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A superb and greatly needed workReview Date: 1999-09-06

Used price: $18.87

Provocative Analysis of Brazil TodayReview Date: 1998-12-05


Breathtaking Historical FictionReview Date: 2008-03-14
The cast of supporting characters are all fully developed and help propel the storyline as well as provide humor. Stryker and Pete are especially fun, and integral to the plot. Hoffman has done a lot of research into the time period and subject matter and it shows. The dialog and language are representative of the time, and extremely well written - I never felt lost with the old-fashioned terminology or phrasing. Her descriptions of the world and people are detailed without bogging a reader down. With a a lot of action, and an engrossing plot, this is a fantastic adventure story. I read this massive novel in only two days and can hardly wait for the rest of the quadrilogy. Volume 3, "Raised by Wolves: Treasure" is due in April/May 2008, and the final volume, "Raised by Wolves: Wolves: is due in Spring 2009.

Great look at what happened to an empire Review Date: 2007-11-08

Profound meditationsReview Date: 2005-10-11

Forgotten theory and practice of perspectiveReview Date: 2006-05-08

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A Solid Introduction to Network ProgrammingReview Date: 2003-11-15
This book does not cover IPv6, which is fine and the author states at the beginning. I would liked to have seen a little more coverage of threads and network programming, but as it is the reader will have a good foundation of network programming and a good refrence on their bookshelf.

Landmark study of Indo-Tibetan philosophyReview Date: 2000-06-21

a welcome and informative addition to academic and community library Buddhist Studies reference collections.Review Date: 2006-11-05

Used price: $35.00

worthy of close attentionReview Date: 2003-05-02
The authors stress the need for a broader definition of security than the one that prevailed during the Cold War bipolar military division of Europe. Military security alone will not suffice. Citing Barry Buzan's five-dimensional definition (military, political, economic, societal, and environmental), they stress that more diffuse security challenges will emerge in the twenty-first century, within which economic issues will play a more vital role (p. 14). In 1989 the Cold War security order was suddenly transformed. It altered the structure of the European state system, intensified the relationship between military and economic security and possibly inverted their relative importance, they explain. Overcoming the continuing division of Europe and assuring the future stability of the European security order are contingent, they claim, upon the successful transition of the central and eastern European states to the market economy and multi-party democracy (p. 11).
Some aspects of the formal democratization process can be externally supported and directed, such as the constitution, party-system, elections, and marketization. However, establishing a civil society as a whole is a different story. The authors claim that the creation of a "public participatory and supportive political culture depends upon the political legitimacy that Central and Eastern European electorates afford to the post-communist regimes." (p. 5). Smith and Timmins aver that the EU can foster political legitimacy and economic stability-i.e. "comprehensive security"---better than NATO can. They believe that a security community in Western Europe was developed within the common military structure of NATO, but "is politically and societally distinct from it" (p. 16). It is much easier to earn membership in NATO than in the EU, since the former insists only upon civilian control of the military. According to the authors, NATO does not actually restrict its membership to countries with democratic regimes; member countries such as Portugal and Turkey both had dictatorial regimes, for example.
From the EU's perspective, the end of the Cold War represented a great opportunity to continue the process of trading and building pan-European unity as envisaged by its founding fathers in the 1940s and 1950s (p. 1). NATO, on the other hand, was established in 1949 out of European division. Western states viewed it as a necessary means of resisting the Soviet military threat. Unlike the EU, NATO was compelled to justify its continued existence after the collapse of the USSR amidst expectations of a "New World Order" and the anticipated peace dividend it would yield (p. 1).
Efforts after the Cold War to broaden NATO's functions beyond the military arena have met with no significant success, according to the authors. They write:
Since the deployment of NATO-led international forces to police and supervise the implementation of the Dayton peace accords in Bosnia at the beginning of 1996, and the deployment of a similar force to Kosovo in June 1999, it has become clear that NATO's future utility lies mainly in a revised, but still essentially military, role of deploying and commanding peace enforcement operations in conjunction with the UN in Europe, and perhaps elsewhere (p. 16).
Hence, as a fundamentally military-based institution, NATO cannot address the full range of security needs, either of its existing members or of prospective new ones, the authors claim. NATO thus falls shy as the sole institutional foundation of a European security community (p. 15).
Smith and Timmins adopt the controversial view that both NATO and the EU need to expand to the east if a wider European security community can be developed (p. 14). That is, a pan-European security order will be based on both NATO's "hard security" or military role, and the EU's "soft security" or economic and diplomatic roles (pp. 11, 14). Neither of these two institutions, however, can provide the other two types of security Buzan listed, societal or environmental security.
The authors ominously warn of a so-called "expectations gap" among the electorates of the CEE states. Just as in 1989 the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe collapsed because the command economic system imploded and the political elites failed to satisfy the material aspirations of the masses, so also in the early 21st century, the masses could become disillusioned if their countries are not admitted into the EU and/or NATO soon enough, or if membership in either of these institutions does not benefit the given country as much as previously imagined. According to Smith and Timmins, "The danger is that an expectations gap will develop that cannot be satisfied by pro-western post-communist political elites and that disenchantment will foster the creation of less amenable and undemocratic political systems (pp. 5-6)." ---Johanna Granville, Ph.D.
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