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a welcome and informative addition to academic and community library Buddhist Studies reference collections.Review Date: 2006-11-05

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worthy of close attentionReview Date: 2003-05-02
The authors stress the need for a broader definition of security than the one that prevailed during the Cold War bipolar military division of Europe. Military security alone will not suffice. Citing Barry Buzan's five-dimensional definition (military, political, economic, societal, and environmental), they stress that more diffuse security challenges will emerge in the twenty-first century, within which economic issues will play a more vital role (p. 14). In 1989 the Cold War security order was suddenly transformed. It altered the structure of the European state system, intensified the relationship between military and economic security and possibly inverted their relative importance, they explain. Overcoming the continuing division of Europe and assuring the future stability of the European security order are contingent, they claim, upon the successful transition of the central and eastern European states to the market economy and multi-party democracy (p. 11).
Some aspects of the formal democratization process can be externally supported and directed, such as the constitution, party-system, elections, and marketization. However, establishing a civil society as a whole is a different story. The authors claim that the creation of a "public participatory and supportive political culture depends upon the political legitimacy that Central and Eastern European electorates afford to the post-communist regimes." (p. 5). Smith and Timmins aver that the EU can foster political legitimacy and economic stability-i.e. "comprehensive security"---better than NATO can. They believe that a security community in Western Europe was developed within the common military structure of NATO, but "is politically and societally distinct from it" (p. 16). It is much easier to earn membership in NATO than in the EU, since the former insists only upon civilian control of the military. According to the authors, NATO does not actually restrict its membership to countries with democratic regimes; member countries such as Portugal and Turkey both had dictatorial regimes, for example.
From the EU's perspective, the end of the Cold War represented a great opportunity to continue the process of trading and building pan-European unity as envisaged by its founding fathers in the 1940s and 1950s (p. 1). NATO, on the other hand, was established in 1949 out of European division. Western states viewed it as a necessary means of resisting the Soviet military threat. Unlike the EU, NATO was compelled to justify its continued existence after the collapse of the USSR amidst expectations of a "New World Order" and the anticipated peace dividend it would yield (p. 1).
Efforts after the Cold War to broaden NATO's functions beyond the military arena have met with no significant success, according to the authors. They write:
Since the deployment of NATO-led international forces to police and supervise the implementation of the Dayton peace accords in Bosnia at the beginning of 1996, and the deployment of a similar force to Kosovo in June 1999, it has become clear that NATO's future utility lies mainly in a revised, but still essentially military, role of deploying and commanding peace enforcement operations in conjunction with the UN in Europe, and perhaps elsewhere (p. 16).
Hence, as a fundamentally military-based institution, NATO cannot address the full range of security needs, either of its existing members or of prospective new ones, the authors claim. NATO thus falls shy as the sole institutional foundation of a European security community (p. 15).
Smith and Timmins adopt the controversial view that both NATO and the EU need to expand to the east if a wider European security community can be developed (p. 14). That is, a pan-European security order will be based on both NATO's "hard security" or military role, and the EU's "soft security" or economic and diplomatic roles (pp. 11, 14). Neither of these two institutions, however, can provide the other two types of security Buzan listed, societal or environmental security.
The authors ominously warn of a so-called "expectations gap" among the electorates of the CEE states. Just as in 1989 the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe collapsed because the command economic system imploded and the political elites failed to satisfy the material aspirations of the masses, so also in the early 21st century, the masses could become disillusioned if their countries are not admitted into the EU and/or NATO soon enough, or if membership in either of these institutions does not benefit the given country as much as previously imagined. According to Smith and Timmins, "The danger is that an expectations gap will develop that cannot be satisfied by pro-western post-communist political elites and that disenchantment will foster the creation of less amenable and undemocratic political systems (pp. 5-6)." ---Johanna Granville, Ph.D.

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a book devoted to waldoReview Date: 2007-01-19

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Essential Study GuideReview Date: 2000-11-01

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Wrong Author Listed.Review Date: 2000-09-22
David J. Fritzsche

A great author examines a great authorReview Date: 2003-01-04
The text is broken into five sections. Part one deals with Lewis as a romantic rationalist. Part two concerns "the funeral of a great myth", or, the attack on modernity. Part three discusses Lewis' religious philosophy. Part four is all about his fiction, and part five looks at Lewis' historical significance (the last dinosaur, as he put it).
I am surpirsed that this book is out of print, given its author. So for now you have to search for a used copy. It is, however, worth it. Just remember that it is very short. It is not a mangum opus by any means. But even so, it uses ample excerpts from Lewis' fiction, criticism, and theology making it a great way to see what types of his writings appeal to you. Enjoy!

EXCELLENT ROYAL NAVY CAMO BOOKReview Date: 2007-12-14
....The general state of the Navy as regards camouflage at the beginning of 1942 was a seemingly unfathomable mix of unofficial designs; Western Approaches style, official Admiralty disruptive types and threaded throughout, the use of overall one colour designs using Mountbatten Pink, dark grey or medium grey. Some ships wore dark grey hulls with light grey upper works, and then there was the rare use of camouflage for special operations.
..The early months of 1942 saw the widespread use of camouflage from battleships down to motor launches and although the use of one colour types could still be found, patterned camouflage prevailed so that by late 1942 it was rare to see a major warship without it. The unofficial types, so prevalent in 1941 rapidly disappeared, and even Mountbatten Pink, which was a type officially sanctioned had vanished by years end...By the middle of 1942 many small ships had adopted one of the 1942 Admiralty disruptive patterns or were wearing one of the Western Approaches designs...So great was the consumption of tinting materials from early 1941 onwards that there arose a shortage of certain colours by mid 1942. In order to allow the continued use of patterned disruptive designs, a special disruptive type was produced, to be worn only by Fleet destroyers. Known as the "Special Emergency Fleet Destroyer Scheme", The pattern used new colours which were; G20, B30, G45 and white. Although very similar to the earlier range in tone, the actual colours showed a difference when first applied.
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Definitive essays on the Ukrainian Canadian experience.Review Date: 1999-01-08

The best book in the field of FilmReview Date: 2005-07-07

An excellent introduction to Canadian storiesReview Date: 2003-02-12
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