlies.
Smallpox was the big killer of the Aztecs and the Incas in Peru ; the Huron and Iroquois in Mexico ; and the Amerindians of the United States . Crosby claims the victories of the Conquistadors over the Amerindians were "in large part the triumphs of the virus of smallpox." Besides smallpox Europeans brought dysentery and influenza; those epidemics killed almost the whole indigenous population of North America . In effect, the domination over ecology and culture by European invaders was more of a biological accident, than a well-executed military takeover.
Virgin soil epidemics spread through populations who had no prior contact with European diseases. These populations had no immunity to protect them. Virgin soil epidemics had many dramatic consequences. First, the epidemics effectively committed genocide, killing entire populations of native people around the world. Second, certain diseases (measles, influenza, tuberculosis) effected people fifteen to forty years of age more than others. These young adults were responsible for most of the labor involved in supplying food, procreation, raising children, and defending the society. The third and fourth effects of virgin soil epidemics were cultural optimism on the part of the conquerors, and cultural fatalism on the part of the conquered. When Europeans arrived and slew their rivals without raising a sword they believed that God must be on their side and this belief affirmed the rightness of their imperialistic actions. When the indigenous people died by the hoard from mysterious ailments they developed a fatalistic view of their own destiny and supposed the white man's Gods were the more powerful.
Ecological Imperialism is interesting, occasionally humorous, and easy to read. Crosby accomplishes his goal of writing a big book. This author presents a convincing and encompassing explanation for the incredible success of European imperialists. The book leaves the reader with more questions. How aggressively imperialistic were the original conquerors if all they had to do was show up and their opponents fell to the wayside? Crosby argues convincingly that Europeans were triumphant because the places they chose to conquer had ecosystems and indigenous populations that surrendered to the biology of the invaders.

Alfred Crosby is widely credited for popularising the ecological dimension of the history of imperial expansion. For this reason, and perhaps this reason alone, his book is worth a read.

The book, first published in 1986, revolutionised the way we think about European imperial expansion into the New World. How a few hundred disoriented Europeans armed with spears and misfiring guns managed to overwhelm entire Inca and Aztec civilisations in the early sixteenth century, for example. Crosby convincingly casts aside traditional political or military explanations by attributing the astonishing Portuguese and Spanish victories to bacteriology: how diseases such as smallpox and measles that the Europeans unwittingly carried with them wiped out thousands of New World inhabitants, severely crippling their defences.

The larger point that Crosby drives across is a profound one. Historical events - in this case, European expansion and imperialism - can be explained predominantly by ecological factors. In the clash of `biotas' between the Old and the New World, the Old World won. Convincingly. Hence the presence not just of Europeans in the Americas, but also of pigs and dandelions. According to this thesis, ecology shaped European expansion; creating `Neo-Europes' in the New World that facilitated European migration, precipitating the `Caucasian wave' from the 1820s to the 1930s. Unlike in most other histories, in Crosby's ecological history, humans form the backdrop and inexorable ecological forces take centre-stage.

Refreshing as this perspective is, the way that Crosby has rendered it is problematic in on a number of accounts. By excluding humans from the picture; or at best relegating human developments to the sidelines, Crosby emerges with a dangerously reductive picture of historical development. Deterministic ecological explanations cannot alone account for European expansion - after all, we must not forget that the first European transoceanic voyages were motivated by curiosity rather than necessity. More problematic is the book's implicit assumption that ecological influence was unidirectional. In concentrating on explicating the Old World's ecological victory over the New, Crosby neglects to examine the influence that New World ecology had on the Old.

Nonetheless, Crosby's work remains a landmark study that deserves a read. Moreover, it packs a punch as a piece of writing - its lucid narratives and provocative assertions laid out with the bold and elegant strokes of a master-artist. Yet Crosby's work is also increasingly a dated study that has been qualified over and over by new works in the field, or in the related field of environmental history. Those interested in the subject should by no means stop at Crosby's book.

I have really enjoyed reading this book. I have been interested in Feng Shui for years but could never find a book that defined it so well as this one does. She set me straight about the differences in Feng Shui practices and how to use intention along with techniques. Great book with no confusion!
Kristi

I hardly knew about Feng Shui before I read this book--Plus, I really was not interested--so I guess I was a skeptic. A friend gave me the book for Christmas. And though I still am a skeptic to a degree, Alizay seems to describe Feng Shui in a way that I found surprisingly charming and easy to understand. I have tried a couple of her suggestions and I have been rather amazed. I had results! I am still not a complete convert, but the book is enjoyable to read, well-written, and worth the time investment for anyone to finally "get" a bit of comprehension on what this Feng Shui "frenzy" is all about.

I have purchased several books in the pursuit of understanding and applying feng shui to my home. After all, I know that I feel better in rooms that are uncluttered and clean per basic feng shui principles. Therefore I hoped to dig deeper into feng shui applications to discover how to increase the sense of peace and comfort into my home.

This is the book that I needed to make sense of the other books that I own, although this book could just as easily stand on its own. Gabrielle Alizay has a simple, straightforward, and down-to-earth style of writing. She imparts her knowledge in an easily accessible manner and encourages readers to make the art of feng shui "their own." She doesn't bog readers down esoteric mumbo jumbo, but explains how gain positive results by personalizing things within one's own belief system.

Feng shui is not some mysterious religion, but rather a science of symbols and their effect on our subconscious mind. This was the book that cleared the confusion of feng shui and made it easy to understand how to put it into practice. When reading other books on feng shui, I use "Feng Shui for the Rest of Us" as a sort of feng shui encyclopedia or reference guide. But, if I could only keep one book on feng shui, this one would be it.

Super easy to read! Humorous and fun. Alizay un-mystifies a foreign mystery . One that will help direct our lives onto a better path. Tibetan Black Hat Feng Shui is much less complicated than the Chinese compass version. It is much more forgiving as long your actions are done with intent. This book gives real world examples and understand that we dont live in a perfect world- otherwise there would be no need for Feng Shui anyway. So far i have been very please with the book and the results. If nothing else, it has made me take a closer look at how i am living, my surroundings and what they say about me and why.

As of Jan 2007 all but three reviews of this book were made in November 2005. They read like they were written by the same person to me.

My husband and I bought this book when we heard it mentioned in a sermon. We have been very blessed by the insight that is helping us to look at ourselves and the way we communicate with each other. It helps you to realize what you've been carrying that has nothing to do with present-day relationships. It also challenges you to look at yourself the way God does. It is teaching us to re-assess our worth through God's eyes. Excellent book!

Great book to help you understand why you are the way you are.
Really helped me a lot.

As a pastor and spiritual director, I've been using this book as a regular give-away to believers when it becomes obvious that they are stuck - some old wound is yet hindering them from normal spiritual growth in Christ. Having ministered among Native People for several years, as well as those dealing with addictions (even as Christians), I found the truths and principles Dr. Seamands expounds on very beneficial in truly helping people heal from their past emotional wounds, and the memories of them, and then be able to progress in spiritual development. I believe our churches have many folks sitting in the pews, Sunday after Sunday, with serious pain from their past adversely affecting their present ability to relate freely to Christ, or to others in relationships. Until we understand this, and how Christ can work through us as "ministers" by his healing grace to nullify the effects of debilitating memories, we will continue to see believers spiritually 'stuck', stagnated in their growth.
Dr. Seamand's book HEALING OF MEMORIES (now titled, REDEEMING THE PAST: RECOVERING FROM MEMORIES THAT CAUSE OUR PAIN), builds on HEALING DAMAGED EMOTIONS by going, in detail, into the process of ministering healing to those with painful, debilitating memories. Every pastor who counsels should understand how to help believers in this way!

I have read this book twice and given it to many friends and the responses are always the same. We need to understand the priciples is this book and apply them in our lives. None of us are exempt at some time or other in our lives from the issues discussed.

This is one of the best books I've read in a long time. It pointed out to me that I've been looking at myself through different mirrors, and I haven't been seeing myself the way God sees me. Instead of placing more guilt on ourselves, David Seamand identifies the lies and misperceptions that we've been taught over the years and encourages us to break free from the bondage of those misperceptions. This is a book that every Christian should read.

This book is about a hot bed of baketball in inner N.Y.C. namely Bklyn in the mid 70's When the King wasn't called Lebron James, but King Albert (Albert King) averaging 44 a game in H.S. he was hailed & christianed the greatest ever to come out of New York City (although his pro career did not live up to the billing Albert & brother Bernard will always be fondly remembered). This book is about Albert and his come up through Bedstuy and so forth. It also gives you an inside look at some of BK'S playground legends circa 1970's and some of their tragic downfalls. The best N.Y.C. ball-book ever written will always be "The City Game" by Pete Axthlem, but this is a close 2nd.

Rick Telander brings all together all the great themes of basketball in this unforgettable book. He stays true to the sport and never strays too far from it (or its many characters). With great books, readers say they never want to see the characters potrayed in the movie because it will never live up to the image/character they've envisioned. In "Heaven Is A Playground", I never want to see Fly Williams or Albert King play ball because I'd rather keep the court wizardry, provided by Telander, permanently embedded in my brain.

This is the best book on basketball I've ever read. First read it when I was a kid in the late '70's, and it still rings as true today. Just about the best sportswriting ever.

I read this book around '93, just after having read the "white version" in both Larry Bird's biography and autobiography. What was interesting was these two very similar yet distinct experiences and how they related to my own experience, growing up it what would seem like a very safe and socially adjusted rural town.

Heaven is a Playground was a departure for me in to a world where basketball had the utmost symbolic and cultural meaning - where legends were born and died and everybody else was willing to take the gamble. Was basketball more a sacrifice of a better future (missing school) or a one shot escape from certain poverty? Telander would probably argue the latter. What I found interesting was that only a few of the characters in the story actually had the potential for professional basketball, yet all the other young men seemed (unconsciously) willing to sacrifice their own futures for those players. Not so much blinded by their dreams they were living them.

Certainly some other reviewers have me beat in the department of basketball-related literature, but I count "Heaven Is A Playground" amongst the many social science books that I have read. And indeed, it matches up quite well with the best reads of the past few decades. On the surface, the book seems to be about inner-city basketball, but within the pages, it is a complete dissection of the (one segment) inner city African-American man.

The amazing book "Tally's Corner" managed the same feat in its analysis of street corner men. Both have achieved great feats with their respective works. For basketball fans like myself, "Heaven Is A Playground" not only reads as great/sad/true/mystifying social commentary, but also as plain sports entertainment. Rick Telander, as a sports writer, was really able to hit home with the writing, really giving readers a feel of the 1970s game - which has many similarities and differences to the game of today.

Another great aspect of the book is that it reads as if you there. Telander makes only the necessary analysis in the pages about what went on, and basically leaves the facts as they are. The book could have easily become a textbook lesson on sociological concepts, a lofty preaching on the ills of inner city life, or a rambling 200+ page play-by-play. Fortunately, the easy going style of writing is great journalism. Telander's style fit me well.

Thanks Rick for a great read.

Its been over 10 years since i read this book and i still to this day remember the characters names, what the book is about and no i dont own a copy of it yet... for the life of me i could not remember the title of the book or who wrote it... but i did reconize the cover instantly! thats just the type of impact that a book like this can have on a person....

This is a wonderful book if you like to babysit. I love this book. I read this book years ago and then I bought it on Amazon.com and My son, daughter and there friends have read it. It is a good book. What I like about it was that Scott helped her and he stuck with her..Read it to undestand what I mean.

I read "I Won't Let Them Hurt You" and I thought it was a wonderful book. This story is about a girl named Katie who was babysitting a little boy in order to get money to buy a dress for her school dance. In the beginning, when I found out that Justin was being abused, I thought it was his father. Later on in the story, I continued to think that it was the father who was beating his child, Justin. Katie, the babysitter had seen bruises on Justin everytime she went to babysit him. Her date for the dance was Scott. Scott's mother was involved with children who get abused and she helped Katie out. Katie had felt very guilty about telling Scott's mother about Justin's problem. I could understand how she felt telling because it made her lose her job and it also made Justin's mother upset. Scott's mother had Katie speak to someone about Justin's problem. Later on, Katie spoke to Justin's mom about Justin's situation and found out that it was Justin's mom who was abusing him. It came as a real surprise to me that it was Justin's mom because all along they lead me to believe that it was his father. Justin's parents then had to go to a class each week about abusing your child and how it was wrong to do so. I thought that it was wonderful how Justin's mom was going to go get help because she really needed it. I enjoyed reading this book a lot and would definitely recommend it.

I think this book was one of the best books I ever read. I gave it 5 stars because it was suspenseful, exciting, and informational on child abuse. It was about a girl named Katie, who started baby sitting this little boy, Justin. She started noticing cuts and bruises on the little boy and was getting worried that something was wrong. She thought that Justin's father abuses him. She didn't want to tell anyone what she suspected because would anyone believe her? If you read this book you should look forward to a surprising ending! I recommend this book to readers of all ages. Have fun reading!!!

I Won't Let Them Hurt You is a great book.I found this book easy to read; I didn't want to stop. Some books drone on and on, but this one keeps your attention. I rated this book 5 stars because it had a great story. This book is about a babysitter who thinks that the child is being abused by his father. She is very worried about him and will do anything for him. Katie doesn't want to believe that his parents would do something like that. Be prepared for a surprise ending. If you decide to read this book, get comfortable. You won't want to stop reading. I recommend this book to kids of all ages. This story can be very influencial to some. I hope you enjoy this book.