War and Politics Books

Probably, the story of Rwandan genocide is the most shocking international scandal of the post World War II era. The book is a brilliant reconstruction of that time, written with amazing clarity and based on well established facts.
In three months of 1994 about one million people was killed in organised genocide. The killing rate was five times faster than that achieved by the Nazis during WWII holocaust. But on the contrary to the Nazis, the Rwandan genocide happened in the full light of the international media, with the full knowledge of the UN Security Council and the Western governments.
Linda Melvern describes and documents in detail the role of the West in the genocide.
The story is so bad that almost all of the publishers in the UK refused to publish this book with comments like "the story is really too awful" or "I cannot see people forking out money to read about such an unspeakable subject..."

Do you think you can fork out some money for the truth? I think this book is certainly worth any money.

`Quite extraordinary: precise, and yet overwhelming; a fine balance in the face of depravity... Linda Melvern has written an extraordinary account of the Rwanda genocide, and the shocking failure of the West to lift a finger... What Melvern demonstrates so powerfully is that where Western geopolitical interests are absent, Western morality and `civilised' concerns are nowhere to be found ... A brave and compelling book.' - Professor Richard Falk, Center of International Studies, Princeton University

`This is a devastating account of lies, deceit, complacency and tragic neglect.... All we can hope is that this fine book will provide lessons for the future, because it provides all of us who lobby and campaign for early warning systems and conflict prevention with invaluable evidence. Looking around the world, you wonder what has been learnt since 1994. Linda Melvern deserves our thanks for investing so much in breaking the silence and revealing the truth.' - Glenys Kinnock, MEP; Chair, Forum on Early Warning And Early Response (FEWER)

'What happened in Rwanda is one of the most appalling, heartbreaking tragedies that the world has known. Why did it occur? And what more could have been done to prevent it? This serious, very thorough attempt to answer those questions will be essential reading for anyone who wishes to understand what happened. This is a powerful and important book.' - The Right Reverend Richard Harries, Bishop of Oxford

`A riveting and well-researched account of the horrendous crimes committed in Rwanda while an indifferent world, to its shame, looked the other way. There are grim lessons here for everyone, from international statesmen and politicians to responsible citizens and decent human beings everywhere' - Dame Margaret Anstee

'This is a very important book. It is a book that a large number of people should read....what is good about the book is that it shows the big picture. It shows the failure that actually took place. It tells the story of what really happened. An outstandingly good book... ...compelling.....its content is exceptional.' - Colin Keating, Secretary for Justice, New Zealand Ministry of Justice, and former New Zealand Ambassador to the UN

After all the fine words and 'never agains' the truth is out. Genocide will slip right in front of major organs of news and nothing happens to stop it.
This short but detailed account of the Rwanda genocide 1994 is both low-key and shocking and needs examination.

This a truely great work on the politcal behind the scenes aspects of how the Confederate command structure worked under Davis and the military and political opposition groups that festered within. Davis has incredulous feuds with Johnson and particularly Beauraguard to the point of destruction while maintaining an unbending loyalty to Braxton Bragg even when he loses the support of all the generals in the Army of the Tennesee. What developes is a political block of generals that maintain a loose alliance such as Johnson, Beauraguard, Longstreet and Senator Wigfall from Texas. Certianly astonishing about the effect personal dislikes and favoritism had on militarty assignments and strategy. It is interesting that Johnson had significant support from many fields except Davis. One of the great failings of the Confederacy is that they did not have a competent Secretary of the War that was strong enough to work with Davis until Breckenridge took the job too late.

One of the most fascinating aspects of the Civil War is the way in which strategy was determined not so much by military necessity as by the interplay of politics and personalities. While this is true of the Union, it seems to be more so of the South. In this slim volume, the authors take the reader through a study of the prevailing strategic thought (Napoleonic/Jominian) and then discuss how this thinking was applied by the major Southern Commanders. Their conclusions: Lee contributed little to the overall strategic thinking of the South; the commanders in the Western theater (Bragg, A.S. Johnston, Joseph Johnston, Beauregard, et al.) may have had a greater conception of the South's stategic requirements; and, Jefferson Davis was caught between the two. The result? Neither Virginia nor the Western theaters got the military treatment that was required for successful war.

Naturally, it is easy to oversimplify these conditions. Yet, the authors demonstrate that Lee, concentrating on the Virginia front, seemed unaware of the Western theater, resisted efforts to strengthen the West through transfers from the Army of Northern Virginia, and continually requested that the Western theater support his operations with either movements of their own or transfers of troops to Virginia. This criticism of Lee is always a touchy issue (see, Joseph Harsh, Confederate Tide Rising for a contrary position).To his credit, Davis resisted all of these requests and, on one occasion, overruled Lee to have Longstreet's corps sent to the West prior to the late 1863 battle of Chicamauga.

Davis, a Westerner himself (Mississippi) faced a formidible group in what the authors call the Western Concentration Bloc, a group united by family or geographical ties and a mutual hatred of Bragg. Among them, Connelly and Jones seem to think of P.G.T. Beauregard as the best of the strategic thinkers. Davis himself added to his own problems with the departmental system, a possibly unnecessary complication added to already complicated command problems.

The authors, having emphasized strategic thought in Chapter 1, do not demonstrate how those strategic theories were applied by the Southerners. Perhaps this is because these theories, in the purest sense, were never applied, except in the desire to concentrate forces, which may in fact have been a function more of theater jealousy rather than application of Jominian doctrine. The student of strategy, academic or armchair, might find a better discussion of this topic in Jones' Civil War Command and Strategy (1992). Even so, this is a well-written study with valuable insights, and certainly rates 5 stars.

One of the most fascinating aspects of the Civil War is the way in which strategy was determined not so much by military necessity as by the interplay of politics and personalities. While this is true of the Union, it seems to be more so of the South. In this slim volume, the authors take the reader through a study of the prevailing strategic thought (Napoleonic/Jominian) and then discuss how this thinking was applied by the major Southern Commanders. Their conclusions: Lee contributed little to the overall strategic thinking of the South; the commanders in the Western theater (Bragg, A.S. Johnston, Joseph Johnston, Beauregard, et al.) may have had a greater conception of the South's stategic requirements; and, Jefferson Davis was caught between the two. The result? Neither Virginia nor the Western theaters got the military treatment that was required for successful war.

Naturally, it is easy to oversimplify these conditions. Yet, the authors demonstrate that Lee, concentrating on the Virginia front, seemed unaware of the Western theater, resisted efforts to strengthen the West through transfers from the Army of Northern Virginia, and continually requested that the Western theater support his operations with either movements of their own or transfers of troops to Virginia. This criticism of Lee is always a touchy issue (see, Joseph Harsh, Confederate Tide Rising for a contrary position).To his credit, Davis resisted all of these requests and, on one occasion, overruled Lee to have Longstreet's corps sent to the West prior to the late 1863 battle of Chicamauga.

Davis, a Westerner himself (Mississippi) faced a formidible group in what the authors call the Western Concentration Bloc, a group united by family or geographical ties and a mutual hatred of Bragg. Among them, Connelly and Jones seem to think of P.G.T. Beauregard as the best of the strategic thinkers. Davis himself added to his own problems with the departmental system, a possibly unnecessary complication added to already complicated command problems.

The authors, having emphasized strategic thought in Chapter 1, do not demonstrate how those strategic theories were applied by the Southerners. Perhaps this is because these theories, in the purest sense, were never applied, except in the desire to concentrate forces, which may in fact have been a function more of theater jealousy rather than application of Jominian doctrine. The student of strategy, academic or armchair, might find a better discussion of this topic in Jones' Civil War Command and Strategy (1992). Even so, this is a well-written study with valuable insights, and certianly rates 5 stars.

A great piece of work. Insightful commentary, exhaustive research and timely topics make this book a must read for anyone interested in state politics and/or the politics of prison building.

This book should be read by everyone who wonders why the U.S. has expanded imprisonment at five times the rate of Western European nations.

This well-researched and elegantly crafted book provides a fascinating insight into how we came to be the most punitive society in the industrialized world . It's politics, stupid ..

Smith's historical survey of U.S.foreign and domestic policy post-WWII is a must read. His lucid writing, thorough chronology and partiality towards justice will envelope readers seeking to make sense of our politically troubled world. Divided into decades, the book chronicles the misdeeds done by the world's superpower in small capsules making it appealing to even the non-historian or nominally politically inclined. "Greatest Story" is perfect for all college and high school U.S. history survey courses.

With powerful vignettes which introduce the reader to a version of events rarely heard and yet thoroughly documented, Michael K. Smith deftly brings our past actions and their results to vibrant, and poignant, life.

While the author provides witty comments which bring a smile or smirk to our face, we are moved to tears at the plight of the survivors of our interventions. He reminds us of the civilization to which we all belong and ensures we will never hear an allusion to a past victory with the same consciousness.

Many dissident historians, including Howard Zinn, have been criticized for focusing on the victims rather than the generals (oh, the horror!) There are plenty of books, especially in our schools, which cover the glory of our actions. In this society of hero worship, perhaps the role of authors like Michael K. Smith is to provide us with facts upon which to base our compassion.

It takes courage to read this book, and the author has kindly broken it down in small paragraphs so we can read at our own pace. We love our country, as we love our friends. We see it clearly and honestly and work together to continually improve ourselves.

One final word of caution: Don't read this book if you are attached to your illusions of the United States as noble savior to the world. They will be shattered.

This book reads like fiction. Unfortunately for the citizens of America and the world, it is all meticulously documented fact. For all who are interested in the U.S. post-WW II history, it is essential reading. Actually, it is essential reading for all Americans, because it reveals the seamy underside of U.S. foreign policy, all the news that ISN'T fit to print in the New York Times or report on The Jim Lehrer News Hour. After a brief introduction, the book is separated into decades. Unlike conventional histories, which tend to be dry accounts full of names of places and people and dates and statistics, this presents events in a manner akin to a snapshot: each entry is headed by a year, followed by a location and a headline. The author then places us in a scene and describes it using vivid, dramatic language. Typical entries run froma single paragraph to one page in length, so one can't get bogged down. Joel Kovel's quote on the back cover is apropos, particularly in this post-9/11 era which is already disturbingly reminiscent of the hysteria of the McCarthy witchunts of the 1950s, a subject documented in the book: "We are continually told of how benign and well-meaning America is. This notion is not shared by the rest of the orld, but it provides an effective shield against coming to grips with the realities of empire. Happily, there are people like Michael Smith to disabuse us of the illusion of innocence. His fierce compendium of the misdeeds our leaders would have us forget is an indispensable guide to a history that is perpetually suppressed but must not be forgotten." This book was previously published as The Greatest Story Never Told. It has been expanded and updated as Portraits of Empire.

There is a lot of information in this book, but Mr. Cannon makes it entertaining and memorable. Introduction is particularly good.

Cannon's book reads like a poetic novel yet is chalked full of insight and reflection on our political American landscape. While examining the transformation of our unalienable rights, brought to light by Thomas Jefferson, from 1789 to present, Cannon has uncovered what it truly means to be an American in this day and age when we have reason to question our life, liberty and pursuit of happiness not just on the shores of the United States but as a global society. Each chapter contains an essay that lends itself beautifully to the book at large. This is a must read for an aspiring historian or political scientist and will make a great stocking stuffer!

The Publishers Weekly review that is posted above criticizes the book for not truly exploring the meanings behind Jefferson's famous phrase from the Declaration of Independence that lists among the rights of all people the rights to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." To be fair to Cannon, he does explore that and both explicitly and implicitly tells the reader that the genius of the phrase is that it is so hard to define. It can be used by people from all over the political landscape to define their goals and they are all using it correctly (I think he does this rather brilliantly in the chapter concerning anti-war protesters vs. George W. Bush.)

The Publishers Weekly review correctly points out that Cannon's focus is, at times, lacking. However, the text is still informative and well-written. I would compare it to a pleasant conversation that strays a bit from its original focus but eventually does return.

Cannon pulls quotes from a great multitude of sources and he correctly, in my mind, expounds on his thesis that one of the Great Themes of the American experience is expanding the concept of the "pursuit of happiness" and making it apply to more and more people within our own society and also throughout the world. His view that this is one of the goals of the invasion of Iraq is so consistent with Bush's own statements and my own observations that it shocked me to read it in print. Why was I shocked? I was shocked because this was the first time I read it in print - he is the first journalist I've seen to analyze it in this way and I feel that he is one of the few who actually has an intellectual grasp of what Bush's goals are in Iraq (be they successfully reached or not and Cannon really does not address the correctness or not of the war in Iraq - he is merely looking into motivations).

His quotes from leaders of nations that were once part of the Soviet Bloc and are now part of the Coalition of the Willing in Iraq are so concise and insightful that I was struck dounbfounded in many ways.

On a pet peeve note, Cannon has lots of endnotes - many with excellent additional commentary. I wish his publisher had seen fit to make them footnotes so that I would not have had to keep two bookmarks in the book and continually have to flip back and forth.

This is a very important book. It should be required reading for all Congressmen and Senators, both federal and State. The situation it depicts will wreak havoc on the fabric of American society, unless corrected. The book not only points at the most pressing problems in our system of criminal justice, but also offers intelligent and powerful recipes for action. Should be also required reading for all colleges of criminal justice. Balanced, objective, yet full of passion for justice and for the America we all love, want and deserve. A must for true patriots.

The United States of American has over the last ten years developed a strategy of increasing the average prison sentences for a range of crimes. The mechanics of this process are complex. The reason being that each state and the Federal Government have distinct criminal law systems. To summarise a large number of states have been passing laws which remove judicial discretion from sentencing substituting a range of fixed sentences for various forms of crime. These can either be three strikes and your in legislation, mandatory sentences for specific crimes or sentencing grid legislation. The Federal Government has also been waging the "war on drugs". The overall effect of this legislation is for the prison population to increase enormously and especially for afro Americans to be incarcerated in large numbers. The imprisonment rate in the States is similar to that of countries such as Russia and South Africa, places which have experienced social break down to an extent that it dwarfs America.

This book is a strong argument for changing the structure of criminal justice in America. It is largely a statistical analysis and as such it presents material in a dispassionate way. It is not a rhetorical book of left leaning propaganda but a book that looks at hard facts. The rate of imprisonment is now so high that the authors suggest that if imprisonment rates were to be reduced to European levels the unemployment rate could increase by 1% or 2%. The cost of imprisonment in most states is so high that it is outdistancing higher education. The pressure of constructing prisons and maintaining them is that it is limiting the ability of some states to cover normal expenses. California has had to reduce some welfare and highway construction.

The authors present a strong case for how these policies impact unfairly on different racial groups. One of the more chilling sets of figures are the rates of imprisonment for Afro Americans. The authors show that of the age group 20 to 30 1/3 of Afro Americans are either in jail, on parole or on probation.

Most commentators have suggested that the current system instead of punishing more violent offenders tends instead to give long prison terms to low level offenders who have reasonable prospects of reform. A change to non custodial options plus lessening some offences for minor crime could lessen the cost to the community with more or less no real change in the incidence of offending.

The book is thought provoking well argued and easy to read. A must read for all in the field.

This well-written and easy-read of a book is a must for anyone who is even remotely interested in thestate of crime and criminal justice in America. The book lays out the past, present and future of crime policy in easy to understand prose. the book takes on all of the hard issues and addresses them clearly and objectively. This book not only defines the issues, it also lays out great ideas for solving some of the big problems in crime. Enjoy.

Charles Fuss has penned an exhaustive account of the maritime drug war (predominately marijuana) of the 70s and 80s. With accounts from law enforcement personnel from the Coast Guard, US Customs, DEA and others, Mr Fuss presents a very readable text with many exciting narratives. Included is insight from "bad guys" as well. Mr. Fuss stays away from partisan politics, which is not easy in any volatile suject, such as drug interdiction. The men and women who have fought, and still fight, the war against drugs deserve our admiration. This book recognizes the efforts of these ardent warriors. As Mr. Fuss states toward the end of "Sea of Grass", "We persevered, comitted more resources, ignored defeatist media advice, and prevailed against the grass boats. That should be a lesson."

Since I am his son, I would be expected to say good things about this book. Actually, I am also a BM3 USCG, and can say from experience that this book will be an asset to any member of a maritime law enforcement agency, or anyone interested in the subject. It is an easy read and is well written. Would be a good souvenier for anyone involved in the major maritime drug busts during the 70s and 80s. Also a good tool and reference for future cases

Two thumbs up to author Charles M. Fuss, Jr. With his years of experience and knowledge of maritime drug enforcement, and his past history as a mariner, Fuss gives great insight into the drug war of the 1970's. His acounts of actual cases are entertaining and informative . I especially enjoyed reading accounts from smugglers as well as enforcement personel. This book should be a must for the men and women who were directly involved with maritime interdiction during this period. It's also great for anyone interested in the subject. With the changing times and administration, I believe it is extremely important to take heed of Fuss's warning!

This book is a compilation of short essays written by highly intelligent analysts who attempt to account for the root causes of terrorism and the lingering implications of the U.S. foreign policy. Contrary to the popular albeit naïve belief, terrorists do not target Western modernism. Instead it is the U.S. foreign policy which makes certain individuals inimically disposed towards the U.S. government. Driven principally by imperialistic motives, the U.S. foreign policy makers seek to defend their strategic and economic interests even at the expense of human lives. Furthermore, U.S. punishes certain regimes which are oppressive and belligerent while it simultaneously aids and protects other which are equally if not more corrupt. In order to protect its strategic and economic interests, U.S. supports Saudi Arabia, Israel and Egypt, countries known for their extensive records of human rights violations. Also it is unanimously recognized in this book that the chief motive of the U.S. interference in the Middle East is its effort to control the enormous oil resources of the region. Oil thus plays a crucial role in U.S. foreign policy. Oil is the main reason why the U.S. keeps protecting Saudi Arabia. Also oil is the principal reason U.S. aided the Mujahideen in Afghanistan following the Soviet invasion and not as is generally assumed to protect the people of Afghanistan. Soviet posed a serious threat to U.S. economic interests in the region. When it furthers the U.S. strategic and economic interests, cooperation with terrorists is morally justifiable. However, when other countries harbour terrorists they need to be severely punished. This is extremely hypocritical and cynical as the U.S. does not judge its own actions by the same standards it applies to others. Not many people know that U.S. government was charged with state terrorism against Nicaragua in 1986 by the International Court in the Hague. The International Court urged the U.S. to immediately put a stop to its terrorist activities in Nicaragua but U.S. did not comply. At this point Nicaragua still has not received any restitution from the U.S. government. Furthermore, U.S. is the only country in the world which has refused to acknowledge Palestinian rights, to prohibit nuclear test explosions, to ban the use of cluster bombs, to give increased aid to developing countries, to condemn apartheid in South Africa, to forbid the use of chemical and biological weapons, to take adequate measures against Nazi and Fascist activities, to study the underlying causes of terrorism, to vote for "a right to food", to accept a resolution stipulating that education, work, health and national development are fundamental human rights. In 1998, U.S. destroyed a pharmaceutical plant in Sudan which produced approximately 90 % of the most important medicines. According to U.S. the plant was secretly used to manufacture chemical warfare. However, no evidence was produced in support of this accusation and the leading world experts almost unanimously rejected this assertion. U.S. still has not paid any restitution to the owner of the plant let alone apologized for the abhorrent act. Had it been the other way around, Sudan would have been attacked within minutes. U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983 received much international condemnation but Reagan arrogantly dismissed the criticism. Indonesian invasion of East Timor was directly sanctioned by the U.S. government. U.S. also impeded all efforts of the U.N. to put a stop to the invasion. 200,000 people were killed as a result of the invasion. U.S. was one of the few countries in the world giving both diplomatic and military support to Indonesia. Following the invasion, U.S. officials referred to General Suharto as "our kind of guy". U.S. and its allies depleted a great amount of uranium in Iraq during the Gulf War resulting in a drastic increase in serious illnesses such as leukaemia, carcinoma, lung cancer etc. When it suits U.S. strategic and economic interests, then tacit collaboration with Saddam Hussein is legitimate and justifiable, even though the U.S. government was aware of his gruesome atrocities against the Kurds. When he no longer wants to be a puppet for the U.S. interests in the region, then he has to be removed. Unlike other books which purport to account for the origins of terrorism, this book explains what the real causes of terrorism are. Needless to say, understanding why terrorism emerges does by no means mean that it is justifiable. Trying to curb and obliterate terrorism without examining its root causes is like treating a patient and having a wrong diagnosis. As long as the U.S. government keeps viewing itself as the world's hegemony (exempt from all international laws and moral obligations) hatred for U.S. foreign policy will grow stronger. U.S. demands that other countries abide by international law and in case they do not comply, they might be severely punished. On the other hand, U.S. displays a flagrant disregard for all international laws. U.S. is infallible, omnipotent and acts with impunity. When criticized for his unjust and discriminatory foreign policy, George Bush replied: "I will never apologize for the United States of America. I do not care what the facts are". These are only some of the vital facts found in this extremely important book. I recommend this book especially to jingoists but also others who think that the U.S. government cares for the oppressed and the victimized.

This book is fantastic, because it gives the reader a thorough grounding on the background behind the September 11 attack on America. Although, the book is a critical examination of the facts, and does not often paint American foreign policy in a positive light, American's should not feel defensive about the book. American people are some of the warmest and nicest people you could ever hope to meet (apart from the few exceptions we find in every country) and America is a fantastic country. However, what soon became clear from reading this book, was that, some people and countries seem to have a major problem with American foreign policy, which often appears to them, to centre around America's own needs, at the total exclusion of the needs and rights of others (e.g. in the case of the pursuit of oil and gas supplies) Further, there often appears to be a double standard in many of America's foreign policies. The reader will learn that America is hated in some parts of the world, not because America stands for freedom, or loves freedom, but instead because of perceived injustices carried out in the single minded persuit of American interests overseas. The American author's of the essay's in this book have highlighting this point (and many others), clearly and thoroughly. I enjoyed reading the many essay's in the book, and I discovered many interesting and disturbing facts, that I did not previously know. This book gives us the knowledge to ask important question's, and that can only be a good thing in any democracy.

This book has left me utterly drained. I'm exhausted and all cried out, quite frankly. The book is comprised of some 30 essays from many sources each elucidating on the atrocities of 9/11 and comes a long way in explaining "why they hate us?" US Foreign policy has systematically been self-serving, and though it might often have resulted in greater freedom and greater wealth for those of us living in this fabulous country, this has come at a non-negligable cost. September 11 marks the crime against humanity in New York City, Washington, and in Pennsylvania, but it also marks a crime against humanity which occurred in 1973 in Chile where Pinochet, backed by US, killed thousands of civilians there and overthew a democratically elected leader in Santiago. Did you know that the Bush administration gave $20+ million to the Taliban in May of 2001 as thanks for their "war on drugs". Osama Bin Laden and the mujahideen were praised as freedom fighters by Ronald Reagan in the 1980s. This book brings to light a lot of topics which are quite hush-hush these days. Unfortunately, if we do not understand the past and try to remedy our failures (and every single one of us on this planet is partially to blame for what came to be on such a horrible day) we are doomed to repeat it. Quite frankly, I pray that the world never see such a dark day in its future.

William Tecumseh Sherman was a brilliant military genius and a true eccentric.
A fascinating and complex man, who found his destiny in war. Sherman revelled in war and owed much to it: he began it as an former officer of modest means and ended it hailed as the Union greatest general next to Grant. At the same time he loathed and despised war and was horrified by it. He was shocked by what the war did to his country, his people, his soldiers and to himself. At times he was appalled by his duties as an officer, but he was always highly resolved to perform these duties.

Everybody who has ever read his memoirs knows that Sherman was not only a great general but also a very talented writer. His memoirs are not a dry succession of events and his part in it, but they convey how he lived through the war and how and why he did what he did in it.
Now professor Brooks D. Simpson has edited a big volume of his Sherman's correspondence from the Civil War years. Again it is the quality of the Sherman's writing which catches the eye and pleases the mind. His letters, as are his memoirs, are a joy to read. This book offers an interesting perspective on Sherman and his part in the war. Reading the memoirs is like having Sherman telling his war experiences to you, long after the facts. This is interesting enough but reading his letters is even more so. It feels like being there with him in his tent, in some Union camp during the war, looking over his shoulder while events are shaping. A truly fascinating experience.
He pours his heart out to his brother John, to his wife Ellen, to his friend Grant and to many others.
So many aspects of his personality appear: his quicksilver intelligence, his warmth and humanity, his wicked and dry sense of humour, his fundamental decency and his military capability.
Read this book and look intro Sherman's mind: it is an interesting place.

The book itself is a big b*gger, but once you've started, you'll be grateful that is is so big: you'll hate to finish it. It looks great, which I like in books and it's very nicely turned out, with good quality binding , high grade paper, a pretty typesetting and a nice dust jacket design. Listings and indexes are clear and elaborate, which is useful in a book like this. So here's a big thumbs up to the publisher's (Chapel Hill North Carolina State University Press): very well done, a fine piece of work!!!

I can't recommend this too highly. A must for all those who are interested in history, in the American Civil War and/or in Sherman. Read and enjoy the letters uncle Billy wrote in those four years of war and enjoy the sight and the feel of this beautifully made book.

William T. Sherman was an irascible, unpredictably brilliant man and his letters bring out these myriad traits. He was a fascinating man and his own words illuminate his fiery personality. Sherman's own 1875 memoirs are a mixed bag, marred by an over-abundance of wartime correspondence and ancillary material. This collection of his letters actually makes for more engrossing, instructive reading. We hear his opinions on the major players of the Civil War: Grant, Halleck and Lincoln. We gain an understanding of his tortured relationship with his wife, Ellen, to whom many of the letters are addressed. His visceral hatred of the press and reporters is well represented.

The collection is expertly edited by Brooks Simpson, someone who thoroughly understands both Sherman and the civil war era. The notes are instructive and unobtrusive and the introduction lays the groundwork for appreciating Sherman and his correspondence. This is an outstanding book for anyone who wishes to get to know the erratic and intellectual General who was second only to Ulysses S. Grant in ability and results.

It's difficult to rate a collection of primary documents such as this one for several reasons. The quality of the documents themselves might be very good but the arrangement or editing of them might be very poor, in which case it becomes a question of whether you should rate the volume well for the documents themselves or poorly for the editing job. Fortunately this collection does not have that issue, as both the primary documents themselves and the editing of them are excellent.

This massive volume contains much of Sherman's correspondence during the war. Surprisingly, these letters are enjoyable to read, and the editors have done a great job of compiling and editing them. Reading these letters, orders, etc of General Sherman can give someone a very unique perspective of the Civil War as Sherman himself saw it, without the bias of authors who have written about it since and without the inevitable coloring of events that happens later when war heroes write about their experiences (and which certainly affected his memoirs, though I do believe they were very honest and straightforward). General Sherman is one of my heroes from the Civil War, and this collection of glimpses into his brilliant mind certainly fed my understanding and fascination of the man.

I bought this book in order to be able to write my senior high school history paper on the extent to which the public opinions of WWI were reflected in the songs written and sung in France during that time. Needless to say, this book was the only thing that made that paper possible. I couldn't have asked for a more well-researched, well-supported book, that was not only informative, but also written in a way which kept it interesting. I only wish I could have spent more time with it, instead of racing through so as to finish my paper by the deadline. A highly recommended read to anyone.

There is not enough I can say about Regina Sweeney's book. It is absolutely ineffable in every sense. The depth of topic and research involved is astounding to any scholar. I highly suggest this book to anyone. It was a most enjoyable and enlightening read!!

Sweeney has struck gold in the minefield that was World War I. Terrific scholarship! Her thesis is novel: her research impeccable. The book captures the reader from page one and never lets go.