Conventions Books
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Of great historical value!Review Date: 1999-11-18
Great stuff!Review Date: 1999-07-13

The Real History of Our ConstitutionReview Date: 2001-08-17
An ongoing review in four parts, part 1: What it is and how to prepare to read it.Review Date: 2006-04-14
WHAT THESE BOOKS ARE:
Max Farrand published the first 3 volume edition in 1911. He took all the available records from participants in the Constitutional Convention that were known at that time and published them together. These include the official journal of the Convention (kept by the Convention's secretary, William Jackson), James Madison's Notes on the Federal Convention, Robert Yates' Secret Proceedings and Debates of the Convention..., along with notes or papers written by Rufus King, James McHenry, William Pierce, William Patterson, Alexander Hamilton, Charles Pinckney, George Mason, and the Committee of Detail. These are arranged in a day by day format. So that on May 29th, the day that Edmund Randolph presented the Virginia Plan, we read the enteries for that day in the Journal, by Madison, by Yates, by McHenry and by Patterson. And so on until we reach the end of Volume 1 on July 13th. Volume 2 completes the Convention. Volume 3 and 4 provide supplementary material such as letters of the individual delegates, the various plans presented to the Convention, etc.
Volume 4 was added by Farrand in his 1937 edition and includes material discovered between 1911 and 1937. The whole set was reprinted for the Constitutional Bicentennial.
SUGGESTIONS FOR READING THESE VOLUMES:
1. Buy them all before you start reading the first. Or, at least, buy Volume 3 before you start reading Volume 1. There are too many references to readings in Volume 3. You need to be able to read the Virginian, the Pinckney and the Patterson Plans. You will also want to read the day by day correspondence. I recommend that you read a days entry in Volume 1 and then read whatever enteries are there for those days in Volume 3 and 4.
2. It is probably a good idea to do some preparatory reading. Farrand himself wrote a good narrative of the Convention. There are many others. Try to choose one that doesn't just indulge in hagiography. M.E. Bradford wrote A Worthy Company which is short biographies of all the delegates. Very useful. I also suggest reading some good intellectual histories of the Convention. I just finished reading McDonald's Novus Ordo Seclorum. McDonald is as opinionated as always but he is also very learned and no one writes about the Constitution without opinion. You can choose among Bailyn, Woods, Appleby, Banning, Pocock, Adair and many others for this sort of stuff. (I suggest you try to read somebody whose political bent you don't agree with. I did that purposely with McDonald. That way you might actually catch a whiff of your opponent's ideas when you read the Convention notes. Just a suggestion.)
3. Read these documents with organizing themes in mind. For example:
a. Small states versus large states.
b. Slave states versus less slave states. I have forgotten the exact number but I believe that in 1787 there were either only one or two states were slavery was illegal. I trust someone will write me with the correct information. In any case, it is fascinating to listen to all the ways the delegates talk about slavery without using the word. Not in their personal notes but definitely in their public utterences.
c. Democracy versus Aristocracy.
d. Liberalism versus Republicanism.
And so on. I am sure that all of you can suggest many more. Choose several and watch the ways your themes interrelate in one person or more during the course of that summer in Philedelphia.
I owe this idea to McDonald. He has obviously read his copy of Farrand many times with several different themes in mind. In Novus Ordo Seclorum, McDonald has an altogether brilliant section on Madison's constitutional theories (pp 204-209 of the paperback edition) which he concludes by pointing out that Madison may not have had as much influence on the finished document as people normally think. McDonald notes that on the seventy-one specific proposals that Madison moved, seconded or spoke on, he lost 40 times (pp. 208-9). Obviously, McDonald read his copy once keeping track of who won on what issue. You got to love the guy for that.
Anyway, those are my suggestions. It may seem like a lot of work. It is. But it seems to me that one thing that almost all of us (radical, liberal, conservative, libertarian) have lost sight of is that the Founders expected citizens to be participants. To give up a little for the greater good, to take some time to make the right choices, to be involved. To me that implies working a little to understand our history so that I am better able to participate in our democracy. That's my crazy idea and I am sticking with it.


Superb!Review Date: 2008-06-27
UNIQUE GUIDE Review Date: 2008-06-26

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Great comprehensive introduction!Review Date: 2000-07-03
Great comprehensive introduction!Review Date: 2000-07-03

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Informative Warning Review Date: 2006-08-05
Insightful Book.Review Date: 2003-07-14
If you want to know why there is so much fuss about these folks over doctrinal issues and creeds then I recommend this book.

Greatest Book Next to the BibleReview Date: 2001-04-12
Informative Autobiography of Large Baptist ChurchReview Date: 2001-05-15
Having lived there and hearing much of what this church and fine man of God were about, this is certainly an informative look at a man of God who believes God's Word and stood up for it in the face of odds against, e.g. everyone else was fleeing the inner city for the suburbs, not Criswell and First Baptist.
Certainly motivational for Christians of all persuasions to stand firm on God's promises, which have there yes, there amen, in Christ crucified.


Matthew Kraus - Master photographer and man about townReview Date: 2004-12-08
All too often the so called "liberal media" (Corporate Media, actually) only showed the television audience scenes of distorted shouting and brief shots of the swelling protesters without giving the scene the proper context- without so much as an opinion voiced that went beyond a few edited words. The media were in New York, they just did a terrible job of representing the feelings of the people- more often we were subjected to the opinions/propaganda of GOP operatives from out of state, people far away from actual terror threats and the consequences of the Bush agenda.
These posters are terrific. Buy the book and judge for yourself- talk about it.
An Amazing Photodocumentary of an American Political Crisis Review Date: 2004-12-05
This powerful yet understated book demonstrates in pictures what cannot be adequately expressed by any other means. These are pictures that not only speak louder than words, they scream for attention. Sticker Shock documents a cry for sanity in an America torn apart by political polarisation and in a world reeling from the brutality of the Bush administration.
To discuss Sticker Shock further would rob the book of its full impact. These pictures need to be seen first hand to be heard and felt properly. I urge you to get your copy and make up your own mind. After all, this is a book about freedom of speech, thought and expression.
David Lawson
Author and Journalist
London U.K.

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Fascinating readingReview Date: 2008-02-16
The main mathematical tool used is logistic regression, which it is fair to say is the most popular tool among economists, even though at times it strains credulity to apply it in some situations that they do. This book could even be used by statistics instructors as a source of more challenging problems in logistic regression. Overall the author is convincing in his use of this tool, and therefore the conclusions of the book are difficult to counter if one accepts logistic regression as being a viable tool. It certainly is in other contexts, such as finance and biological modeling.
If one investigates the economic history of the United States after the war of independence it is not surprising to hear that Americans at the time were fed up with the loose conglomeration of states under the Articles of Confederation. Being financed essentially by paper money by the Continental Congress this currency suffered dramatic depreciation in value as the war dragged on. Some economic historians have estimated that $449 million dollars were issued during this time by the Continental Congress and the states, with none of it bearing interest. Certainly this situation motivated many at the time to seek a hard-money policy, and their attitudes are reflected in their votes for the ratification of the Constitution, as the author shows clearly in this work. To allow the states to issue paper money by fiat would be an anathema to those who lived through it during the war, and its prohibition in the Constitution would thus be a very desirable goal.
The Constitution of the United States is thus a product of the attitudes and interests of those who framed it and voted to adopt it. But their intentions, whether economic or otherwise, are in the final analysis irrelevant since only its social, moral, and legal efficacies are important. If the Constitution is an umbrella of freedom and sound justice for all of its citizens then it does not matter what the intentions of its founders are. If it is not, it should be altered, and it does not matter what the intentions are of those who alter it. The primary value of studying intentions is to shed light on the attitudes of the citizens at the time, and how they reacted to the absence of British rule after the war. No longer a part of the world market system via the British mercantile system, and having a government that could not pay the interest on domestic and foreign debt, they sought out a new alliance, a new government, to ameliorate their dire situation. Their efforts were in retrospect successful, and the government they invented has done a fair job since then.
A Compelling & Thorough Look at the Economic InterpretationReview Date: 2004-01-30
"McGuire essentially resurrects Beard's hypothesis and offers substantial evidence in favor of the view that the Founding Fathers' personal interests had a significant influence on the process of constitutional design and ratification. In light of the substantial body of empirical evidence this book provides, it is likely to bring the personal interest view back into widespread acceptance among academics. Although McGuire draws some of the analysis presented in the book from his previously published journal articles, at least half of what he offers is new and original. What makes the book so compelling is the use of today's significantly better empirical methodology to analyze data, in contrast to the techniques available during the 1950s, when the counterevidence to Beard's hypothesis was presented.
"Readers searching for a middle ground in the debate over whether personal self-interest shaped the U.S. Constitution will find refuge in this book. McGuire repeatedly makes clear that these personal interests were relevant at the margin in the Founding Fathers' decision calculus and that many other factors (such as general political philosophy) influenced these individuals' overall behavior. Among the most compelling findings: (1) personal interests played a bigger role in the specific content of the U.S. Constitution than in the document's overall design; and (2) the framers' debt holdings and slave ownership and the degree of commercialization in their local communities are significantly correlated with their observed behavior and, hence, with the content of the constitution they produced....
"One of the book's strengths is the amount of underlying background data and statistics provided. For example, McGuire includes tables that show not only each individual delegate's vote on an issue (the data used for the dependent variable), but also the predicted probability of a yes vote for that delegate from the estimated logistic regression model. As anyone who has estimated a logistic regression model knows, it is possible for these models to fit well overall but still do a poor job of predicting individual votes. Throughout the book, however, McGuire provides the evidence necessary to comfort readers worried about such potential problems. The book's main weakness is that at times it becomes rather lengthy and dull, but this aspect is simply a cost of being thorough, which is necessary in this case because of the controversial nature of the theory being tested.
"For the great number of readers who are likely to use the results of the book as a single-sentence footnote or reference in their own research, the eleven-page prologue provides all of the background and summary information necessary to make an informed citation of the work. The remaining three hundred or so pages merely fill in the sufficient details to support these conclusions. In that sense, the book reminds me somewhat of Bjorn Lomborg's Skeptical Environmentalist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
"Had I been a reviewer for the book prior to its publication, the only suggestion I might have offered to improve it would have been for the author to include a fuller discussion of the debate surrounding the adequacy and structure of the document that preceded the U.S. Constitution, the Articles of Confederation.... Had McGuire presented this discussion, he would have provided a fitting framework in which to view the Founding Fathers' choices as marginal institutional changes relative to the existing constitutional order.
"To Form a More Perfect Union undoubtedly will elicit additional research in this highly debated area of constitutional research. Future research will benefit from the 122 pages of raw data and empirical results provided as appendix material. McGuire's book most likely will meet with a better initial acceptance than Beard's book received (it was banned from high school libraries in Seattle and condemned by President Taft and by the president of Beard's own university).
"One important implication of McGuire's book is that the condition of a Rawlsian `veil of ignorance,' putatively necessary to produce a `just' social contract, is not and cannot be satisfied in reality. Any constitution or social contract will be shaped by its designers' individual self-interests. Modern public-choice scholars who favor theories based on the premise of methodological individualism will find comforting reassurance as they read To Form a More Perfect Union."
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Excerpted from a review by Russell S. Sobel in "The Independent Review," Winter 2004.

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Evenhanded & convincingReview Date: 2002-09-30
First pro-conservative book published about the SBC turnaround, & I doubt there'll be a better one.
The best resource on this topic anywhere!Review Date: 2001-08-18

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for those of you tired of "Chucky Cheese"Review Date: 2004-03-05
Help is here if you live the the Baltimore Maryland area. For instance, there is the Cloisters Children's Museum, a beautiful stone castle in Brooklandville, Maryland. If you have a winter child's birthday party scheduled there, you can even have a roaring fire inthe fireplace. Try _that_at MacDonalds.
Or maybe your child is a baseball fan - you can check out the Babe Ruth Birthplace and Baseball Center. Of course, it has all sorts of info on the Babe as well as other aspects of baseball history. This could be a good place to take your softball team for the end of season party.
Perhaps you are looking for a special place to get married in the Maryland area, You could check out Brice House, in Annapolis Maryland. It's a beautiful mansion for that special day. Or maybe you'd like something that has a view - you could tie the knot at the Glass Pavillion at Johns Hopkins University.
These places and many more are covered in this detailed book that offers addresses and phone numbers as well as prices and photos of the locations. If you want to plan an even in the Baltimore Maryland area or perhaps check out what this wonderful area has to offer, this is the book for you.
another winner!Review Date: 2000-03-30
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