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Easy readReview Date: 2001-03-29
Good overview & pictorialReview Date: 2003-03-30

Used price: $22.48

add 14 october to your list of new holidaysReview Date: 2007-02-27
Climax of the Viking AgeReview Date: 2000-08-21

It worked quite wellReview Date: 2003-03-19
Brilliant guide to organising short breaksReview Date: 1999-01-03
However, it may need to be updated since now over five years old.


A Welcome Addition to the LiteratureReview Date: 2003-02-08
Before Beveridge is a welcome addition to the literature about welfare before the state intervened in Britain. Contrary to the establishment history books which used to argue that the benevolent state stepped into a welfare vacuum, a number of studies have challenged this claim with books and scholarly articles demonstrating that the working classes were more than capable of providing education and welfare for their families by themselves as individuals and in groups long before the administrative machine moved in.
In this slim volume it seems that the editor and the staff at the IEA Health and Welfare Unit have rather abdicated the case for individual enterprise in welfare provision to those authors who put forward the view that in reality this provision was available to a select number of the working classes and the unorganised and the poor were not able to avail themselves of the opportunity. The so-called liberals appear to stand aside in the face of the attack and do not attempt to join battle with those propositions. I find the papers of Whiteside, Harris, Vincent and Thane to be particularly well researched and argued as well as persuasive given the paucity of David Green's paper especially.
The weakness of the writers who suggest that there was indeed a need for the intervention of the state in bringing welfare provision to the neediest in British society is the determination to overlook the evidence that many of the disenfranchised working classes who did not belong to either friendly societies or trades unions were determined to provide education for their children regardless of their personal circumstances. The fact that individuals of limited means were capable of identifying, by themselves, often without any education of their own, options for the betterment of their children over the longer term and were prepared to forego current onsumption to pay for it speaks volumes which significantly undermines the position supporting the need for state involvement.
This is a very thought provoking book which adds substantially to the lierature and which colours the debate about welfare provision more vividly than before. I would heartily recommend the book to sixth form and college students of history and social policy as well as practitioners of the black arts of social policy and policy-makers in general.
A welcome addition to the literatureReview Date: 2003-02-03
Before beveridge is a welcome addition to the literature about welfare before the state intervened in Britain. Contrary to the establishment history books which used to argue that the benevolent state stepped into a welfare vacuum, a number of studies have challenged this claim with books and scholarly articles demonstrating that the working classes were more than capable of providing education and welfare for their families by themselves as individuals and in groups long before the administrative machine moved in.
In this slim volume it seems that the editor and the staff at the IEA Health and Welfare Unit have rather abdicated the case for individual enterprise in welfare provision to those authors who put forward the view that in reality this provision was available to a select number of the working classes and the unorganised and the poor were not able to avail themselves of the opportunity. The so-called liberals appear to stand aside in the face of the attack and do not attempt to join battle with those propositions. I find the papers of Whiteside, Harris, Vincent and Thane to be particularly well researched and argued as well as persuasive given the paucity of David Green's paper especially.
The weakness of the writers who suggest that there was indeed a need for the intervention of the state in bringing welfare provision to the neediest in British society is the determination to overlook the evidence that many of the disenfranchised working classes who did not belong to either friendly societies or trades unions were determined to provide education for their children regardless of their personal circumstances. The fact that individuals of limited means were capable of identifying, by themselves, often without any education of their own, options for the betterment of their children over the longer term and were prepared to forego current onsumption to pay for it speaks volumes which significantly undermines the position supporting the need for state involvement.
This is a very thought provoking book which adds substantially to the lierature and which colours the debate about welfare provision more vividly than before. I would heartily recommend the book to sixth form and college students of history and social policy as well as practitioners of the black arts of social policy and policy-makers in general.


Being BilingualReview Date: 2001-07-28
An accessible approach to bilingualism.Review Date: 2001-07-27
There are lovely pictures and cartoons in the book so I was even able to share the book with my three year old son. Thank you Safder for a lovely and helpful book.

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Essential but not easy or pleasant reading.Review Date: 2001-02-19
An leabhar is fearr ar an drochshaol - riamh!Review Date: 1999-05-14

Land Rights and LaReview Date: 2000-10-04
George Kosmo
Law Students - You Must Buy This BookReview Date: 2003-08-27
While this dictionary gives only a superficial treatment to legal terms, oftentimes that's all you need. Throughout law school you'll constantly be reading cases and law review articles and coming across words or phrases you've never heard of before. Black's explains them quickly and precisely. This book is really an investment in your legal future.

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extensive and non-biased studyReview Date: 2004-02-29
Emphasis is on developments in the legal system and relationship between multiple religious institutions and political parties during and after the Restoration period.
One extended quote from the book might give you a flavor of the level of scholarship and insights this book will offer.
"The medieval and Tudor view of the dispensing power was premised on the distinction between malum prohibitum (a prohibited evil) and malum per se (an evil in itself). The distinction was essentially medieval, and the foundation was divine law and/or natural law. Restrictions considered man-made (malum prohibitum) could be dispensed with. Restrictions that were thought to have been authored by God or Nature (malum per se) were not to be dispensed with. These distinctions permeated both the secular and the ecclesiastical structures of the medieval worlds. The Tudor era, especially after the English Reformation, saw the gradual secularization of the political and legal thought and the gradual erosion of the distinction , because the whole conception of divine and natural law was one of the victims of the new age of science and its concomitant mechanical laws of nature, which were coming to the fore in the seventeenth century. One result of the pre-1640 struggle for sovereignty and the constitutional struggle of the Puritan Revolution itself has bee the triumph of the principle that sovereign power was identical with the lawmaking, or legislative, power. Neither the Long Parliament or Protectorate felt any divine or natural limitation upon their ultimate freedom to exercise total legislative authority. The lesson of the Restoration had been that the supreme or sovereign legislative authority did exist in the English state, and that it existed in the triple-headed institution of the King-in-Parliament. The problem was very complex. Because if the king-in-Parliament can make or unmake any and all laws, then there is no longer any practical distinction between the malum prohibitum and malum per se. All laws are merely malum prohibitum. The state is supreme, not God or Nature. The result is that the king could now feel free, at least in theory, to dispense with any law, while those who might oppose his particular use of this power ... would be thrown back upon the old medieval distinction between the human and the divine. English constitutional development was to be unique in seventeen-century Europe in that these same intellectual tendencies on the Continent were indeed leading to just this justification for royal absolutism, while in England the struggle for power between the king and Parliament would continue unabated ..."
the finest book on the subjectReview Date: 1998-07-24

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A truly cool dude!!Review Date: 2005-02-22
Covers fifty years of playing British bluesReview Date: 2004-09-08

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The best historic resourceReview Date: 2008-07-02
Nothing to flushReview Date: 2005-12-28
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