Middle East Books
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Review of book "The Lebanese in the World"Review Date: 2002-08-17
Fantastic for Dinner partiesReview Date: 2001-04-06


LevantReview Date: 2005-01-17
"Packed with solid information about the complex reality of the Levant). . . in its historical, geographical, and political aspects druing the past two millennia. . . . The survey is remarkably balanced in its depiction of ideologies and rivalries and is replete with useful maps and bibliography. . . . Highly recommended." -Choice
At the outset of the 21st century, the Levant is dominated by non-Sunnis, including Alawis in Syria and Jews in Palestine. The geopolitics of the region have been shaped by national, ethnic, and sectarian frictions in a setting characterized by limited space, rising population pressure, resource shortages, and international strategic interest. In the north, the Arabs face the Turks; in the center, Lebanon and Syria have yet to settle their differences; in the south, the confrontation between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs lurches toward some sort of denouement. The Levant: A Fractured Mosaic attempts an overall assessment of the contemporary affairs of the Levant, in the context of the history of the region since Roman times.
William Harris, University of Otago, New Zealand, is the author of Faces of Lebanon and other books.
A Fresh Look at a Troubled SpotReview Date: 2005-09-01
The government of the Lavant has usually been been subject to larger empires from the Egyptians to the Romans to the British. When not subjegated, it has been fractured into a mix of countries as it is today.
Mr. Harris has done a splendid job of writing this history, description, and especially his concluding chapter, 'What's Next in the Lavant.' In this chapter he gives his impressions of the Israeli pullback from the settlements in Gaza, of the presence of the U.S. Military in Iraq, the high growth rate among the Arabs and more.

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The best recent survey of the subject in EnglishReview Date: 2004-11-29
life of the ancient Hittite civilizationReview Date: 2006-08-07

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An excellent collection of true heroesReview Date: 2003-05-12
"TO GIVE WITHOUT ASKING ANYTHING IN RETURN"Review Date: 2005-03-19
This book was written to coincide with the 50th anniversary of the creation of the modern state of Israel in 1998. It is divided into 7 chronological sections; each section summarizes the crises facing the nation during those time periods and gives a brief history of them. I couldn't make it through the introduction without a few shed tears, so be forewarned. Not all of the stories are so tragic, though most are. I felt many times like I was reading a chapter of Judges or Joshua except that I was transported 3000 plus years ahead. I always wondered what were the names of the 300 men that Gideon chose as fighters because their names are not given anywhere in scripture. To my mind also came the words from the faith chapter, chapter 11, in the book of Hebrews, in the christian bible. 'These all died in faith' and about Moses 'he refused to be called the son of Pharoah's daughter, choosing rather to share ill-treatment with the people of G-d than to enjoy the fleeting pleasures of sin'. I'm sure there are many other brave souls whose stories are not told herein. For those unsung heroes, Isaiah inspired by G-d wrote 'Behold, I have indelibly imprinted you on the palm of each of My hands; O Zion, your walls are continually before Me' (49:16). I particularly enjoyed reading about Moshe Dayan, although he does not have an entire chapter written about him, but he is mentioned many times as in the chapter about his friend "Amos Yarkoni" who was a palestinian IDF fighter. You finish this book, you'll have to agree that Israel is also a 'land of the brave'.

The Life Work of the Father of Korean Studies in the U.S.Review Date: 2003-09-06
A well written summary and analysisReview Date: 2000-03-31

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The guide to Christian travel in and around Jerusalem.Review Date: 2001-08-26
The guide to Christian travel in and around Jerusalem.Review Date: 2001-08-26
The
authors do not assume any prior theological or historical knowledge; everything is simple and straightforward. In the back
of the book is a map of central Jerusalem on which most of the monuments can be located. There is a brief, helpful section
on Bethlehem and Nazareth as well.
In short, most travel guides are not written for Christian worshippers, but this
one is. This books purpose is to enable Christian travellers to find communities, learn about them, and join with them in
worship. If you want that experience to be part of your trip to Jerusalem and Israel, this is exactly the book you need.


Essential if you plan to travel much in TurkeyReview Date: 2008-07-22
This is an ATLAS, not a guidebook.Review Date: 1998-02-10

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WisdomReview Date: 2001-10-28
A case in point: In April 1981 a semi-official Egyptian weekly pronounced Ibn Taymiya, the renowned Syrian theologian who lived from 1268 to 1328, the most harmful influence on Egypt's youth. A few months later, Ibn Taymiya became the basis for the actions of 3 of Anwar Sadat's 4 assassins, who had read him extensively.
Pipes divided the book into 5 sections, each including 4 or 5 articles. He groups them somewhat loosely and the articles run the gamut.
Islam and Public Life first discusses fundamentalist views of America and Russia, also touching on how the secular, traditional and reform branches of Islam relate to public life. It next examines religious similarities between Judaism and Islam--both of which stress correct action, compared with Christianity's focus on faith. Pipes shows the far-reaching extent of Muslim anti-Semitism, which stemmed from a patronizing view of other religions that became virulently anti-Jewish in the 20th century--and found welcome among Western Protestants, human rights activists, reporters, academic committees and even liberals seeking a "respectable forum in which to vent their own views about Jews." Pipes also covers the Muslims of Central Asia--which border Taliban Afghanistan's fundamentalist hotbed.
A section on the Persian Gulf attributes the origins of the Iraq-Iran war not to religious differences, but to economic and geographic factors--including the Shatt al-'Arab River and its vast water resources. Pipes also discusses the dangers that oil wealth poses to Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Libya. The oil windfall made these desert sheikdoms dependent on a continued oil boom, unless new sources of income could be found. So far, none have emerged. Pipes praised Kuwait in 1986 when its government refused to buckle under US pressure to release imprisoned terrorists, and later toured the oil state as the guest of Minister of Information, Sheik Nasir. He found the Bedouin descendants' grand hospitality and intellect reflective of the Arabian Nights. Next, he considered the Saudi Arabian kingdom formed by Wahhabi leader Abd al-Aziz, dissecting various histories, including Peter Mansfield's The New Arabians, funded by the Bechtel Corporation.
Pipes' prescient take on the Arab-Israeli conflict also still holds value. The conflict is fueled, he believes, not by Israel but by the conflicting claims of Palestinian separatists, Arab nationalists and the Jordanian and Syrian governments, among others, over Palestine and its boundaries. The latters' perpetual incapacity to unify stems from irreconcilable goals. An Arab government's sponsorship of the PLO grows, he wrote, proportionate to its distance from Israel. Pipes considered no Arab nation eager to end the conflict. By implication, he believed that nothing Israel could do unilaterally would improve the conflict's complexion. Were the PLO, fundamentalists or Syria to inherit the Arab claim, he predicted that the conflict would last longer--which is precisely what happened with Arafat's violent rejection of Oslo in 2000. Pan-Arabism spawned the PLO, prompting Saudi Arabia to give Arafat's organization $250 million a year by the late 1970s, and other oil states, smaller sums. But this funding dictated that PLO behavior would reflect weighted-Arab demands for Israel's destruction, more than Palestinian needs. Meanwhile, the PLO dictatorship brutalizes its own people, as evidenced during its reign of terror in Southern Lebanon from 1975 through 1982.
Another real gem is the section on terrorism. Pipes provides background for suicide terrorism, which is not rooted so much in Islam as in state-sponsorship. The first major instance of suicide terror was the 1981 destruction of the Iraqi embassy in Beirut, which killed 27 and wounded over 100. The phenomenon picked up political steam with the 1982 murder of Lebanon's Bashir Jumayyil and went international with the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut, which killed 63. Later the same year, a truck bomb killed 241 US servicemen, also in Lebanon. State sponsorship, he shows, was behind most suicidal actions. Many suicides were recruited via blackmail or under other duress. The way to combat it, he wrote, is to punish states that sponsor this violence.
And finally, for the finale, we learn pointedly what is wrong with media coverage of the Middle East. "Put simply, American journalists are interested in only two topics in the Middle East: Israel and the United States. Whatever takes place that is related to these countries is amplified...;whatever does not is ignored." From 1972 to 1980, for example, ABC, CBS and NBC devoted an average of 98.4 minutes annually to Israel, only 54.7 minutes to Egypt, 42.4 minutes to the PLO, 25.7 minutes to Syria, 18.4 minutes to Lebanon, 12.7 minutes to Saudi Arabia, 8.5 to Jordan and 7.2 to Iraq. But the US and the Middle East won an average of 153 minutes of coverage annually. "Israel is imagined to be more powerful than it really is because it is watched so closely," Pipes writes. Similarly, attention given to Palestinian refugees far is out of proportion to their suffering, which in any case is caused by their own leaders' refusal to accept peace. During the same era far greater numbers of Vietnamese, Cambodian, Afghan, Somali and other refugees , whose ranks now include some 2 million Sudanese, suffered far worse tribulations, which shamefully got far less press attention. Being overexposed, Pipes rightly concludes, means that Israel is "held to impossible moral standards." Israel is measured "not in relation to [its enemies] or other states, but in relation to abstract ideals."
Pipes offers 10 times the wisdom of many other volumes, despite the book's age. Alyssa A. Lappen
Makes some valuable points that are still valid todayReview Date: 2004-12-02
Pipes points out that he writes as an historian, placing events in their larger historical context. And that there are two main factors that make this perspective worthwhile. First, there is the feeling that things today are going poorly, which leads to a fascination with the past. Second is the unsettled politics which make recent events hard to explain unless one can put them in a larger context.
There's an essay about the risks of supporting fundamentalist Muslims against communism, something we all should have taken more seriously. There's an article comparing Jewish and Muslim life, and pointing out that in both religions, people are becoming less observant of traditions, and that as a result, there has been more emphasis on faith in both religions, making them both a little more like Christianity in that respect. There's another fine essay about the roots of Muslim antisemitism and Western receptivity to it. And some interesting material about the Muslims of Central Asia (my ancestors!) as part of the then Soviet Empire. We also get to read about the origins of the Iraq-Iran war.
We discover how oil-rich Saudi Arabia and Kuwait treat foreign workers (mostly Muslim Arabs themselves). And there is a (pre-invasion) analysis of Kuwait in particular: it has become very rich from its oil. What will it do with all that wealth? Anything useful?
We all know that many Arabs want to get rid of Israel. Pipes asks what they want to replace it by. A bigger Syria? A bigger Jordan? A Pan-Arab nation? A local Arab tyrant? A fundamentalist state? A nation of local residents? And he asks why Arafat was always so unsuccessful militarily. Most folks who keep losing battles either start winning or get replaced. Why was Arafat so successful at getting support even though he never accomplished anything of value to anyone in the region? Pipes explains that Arafat's support came from Arab states, not from local Arabs.
There's an article on suicide terrorism, "the new scourge," which also ought to have been taken more seriously fifteen years ago.
An excellent essay deals with the way President Carter mishandled the Iran hostage situation. Objectively, Carter did a terrible job here, allowing American foreign policy to be determined "on the interests of a handful of individuals." Pipes predicted that this could set a precedent for more American helplessness when confronted by terrorists.
Three of the more interesting articles deal with the United States and the Middle East. The author points out that the debate between American pro-Israeli and anti-Israeli camps crosses party lines. One can be liberal or conservative and support either side. The pro-Israeli side sees the Arab conflict with Israel as a symptom of Arab instability. It recommends Arab reform and says that were Israel to vanish, all the Arab problems would remain. The anti-Israeli side sees the Arab conflict with Israel as a cause of Arab instability. It blames Israel for all the problems between the Arabs and the West and recommends doing something about Israel. It says that were Israel to vanish, we'd all live in peace together, our problems gone. Pipes explains that the fact that people on both sides are taking similar positions gives the United States a unique opportunity to help resolve the conflict. And he then gets into the question of the extent to which American Presidents determine our Middle East policy (it's to a significant extent). And how our record in that region isn't too good: we've come up with a big bunch of plans for resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict and none have gotten off the ground (by the way, in the ensuing fifteen years, we've come up with many more plans and we're no closer).
Perhaps the most interesting essay is near the end of the book, on the media and the Middle East. As Pipes shows, the media do not merely report the news here, they create a fair amount of it. And he quite properly says that the preoccupation on Israel and on Arafat certainly gave us all a very narrow and misleading view of the region. It made Israel appear far more important than it is in real life. And I think it made Arafat appear to be something like the most important person who ever lived. While one can make a hero out of anyone (consider Horst Wessel), it isn't always useful to do so.
Yes, this book is still worth reading, in spite of all the wild happenings and misadventures that have gone on in the region in the past fifteen years.

Excellent overviewReview Date: 2001-01-05
This book gives a well written and entertaining overview of the rulers of this massive empire, from its earliest days to its eventual demise. Along the way we meet many of its rulers and marvel at their cruelty and compassion, great leadership and debauchery. Its a great story, one never dreamt of in fiction, and one well worth reading.
scandalous history at it's finestReview Date: 2006-05-05
Similar books would be Michael Farquhar's "Treasury of Royal Scandals" and Suetonius' "Twelve Caesars"


The top of the world in picturesReview Date: 2003-11-23
Heinrich Harrer is famous, now, as the author of the best-selling book, SEVEN YEARS IN TIBET, which told the same story. LOST LHASA was not published until 1991, when the 2000 negatives which he had kept became the best reminder he had of the years he had enjoyed most. There is a lot of writing in this book to tell the entire story again, and in places where there aren't many pictures, the people are still fascinating. A young couple, who had given Peter Aufschnaiter and Harrer each a dried apricot on a 20,000-foot pass two months before, had much to complain about after they reached Lhasa. "They were surprised that they had to work for daily necessities, even if it was only a place to spend the night or a cup of tea. They felt that people in Lhasa were greedy, demanding things that in the Changthang you wouldn't think about. . . . We invited them to our modest home, where we had lots of barley, rice, and butter, and we supplied them for their return to the Changthang, their nomadic home, where they had plenty of meat, butter, cheese, milk, and where nature would provide for all their needs." (p. 65).
Picture captions are jumbled together. The caption under the picture on page 116 explains "Noblemen and women . . ." with everyone in winter clothes "in front of the Kumbum monument in Gyangtse [above]. The girl [right] sits behind three fancy teacups, complete with stands and cover." also explains the picture of a young child on page 117 with very short hair and a necklace of beads sitting behind a table with four teacups. My first clue that it was a picture of a girl was the covers on the teacups. The 7-inch-square picture on page 116 shows plain cups and saucers. I did not realize that four teacups with stands and covers were on the table in front of the kid until I tried to measure the height of each cup to see if they were taller than the kid's head in the picture. Allowing for perspective, it might be possible for a knob on top of the fourth teacup to be mistaken for an earring, just below one of the kid's ears, but the earring pictures are elsewhere in this book.
Several trips to Lhasa are described in this book, including "When I returned in 1982, I found that the Chinese had destroyed the medical school that perched atop Chagpori and replaced it with a radio tower." (p. 208). A Glossary on pages 218-219 explains terms like Dob-Dob (monk-police) and Tsampa (parched barley flour, the Tibetan's staple food). Notes on the pictures on page 220 identify two of the people in the picture on page 116 and explain that the picture following it is of the daughter of Surkhang Wangchuk, the governor of Gyangste. Harrer had fled Lhasa and was staying with the governor of Gyangste when the Dalai Lama with a caravan that contained more than a thousand animals came through on the flight from Tibet to the Chumbi Valley. Harrer left there in March, 1951. "Meanwhile, the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa to find posters of Mao plastered against the walls of the Potala." (p. 207). Among the brighter aspects of the nostalgia in this book is the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the Dalai Lama in 1989 because he "opposed the use of violence. He has instead advocated peaceful solutions based upon tolerance and mutual respect, in order to preserve the historical and cultural heritage of his people." (pp. 216-217). This book is a monument to that tradition.
Lovely, informative bookReview Date: 1998-02-01
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higher then the original price. I hope that the publishers will remedy this problem.