War and Politics Books

Author Morrison has done a service by compiling a book of recollections about one of the most unknown events of our time: the air evacuation of Hmong General Vang Pao and many of his Hmong soldiers from Laos in May 1975. The Hmong were a staunch and effective American ally against the North Vietnamese and Lao Communists, but went down to defeat along with the Americans. Except for a few Americans, notably Jerry "Hog" Daniels of the CIA, the Hmong would have been abandoned to die in Laos.

Morrison gives little background and explanation for the events of May 1975, but plunges into the story with quotes from the participants, especially the Hmong. There are a number of rare and valuable photographs and good maps. The stories themselves are often priceless, first hand vignettes of history: for example, Gen. Heinie Aderholt's tale of hearing of the evacuation and his forthright -- and irregular -- finding and hiring of a C-46 pilot to fly the Hmong out of Laos.

Much of the material is compiled from the Hmong themselves, whose voices have only barely been heard in America. These were people on our side who deserved better at the bitter end of the Vietnam war. If you're not familiar with the outlines of the story some background reading may be useful. Roger Warner's, "Backfire" (also called "Shooting at the Moon") is good.

Smallchief

There will be many people (beside the Hmong) thankful that someone has taken the time to record this important event in history. The book has a distinct niche (human) in my education on the "happenings" in Laos. This is my fifth Laos subject book and is a must read! USAF in Thailand '69 veteran.

I truly enjoyed this book. I came away with a very different point of view. I was directly involved with the evacuation of DaNang, Nha Trang and Saigon in April '75 and to some extent in Loas in May of the same year and saw the refugees, in mass panic carrying babies and what possessions they could, trying to flee before the communists came. Gayle related the evacuation of Long Chen (20A) from the eyes of the Hmong refugees. It is a view that I never saw and hope that I never have to witness again.

Gayle Morrison has written an excellent book on the history and plight of the Hmong people in Laos during the Secert War in Laos. Her book's focus is the last battle these brave people fought, defending their mountain headquarters in northern Laos. Morrison is a talented writer who captures the feelings and spirit of what it must have been like to have been there. An excellent read.

Morrison interviewed a lot of Hmong participants in those last days, as well as American pilots Jack Knotts, Dave Kouba, etc. Eye-opening insight into the abandonment of one of America's most clandestine installations of the secret war in Laos. Detailed accounts of Matt Hoff's and Les Strouse's final flights into 'LS20 Alternate' as well. Some truly rare photos -- Long Tien in 1972, '73, '74, '75. Knotts and Kouba at the evacuation ramp on May 14, 1975, the last day. The Hmong -- from top leader Vang Pao to in-the-street tribespeople, no less proud, and no less tragic.

Finally, a haunting pair of photos -- top secret Long Tien in 1973, and another one, as mysterious as ever, from exactly the same angle and height (about 1000 feet above the runway), in 1995.

A compact, tightly-woven and compelling tale.

Las huelgas de 1934 que forjaron el movimiento
sindical industrial en el mediooeste
norteamericano y ayudaron a allanar el camino
para el ascenso del Congreso de Organizaciones
Industriales (CIO), relatadas por un dirigente
central de esas batallas. El primero en una serie de
cuatro tomos sobre el liderazgo de lucha de clases
de las huelgas y campa?as de sindicalizaci?n que
transformaron el sindicato de los Teamsters en gran
parte de esa regi?n en un movimiento social
combativo y se?alaron el camino hacia la acci?n
politica independiente de la clase obrera. Incluye
una nueva introducci?n a la edici?n en espa?ol
por Jack Barnes.

THIS REVIEW IS ALSO BEING USED FOR TEAMSTER POWER WHICH IS A CONTINUATION OF THE STORY PRESENTED HERE. THE POLITICAL POINTS ARE VALID FOR BOTH BOOKS.

ORGANIZE WALMART! ORGANIZE THE SOUTH! These are the slogans which outline the tasks that the American labor movement, particularly the organized trade union movement under the AFL-CIO and the Change to Win Coalition, need to address. With those tasks in mind it was refreshing for this old militant to re-read Farrell Dobbs' analysis of the fight to organize the truckers in the 1930's. This volume, and an earlier one detailing the struggles to organize truckers in Minneapolis, are little handbooks for model labor organizing. Dobbs himself was instrumental in organizing the truckers of Minneapolis in the great strikes in that city in 1934 and as documented here the later, successful organizing of the over the road drivers in the Midwest which created the modern, powerful Teamsters International Union. He was, more importantly, a supporter of what later in the decade became the Socialist Workers Party- American section of the Trotsky-led Forth International.

Whatever else may be true about Dobbs this man could organize workers. Why? The last sentence in the previous paragraph gives the answer. In the modern labor movement it is not enough to be a militant on the picket line but one must also have a political approach to labor actions. With the merging of corporate and governmental interests on the labor question in the modern state militants better think politically. As the December, 2005 unsuccessful struggle of the transport workers in New York City demonstrated militants better know the enemy and his tactics well. Moreover, these days, unlike in the 1930's when it went without question by advanced workers, it is as important to know there is an enemy. On the other hand think what it would be like to have a political militant like Dobbs organizing the drivers of those 7000 trucks that Wal-Mart owns to distribute its merchandise. You get my drift. Read what he has to say carefully.

To even introduce this militant labor leader of the 1930's is to state the fundamental problem of today's labor leaders. They do not exist in the modern labor movement. Yes, there are militants out there in the rank and file but militant leaders are no longer produced and that is the rub. Unlike the strategy of independent political action which underlined Dobbs' work the strategy of today's labor leaders can be summed up in two words- class collaboration. That is a strategy of dependence by the labor movement on the good will of the `friends of labor', essentially the Democratic Party- not to fight for victory in the streets but by what at times amounts to parliamentary cretinism. Just start to organize Wal-Mart seriously or organize the South and militants will quickly see who their `friends' are.

The natural audience for this book are today's labor activists so the reviewer would draw attention to the following issues that Dobbs and his associates had to confront and which militants today will confront in any serious organizing efforts. (1)The role of the labor bureaucracy in limiting the scope of struggle. (2) The role of governmental mediators, courts, legislation and the above-mentioned `friends of labor' in curtailing the struggle. (3) The role of scabs and others, including government troops, who will try to break the up the struggle. On the positive side- the following should be noted; have your own publicity organ to get out your message; organize other labor and pro-labor sources to assist in strike action; anticipate that governmental and corporate sources will try to `freeze' workers out so have your own transport, commissary and medical operations. Finally, in the words of the old Wobblie song by Joe Hill- "Don't Mourn, Organize!!

In rereading this book I was struck by what a wonderful thing it was that these rank and file workers were able to change history by creating, out of their struggle, an example of revolutionary unionism. It was wonderful for them and is wonderful for us, because it shows what we can do today. This book also tells the story of how Farrell Dobbs learned that he could trust in both the fighting capacity of the working class and the leadership capabilities of its vanguard. Through powerful examples Dobbs describes the dog-eat-dog viciousness of capitalism and contrasts it with the desire on the part of young fighters to break through the backstabbing and open up a road to workers' solidarity. This book could change your life. Amazon may list this book as unavailable from time to time, but it's always available from the Pathfinder z store. Click on "new and used" at the top of the page.

Dobbs, a leader of the 1934 Minneapolis Teamster strike, which became a citywide general strike, tells its story. The battles with the companies, cops, strike breakers, and their hangers-on are told with masterful effect. It also shows the rising industrial unions as organizations of working-class struggle, taking on the employers and its government. But the real gem at the heart of this tale is how the unfolding struggle transformed ordinary workers, including Dobbs himself, into extraordinary fighters, thinkers, and revolutionary leaders.

Farrell Dobbs was a coal-yard worker and one of the central leaders of the 1934 strikes when in his twenties. Some forty years later Dobbs was the national secretory of the Socialist Workers Party and wrote down an account of his experiences working in the coal yards and becoming involved in unionist movement organizing the drive to establish Teamsters Local 574 and the rise of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) as an effective nation-wide instrument to better working conditions for men and women like himself. Teamster Rebellion is Dobbs account of the hard-fought strike actions which were often all out battles with law enforcement and hired thugs operating as strike breakers in the employ of the exploitative company owners and such big-business fronts as Citizen Alliance. Teamster Rebellion is a welcome and recommended addition to academic and community library American Labor History collections.

The War for America has short, easily digestible chapters, and although much of the data is disturbing, I was compelled to read more. I had given up trying to understand politics and what drives the political parties, but thanks to this book I GET IT. Plus, I got the added bonus of understanding the impact and responsibility of my choices on the world and the environment. This is not just a matter of Republican vs. Democrat. It is a fight for our rights to grow and change as a society while the conservative-right holds tightly to keeping things "the way they have always been". Progress has never been made, nor freedom won, with this philosophy. Mr. Morris provides the past, present and future of the critical issues of our time. He provides solid information that is very well documented (unusual for a political book). Information that is designed to educate and join people together rather than elicit further polarization. He manages to do this without the rhetoric, name calling and fear-mongering I've come to expect from politics and political books. I now understand that this is not just an American problem and I'll never look at the choices I make the same way again. Thanks for showing us the world-view and motivating me to become involved in politics for the first time.

Morris's call for a new kind of leadership, that is able to handle the complexities of the increasingly complex world, is not only apt but is long been wanted. Morris does not imply a cosmetic change, but a fundamental change based on a systemic perspective that acknowledges the interconnected of with each other and with the environment. The problem, however, I feel is that humans are fundamentally limited in their cognitive process to be divisive and fragmented. Our psychological evolution has not really caught up with its technological and biological counterparts. Hope it does, lest it spells disaster!

Langdon Morris brings the dream of the Founding Fathers into critical and poignant focus, by envisioning history as a compilation of multiple generations of human ambitions, accomplishments and follies. His basic premise is that we have simply been overwhelmed by the complex technological social environment we have created, and that the forces of biological evolution have not yet had time to respond to the new techno-environment in which we live and work on a day-to-day basis. He points out that if we are to avoid a global economic and environmental disaster, we must martial a boldness of vision to move beyond our conservative attitudes of denial, and our dependence on fundamentalist doctrines of present mainstream thought and political leadership. He highlights the fact that the decline of every great civilization that preceeded us, has its roots in economic collapse, and complexity, which overwhelmed the social consciousness of the times. For us to advance to the next stage of human evolution, Morris urges us to detach our thinking from our conservative roots, which are wedded to mountains of past written dogma, overly simplistic ideas. and overwhelming fear of change. To renew the dream of America's Founding Fathers, Morris suggests that a new set of Leaders will emerge, who will have the ability to "create their own context," and will build a set of inspiring and positive futures which will include America and the larger Global Economy, involving intelligent management of new emerging technologies. This new Spirit of Leadership would thus function to creats a brighter and more positively spirited America for both the present and future generations, and also help create a better life for people everywhere on Earth. Elliott Maynard, Ph.D. Arcos Cielos Research Center, Sedona, Arizona.

The War for America is written with purpose, intelligence, passion and a clear sense of history. It wants to revive the spirit of why the United States of America was founded in the first place; to embody freedom and democracy. It spells out with unabashed candor and bias how the current holders of the reins of government are betraying the promise upon which this nation was founded i.e., to be an heroic leader in the world not the archetype for shallowness, consumerism, jingoism and arrogance. A few weeks ago when I went to take the oath of U.S. citizenship I carried a copy of the War for America with me. Partly because I happened to be reading it then, but partly because the book represents for me what is great about America: freedom of thought and expression, courage, creativity, inclusion, service and heroism. As I said the oath I thought of how fragile this republic is and how another few years of the Patriot Act, pre-emptive war and "national security" as a pretext for tighter controls could ruin everything forever. If the War for America contributes to our accepting the challenge of heroic leadership again it should be a best seller for years!

Morris captures the underlying motivations behind the Republican Party's ideologies in this carefully researched and well-written book. Clearly identified, explained and substantiated, Morris exposes the blind spots in the right wing's manipulative strategies and how they affect the critical human challenges we're facing today and will be facing in the future. Discussions on morality, global positioning, resources, the economy, the environment, education and many other 21st century issues are thorough, and in aggregate, downright disturbing.

The author weaves the imperative for stronger liberal leadership throughout the book, and draws a clear road map for the Democratic Party to follow in order to meet and defeat those currently in power.

Further still, he gives us hope (when we we're all wondering if there was any way out of this mess that we ourselves have created!) Addressing methodologies to deal with these enormous and yet interrelated problems, Morris invites us to draw on informed intelligence, systems thinking, and a new model of leadership to design a new tomorrow that works for everyone.

This book is a must-read for anyone that holds strong political beliefs no matter where he or she may fall on the political spectrum, but is most palatable to those who are socially, globally and environmentally conscious.

This book is a good overview of the main events of the period. Dunn does a great job explaining each event.

This is the second book I've read in the Norton History of Modern Europe (the first was Eugene F. Rice, Jr.'s "The Foundations of Early Modern Europe, 1460-1559"), and I've been highly impressed with both of them.

They both cover the basic events fairly thoroughly and simply, presenting the background but not getting lost in details. Although focusing on political history, they both cover many other aspects of history--military strategy, economics, demographics, art and culture, philosophy--briefly at least.

Speaking as someone who occasionally has to teach the subject, in my opinion organization is the greatest challenge in presenting history, and one of the greatest compliments I can pay to any history book is to call it well-organized. Dunn's book is generally very well-organized; I have only a few minor quibbles, and I doubt that I could improve on his organization without introducing bigger problems.

Other quibbles are much less significant: I would have liked more detail regarding the War of the Spanish Succession, more information about changes in military strategy in this period (since firearms underwent constant improvement, and the nature of seige warfare changed dramatically--but how exactly did these change the strategy and nature of warfare?), more on the culture of Restoration England, maybe something on the culture of the Puritans (he tells us nothing of John Foxe, and almost nothing of John Milton or John Bunyan).

However, I am fairly familiar with the cultural history of Europe (by which I mean art, music, literature, philosophy and religion), so in reading these books my main concern is to fill in the political, military, and economic background, which I don't know very well. If your situation is similar to mine, I guarantee you will find these books very rewarding.

One other thing I find most gratifying is the well chosen illustrations: although printed in black and white, they are often obscure enough to be new to me, while perfectly commenting the text. For instance, the closing pages show a woodcut of Peter the Great cutting a Russian nobleman's beard, in which Peter (actually an impressively large man) is portrayed as a giggling, child-size pest to the large, dignified nobleman; the opposite page features a print from 1698 showing Peter's execution of the streltsy (his elite guard) rebels: row after row of hangings and beheadings on edifying display for the passing carriages. You didn't see it in your art history survey course, but it reveals the nature of Peter's Russia far more effectively than anything that you did.

The maps are also perfect, which enhances any history book.

If you are looking for a history of modern European culture, I do not recommend these books, however, as their focus lies elsewhere. For that purpose, I suggest starting with Jacques Barzun's opinionated but thorough "From Dawn to Decadence," supplemented with a good art history textbook such as Jansen's History of Art. If the religious issues that attended the religious wars are your concern, you should consider the 4th volume of Jaroslav Pelikan's "The Christian Tradition," which is titled "Reformation of Church Dogma."

After this book, if your thirst for early modern European history has not been quenched, I recommend turning to Diarmaid MacCulloch's "The Reformation."

Reads like a story, instead of a series of "facts", like most history books. Highly readable. Very interesting.

When my son began the study of Modern European History in college I decided to reacquaint myself with the subject. "The Age of Religious Wars" is a good place to start. Covering the years, 1559-1715, this tome takes the reader from the End of the Reformation to the beginning of the era of the 18th century balance of power.

This book focuses on the big themes of history. It tells the stories of Kings and warriors, merchants and clerics, artists and philosophers, but very little about the common people of the era.

This book is very well organized. Beginning with the situation in Europe in 1559, the first chapter gives the religious lay of the land in the countries of Western Europe at the start of the era. Chapter 2 outlines the beginning political situation in Eastern Europe.

In Chapter 3 the author studies the economic theories and commercial forms which fueled the economies of the age.

Chapter 4 introduces the reader to the political ebb and flow between absolutism and rising constitutionalism. Although the dominant figure of the era was France's Sun King, Louis XIV, he was the architect of a system which would die in a sea of blood before the 18th Century was out. In his day, Louis XIV lead the superpower of the age, but, toward the end of his long reign, he overplayed his hand, losing much of the territorial gains which he had temporally enjoyed.

The political upheaval of the era which was a harbinger of things to come was England's Glorious Revolution of 1688. For perhaps the first time in history, a monarch's right to reign was made dependent on the support of his subjects. Protestants William of Orange and his wife, Queen Mary, daughter of the late King Charles II, were invited by the nobles to challenge Mary's brother, the Catholic King James II. The resulting overthrow of James, in clear contrast to Louis' absolutism, laid the groundwork for the concept of government by consent of the governed, which would receive expanding application during the succeeding centuries.

In Chapter 5 Prof. Dunn reflects on the Age of Genius which truly this era was. Emerging from the intellectually stagnant Middle Ages, Europe erupted into a creative age virtually unique in history. Science was advanced by the likes of Copernicas, Kepler, Galileo, Descartes and Newton. Renaissance art bust forth under the creative genius of da Vinci, Michelangelo, Raphael, Titian, Durer and El Greco, to be followed by Baroque masters such as Rubens, Van Dyck and Velazquez. Europe still glories in the architectural heritage of Bernini and Wren. Our philosophy and political science still draw inspiration from the writings of Montaigne, Pascal, Hobbes Sponoza and Locke. Theatres of the world still interpret the works of Shakespeare and Marlowe, Lope de Vega and Calderon, Corneile, Moliere and Racine.

The book concludes in its sixth chapter with an analysis of the new balance of power which would carry Europe into a new age. A series of wars, Sweden's moment in the international spotlight and giant personalities such as Peter the Great would all combine to make Europe the place it would be in the 18th century.

Overall, this book is a good survey of the Age of Religious Wars. I had not read a college text in a long time and I had more acclimated to learning history in biographies and books more focused on specific topics. I am glad that I read it and give it 4 stars.

Dunn is an excellent writer. He is not flowery like the Durants, but his prose is elegant and to the point. He covers a great deal in a fair amount of detail. His book is very well organised and full of well chosen illustrations. The book is an easy size to carry around and very competitively priced (this kind of book is often very expensive, this one is not). If you want an introduction to this period, I do not think you could do better than this book. I could not put it down (Dunn knows how to be entertaining) and since completing it have referred to it often.

American Power and the New Mandarins, first published in 1967, is a collection of essays by Noam Chomsky about the Vietnam War and related subjects. Originally famous for his contributions to linguistics, Chomsky began writing extensively about U.S. foreign policy during the Vietnam War, and this collection is the first of his many political books. While the subject matter is a bit dated, those who are interested in either the intellectual climate during the Vietnam era or the origins of Chomsky's career as a critic of U.S. policy will find plenty to interest them in this book.

Chomsky's primary goal in American Power and the New Mandarins is not to convince the reader that the Vietnam War was wrong. On this issue, he says that "Anyone who puts a fraction of his mind to the task can construct a case [against the war] that is overwhelming" (9). Rather, his goal is to illustrate the degree to which American intellectuals supported the war, or at least the assumptions behind it. Many people remember the Vietnam War as a time of widespread protest against U.S. policy, with intellectuals and the youth leading the way. Chomsky argues that the war's "opponents" were often not concerned with the moral issues related to the war, but rather with the fact that the war seemed to be unwinnable and was costing too many American lives. The implication is that these intellectuals would not be protesting if the U.S. had crushed the Vietnamese resistance without significant loss of American life (Vietnamese life being irrelevant).

The book is made up of eight essays of varying length, and an introduction and an epilogue.

- In "Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship," Chomsky introduces the concept of the "new mandarins"--those who claim the authority to determine policy based on their allegedly "scientific" understanding of human nature and technology. These "new mandarins" believe that their knowledge gives them the right to restructure society in Vietnam and elsewhere, regardless of the wishes of the local population. In addition, Chomsky argues that many intellectuals tend to accept the status quo and support the basic assumptions of U.S. policy--that Western nations always know best, and force is justified to keep Third World countries from going down the "wrong" path. This essay is not very concise or organized; Chomsky has plenty of evidence to present but it flows out in no particular order. Chomsky devotes nearly 50 pages to criticizing a single historian's book about the Spanish Civil War--an excellent example, in Chomsky's opinion, of "the deep-seated bias of liberal historians," (93) but a cumbersome way to make his point. Still, whatever its organizational shortcomings, this essay presents plenty of evidence to illustrate the biases of liberal intellectuals in favor of American power.

- In "The Revolutionary Pacifism of A. J. Muste: On the Backgrounds of the Pacific War," Chomsky explains the parallels between the Vietnam War and Japanese expansion in China in the 1930's. In both cases, defenders of government policy appealed to "the high moral character of the intervention, the benefits it would bring to the suffering masses" (183). Both America and Japan tried to set up puppet governments to serve their interests, and responded to doubts about their actions by emphasizing the "Communist" threat (196).

- "The Logic of Withdrawal" discusses the political strength of the NLF (Vietcong) and the continuing resistance of the United States to any political settlement that might allow the Vietnamese a fair choice between the NLF and other alternatives. Chomsky ridicules the idea that an NLF political victory could pose any threat to America's survival, comparing this to the Nazis' claim that "a Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy was threatening the survival of Germany" (249).

- "The Bitter Heritage" is Chomsky's review of Arthur Schlesinger's book of the same name. Schlesinger expresses the "liberal" view that the United States had made a tactical error by fighting a costly war, but that American motives were pure. Chomsky argues that this view represents the extreme limit of mainstream opposition to the war in the United States. The view that "the United States has no unilateral right to determine by force the course of development of the nations of the Third World" (297) is not considered to be "responsible criticism" (296).

- In "Some Thoughts on Intellectuals and the Schools" and "The Responsibility of Intellectuals," Chomsky continues his criticism of intellectuals who endorse the irresponsible use of American power.

- "On Resistance" and "Supplement to 'On Resistance'" are Chomsky's statements about how to protest the war. Chomsky argues that resistance should remain nonviolent, not only because of moral considerations, but also because violence "will surely fail, will simply frighten and alienate some who can be reached, and will further encourage the ideologists and administrators of repression" (374-5). Chomsky endorses the refusal to be drafted as an ideal means of resistance, since it directly impedes the government's ability to carry out its policies and can be used to make a visible statement as well.

If you are a Chomsky fan, you will probably enjoy this book; his writing style and basic outlook have remained consistent over the decades. He has written plenty of books and essays about more recent events, however, so if you are interested in American power in general rather than Vietnam in particular, you might want to check the newer ones out first.

Noam Chomsky's first political work is a first-rate collection of essays critiquing the U.S. war of aggression in Vietnam. Chomsky is more concerned here with the ideological defenses for the war than with the moral implications of the war itself, which are totally transparent at this late date. There are a wide variety of topics discussed in this broad volume, from the origins of the Pacific War to Arthur Schlesinger's liberal apologetics for U.S. imperialism. Chomsky's famous essay 'Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship' is a meandering account of the liberal intelligentsia's understanding of the Spanish Civil War. In it, Chomsky falls into the pitfalls of ultra-leftism, with low quality critiques of Bolshevism and Leninism. He relies on Rosa Luxemburg's fine criticisms of Lenin without examining Luxemburg's own political context in the German SDP, or her own explicit support for forming a revolutionary 'vanguard.' However, there are some fine passages in 'American Power and the New Mandarins,' such as 'The Logic of Withdrawal' or Chomsky's own personal reflections on the demonstrations at the Pentagon. This book will surely remain one of the better examinations of the criminal war in Vietnam for years to come.

During the Vietnam war the United States used its enormous military power to try to install in South Vietnam a minority government of U.S. choice, with its military operations based on the knowledge that the people there were the enemy. This country killed millions and left Vietnam (and the rest of Indochina) devastated. A Wall Street Journal report in 1997 estimated that perhaps 500,000 children in Vietnam suffer from serious birth defects resulting from the U.S. use of chemical weapons there. Seems fairly reasonable to protest against this, surely?... This was and is a groundbreaking book, and ....

Chomsky's first political book, _American Power_ is a devastating critique for the U.S. foray into Southeast Asia, which Chomsky considers to be little more than modified imperialism. The book starts somewhat slowly, first with an extended essay focusing largely on the Spanish Civil War, which though interesting, seems like a strange place to begin the discussion. The second essay focuses on the decision of drop nuclear weapons during World War II, and the absence of "war guilt" in the U.S. over that action. The second essay, like the first, is interesting, though not seemingly directly related to Chomsky's Vietnam critique. The remainder of work focuses quite squarely on Vietnam, and offers the sort of moral outrage that Chomsky contends was conspicuously lacking from the liberal academics of the time. The entire underpinning of Chomsky's premise has to do with the morality of U.S. action, rather than the pragmatism that he chides others for basing their positions on.

The book is quite powerful in many of its conclusions. A few criticisms: there is extensive use of irony throughout the work, occasionally to the point of excess; while Chomsky eviscerates a half dozen of the "liberal intelligensia", it's difficult for me, as someone who was not alive to witness the war, to know if these voices typify the liberal objections to the war, or if Chomsky has cherry-picked these individuals (obviously Schlesinger was a major voice, but I'm not familiar with the others); if you don't have some conception of the forces behind the Spanish Civil War, the first essay will be somewhat confusing. It was for me, anyway.

Altogether though, particularly in light the U.S. invasion of Iraq, many of Chomsky's ideas have taken on a new urgency. The comparision between Vietnam and Iraq will come very naturally as you read _American Power_. It is well worth our time to make this comparison. Chomsky's thesis is as valid now as it was in 1969.

I recently reread Chomsky's classic. It's very enlightening to see the parallels as well as the differences between the role America's "intelligencia" played during the Vietnam War and the role they are playing now with just another war "won".

This book is written with such energy and near-paranoid conviction that I'm convinced the author must have been shooting up while writing it. And I mean that as a compliment. Really. Tackling a subject as taboo (and as neglected) as the drug war takes chutzpah, and, I must say, the author does it with the fire of a crack-crazed prophet.

What surprised me most about the book, though, is its sardonic tone. It's got a wry sense of humor that really compliments the seedy subject matter. A great mix of comedy, tragedy, and ouright absurdity. It's refreshing to read a topical book with strong writing as well as research.

I must admit, I approached this book with extreme caution. And though I'm not sure I'm ready to have drugs completely legalized (I'm definitely a child of the "Just Say No" generation), Miller's case against the drug war is powerful and hard to dispute.

Highly recommended. Surprisingly entertaining as well as informative. All around, a very good trip (and I'm not just saying that because I want to smoke dope without fear of repercussions).

To put it succinctly, the war on drugs is a war against the American people. Over two-thirds of American adults born since 1955 have used illegal drugs at some point in their lives, most without any trace of subsequent harm. However, our gov't, through its Gestapo-like enforcement arm, the DEA (which has a vested interest in prosecuting the war to its maximum extent and keeping the war going as long as possible) continue to circumscribe the rights of the American people. Since the inception of the DEA the civil rights of Americans in regards to drugs have been increasingly ignored, and it's a rare politician who doesn't use the drug war as an opportunity to appear tough on crime. The DEA and many police forces actually rely on asset forfeiture to provide a substantial portion of their budgets, even though fewer than 5% of asset forfeiture cases involve any prosecution, let alone conviction. The DEA is then free to spend this confiscated wealth as it pleases. Orwell was prophetic.

Let's face facts: this is not a problem of supply, it's a problem of demand. But it need not be a problem at all. University sponsored and AMA and BMA endorsed research has consistently shown most "classic" drugs, such as weed, hash, heroin and morphine to be non-toxic. Coke is rarely dangerous, and then primarily to those with heart conditions. The prohibition of these drugs has caused the gov't to entirely surrender their ability to regulate a drug's content, which is far more detrimental to the health of any user of classic drugs in their unadulturated form. Medical studies have shown without fail that Alcohol is the most poisonous and detrimental of mood-altering substances.

Additionally, America's drug war has resulted in the wholesale destablization of producer and transshipment nations. The lawlessness seen in Colombia and along the Mexican border is entirely a result of America's campaign of zero tolerance-an unobtainable goal. Senator John Kerry perpetrated the prevaricative canard that criminal cartels were behind the drive for legalization. Nothing could be further from the truth: cartels always step into a vacuum, and they benefit from our draconian laws. One has to wonder where Senator Kerry gets his marching orders. Cartels would disappear if drugs were legalized, just as they did when alcohol prohibition was repealed in 1933.

Prohibition also leads to police corruption: studies show that 30% of police have been unlawfully involved with illegal drugs. The supreme court recently overturned a previous 9-0 ruling regarding the knock-and-announce rule, stating that the cops need merely identify themselves before entering a residence-usually violently.

Enforcement of drug laws are also racially biased (I'm a white male). Most drug users are white and casual users of weed, coke or heroin. Yet most of those doing time for drug offenses are disproportionately black and hispanic. It's a case of a predatory DEA wolfpack picking off the most vulnerable members of a herd, rather than facing down a banker who can afford something better than a court-appointed defence. It's so unfair it pangs the conscience.

America has among the most restrictive drug laws in the world, and they have only made the situation worse. Canada recently considered a Senate recommendation to legalize pot. Holland has legalized pot without any negative consequences: the Dutch have the longest life-span in the world and a violent crime rate less than 1 sixth of the US. Injection programs for the most hard-core heroin addicts in Switzerland have caused aids to disappear among this vulnerable group, and employment among them stands at 70%. Other countries have come to grips with this problem through rationality and compassion. America has not-and it has utterly failed. Studies of American conditions and behavior prior to 1914, when these subsances were legal, show no correlation to poorer health or crime-Alcohol is the sole exception to this.

President McKinley used cocaine for 27 years until his death by an assasin's bullet. Grant used morphine to ease his discomfort after his presidency. 250,000 Civil War vets were morphine addicts.

The police chiefs of Kansas City, MO, San Jose and San Diego, CA, Seattle, WA and many smaller departments have called for the legalization of drugs. Former drug czar Barry McCaffrey has called the Federal prison system "America's drug Gulag" and has stated "We cannot incarcerate our way out of this problem." Former Secy of State George Schultz has called for an end to prohibition and consideration of decriminalization and legalization.

"Necessity is the plea for every infringement of human freedom. It is the argument of tyrants; it is the creed of slaves."-William Pitt.

If there's one cliche that has been blatantly overused in the past few years, it's that our government is fighting a "war on drugs." Sure, the government is pretending to wage it, but we all know the war on drugs has been over for years, if it even ever existed in the first place. How exactly can we have a war on something so many people seem to want? Next thing you know, the government will start telling people they can't gamble, or pay for sex, or smoke in a privately-owned bar (whoops). Anyway, Joel Miller adds plenty of fuel to the raging debate over the drug war with Bad Trip. This short, direct, and intelligent volume should convince anyone who hasn't been indoctrinated up to their eyeballs in governmental propaganda that the war on drugs (like most wars) isn't worth fighting.

In one rather entertaining early segment, Miller takes the reader on a glimpse of the drug war's early days, illustrating the roots of the current mess in the first half of the 20th century. There's plenty of unintentional comedy to be found when Miller discusses some of the attitudes regarding drugs (including alcohol) that were commonly held back in the twenties and thirties. In one especially uproarious moment, in 1938 the Commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics actually wrote, "an overdose of marijuana generates savage and sadistic traits likely to reach a climax in axe and ice-pick murders." And then of course, there was Reefer Madness, the classic 1936 movie where a little toking resulted in PERMANENT INSANITY. Now, having been around some pot smokers myself, I can say for sure that while marijuana use may result in giddiness, the telling of off-color jokes, and the consumption of junk food, it does not lead to violence or insanity. Sadly, though, the ridiculous beliefs outlined above continue to inform the drug laws even in these more "enlightened" times, and Miller does us all a favor by casting light upon them.

Of course, it's not drugs themselves that cause so much crime, it's the illegality of drugs. If people can't obtain drugs through legal means, they'll just get them elsewhere, very likely from violent gangs. Every halfway-informed person knows the same thing happened when alcohol was prohibited and gangsters took over the market, but apparently our politicians are slow learners (duh). Essentially, Miller writes, the drug war is bound to fail due in large part to simple economics. Drug dealers, he writes, are profiteers, while drug warriors are mere bureaucrats. Since the sale and use of drugs are prohibited, the government creates a black market in which any willing person with some brains can turn an easy profit. Therefore, the dealer trying to make a buck will always be ahead of the DEA agent who's getting paid anyway. As Miller details in the chapter on drug smuggling, the tighter the noose of prohibition gets, the more inventive dealers get in the quest for money.

Most tragically, though, since the drug trade is entirely voluntary and there are no victims to file complaints, governments have to resort to ever more proactive and draconian measures in order to catch dealers and users. Warrantless searches, no-knock military-style raids, blanket traffic stops, and utterly unjustified confiscations have made a mockery of everybody's Constitutional rights while doing little or nothing to stem the flow of drugs. Miller provides us with a laundry list of innocent people who have been robbed, terrorized, and even killed at the hands of overzealous (or outright corrupt) drug warriors. In many cases, governments have established a giant network of informants to fink on friends, customers, and even classmates, often going so far as to entrap people into breaking the law. Not to mention, the travesty of mandatory-sentencing laws has filled our jails with non-violent "criminals" who take up space that could be used for slightly more dangerous folks, like, say, muggers, burglars, and rapists.

Ultimately, Miller writes, the war on drugs amounts to nothing more than a war on freedom. There are plenty of other institutions in society, such as the family and the church, that can help prevent people from abusing drugs, but government prohibition merely creates a whole slew of new problems for all of us. Accepting the fact that other people are going to do things you don't like is a necessary part of living in a free society, one that mature people are going to have to get used to. After all, I don't think people should watch reality TV or listen to Celine Dion, but I manage to get over it. Miller finishes with a quote from Thomas Sowell that sums up the issue better than I ever could: "What do people get out of using drugs? I don't know...but there is all the difference in the world between deciding that you don't want to do something and trying to force other people to live your way." Amen.

This should scare the hell out of a lot of dirty law enforcement agencies! The War on drugs is OVER,and the drugs won. Illegal drugs cannot be stopped. It has created more dirty cops,and turned them into Nazi style storm troopers that bust into homes of the innocent in the wee hours of the morning. This book should be required reading for every American. Like the book? Please visit www.leap.cc/.
Leagalize the drugs and then you control them. President Bush, wake up and read this book.

Miller does a superb job of marshalling a number of philosophical, economic, legal and practical arguments against the war drugs. Although he states that he believes drug use is a bad choice, he also believes that life in a free society necessarily encumbers the fact that others will make choices that we personally oppose.

I wonder how Miller's argument would apply to the abortion debate?

In any event, I am a conservative Christian who happens to believe that the war on drugs is a misguided, miserable failure implemented by self-serving politicians who sought more votes in the 1970s.

The principle of states' rigths should apply to this question. Prohibition at the federal level is a failed policy that ought to be abandoned, and Miller gives us the ammuntion needed in this battle.

I dont think I would be priviliged enough to be in the same room as this superhero. No need for reviews as the others did a pretty good job. After you read this, you will never trust the government again.

He deserves 10 stars.

Note that this review is 4 years after publication... four years of silence.

A book that tears the mask off the fraudulent "War on Drugs". It exposes the growth of the war from two (highly mutually destructive) agencies in 1971 (Customs and DEA) to 55 and counting. It describes very extensive, high-volume CIA involvement in smuggling itself to obtain unaccountable funding.

It documents the cost of the fraudulent war. In dollars misspent, in innocent lives lost through raids gone amok and witnesses silenced, in the credibility of government agencies and the news media, and in the harm resulting from the 5-fold increase (his figures) in drug usage during the time $1 trillion has been wasted in the fight.

Recommend finding this book used or in a library, or reading Levine's chapter in "Into the Buzzsaw" by Kristina Borjesson.

The first sign of corruption in a society ... is that the end justifies the means. ~Georges Beranos, "Why Freedom?" (1955)

When you finish going through this book, you will gain a new perspective on the drugs war, and some of the root causes of the drugs problem in United States.

"Look Mike, our country has many diverse interests and you're one man in one little corner of the world. There are a lot of people a lot smarter than you and I involved in this business who might know a few things we don't. So just because an action might seem right doesn't mean it is; and even if it's the right thing to do, sometimes it's not the healthiest."

...

He was silent for a long moment. "Mike, don't ever forget a peanut butter sandwich."
"You're kidding."
"No, I'm not. I'm telling you this because I like you."

...

"Bario was one of the best and most committed undercover agents in DEA; he had done some of the agency's highest-level deep cover work. He was also a friend of mine. A year earlier he had been arrested for smuggling heroin from his post of duty in Mexico. While in jail in a Texas border town awaiting a removal hearing, he took a bite of a peanut butter sandwich and went into convulsions, and then a deep coma. He died a month later. He wife was told by the prison warden that strychnine had been found in his blood. The official autopsy report listed the cause of death as asphyxiation -- he choked on a peanut butter sandwich.
Many of Bario's fellow agents were aware that he was involved in cases that overlapped CIA interests. The rumor was that he "knew too much" about the CIA smuggling drugs into the United States to support its own interests and that he was killed by either members of DEA's Internal Security (who was in reality CIA) or by the CIA itself. I had always been one of those who had placed little credence in the rumor. Who could really believe that a branch of the U.S. government would assassinate its own people for any reason?"

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Mike Levine is a good writer. Add that to the fact that he was one of the best undercover agents in American history and you've got the equation for a great book. I had to stop myself a number of times to remember that this is NON-Fiction. The bumbling and deception that goes on at the higher levels of our Criminal Justice system would be laughable had this been a work of fiction. There is just too much detail here for it NOT to be true. This book, coupled with Levine's other book "Deep Cover" show you how the people in power manipulate the media to show the public the reality they want them to see. In light of the Iraq war "intelligence" misinformation, we can see that nothing has changed. In fact, the stakes have gotten higher.

I rank this book with "Dark Alliance" and "C.I.A.: Cocaine In America" as the most telling indictment of America's pseudo-war on drugs. Unlike most suthors who pontificate solutions from ivory towers and exhort stratagem with quill pens, Mr. Levine, not unlike Mr. VesBucci, for that matter, advises from hard-fought experience.

310 Blesionwest 5-8 Ouhatachou Nishinomiyashi Hyougoken 662-0836

310 Blesionwest 5-8 Ouhatachou Nishinomiyashi Hyougoken 662-0836

310 Bulesionwest 5-8 Ouhatachou Nishinomiyashi Hyougoken 662-0836

310 Bulesionwest 5-8 Ouhatachou Nishinomiyashi Hyougoken 662-0836

310 Bulesionwest 5-8 Ouhatachou Nishinomiyashi Hyougoken 662-0836

this book tells us about rfk,jfk and kenny o'donnel. it tells us about how they were, and it's very interessing. I suggest it to all people who are fan of the keenedys, like me. there are a few rares photos.

I used to work with the author's uncle, Cleo, who also plays a large part in this book. Over lunch and sometimes drinks after work, he used to tell us some of the wonderful stories of his and his brother's friendship with the Kennedy brothers. When I saw this book, I had to get it and it is bringing back wonderful memories of 25 years ago in Boston. In fact, if I am not mistaken, the author herself may have helped out in the office once or twice during school vacations. In any case, if you are a Kennedy fan, this is a touching, well-written book full of warmth and good stories about the Kennedys' and O'Donnells' as real people, written by someone who knew them. Don't miss it.

Kenny O'Donnell has done an outstanding job of providing insight to a man who figured largely in world history. He has drawn a very real, very strong portrait of a man who set and met many personal goals in his personal and professional life. Robert Kennedy was, in my opinion the most interesting of his brothers. Mr. O'Donnell does an excellent job of describing the aura of sincerity Robert Kennedy exuded. He helps bring a man into focus who has been dead for many years by describing the consistencies of his character. Robert Kennedy was clearly a very driven, very determined and very hard working man. He was also a very caring, very committed and very compassionate as well. He was a central figure in world history and I think the late Senator's works have certainly influenced the world for the better. This book is definitely worth reading.

A Common Good is an enjoyable, fast-paced read. It is a warm portrayl of Bobby, Jack and Kenny O'Donnel as people. There are laughs and poignant moments. It s a must for anyone interested in Robert Kennedy.

This is a very well written and, at times, touching book by (former JFK Chief of Staff) Kenny O'Donnell's daughter Helen (with a little help from former DNC advance man Jerry Bruno and her late father's audio tapes). There is great information about Kenny's relationship with RFK and, to a leser extent, JFK. As the elading civilian expert on the Secret Service, one word of caution, though: she misspells Secret Service agent Jerry Behn's name as "Bain" and she concludes that her father had a hand in planning JFK's Dallas motorcade route-he did not.
Vince Palamara
Secret service expert, History Channel, author of 2 books, in over 30 other author's books, etc.

Having spent my teenage years in Mozambique during the 1950s, I've always felt a strong affinity for Mozambique and its people. I read Finnegan's book with a heavy heart, finally piecing together the puzzle of what has become of the, "Terra de boa gente", the land of the good people. Finnegan's book is amazingly sensitive and intelligent. This is a book built on a foundation of deep insight, patience and great scholarship. Through Finnegan's incisive reporting, I was transported back to this "harrowed" land down to the smell of the wood fires. Not having been in Mozambique since 1968, Finnegan re-kindled my interest and wish to re-visit this challenged land and to see it again for myself.

This is a great introductory book to understanding the war in Mozambique from independence until 1992. This would be the first book that I would recommend anyone wanting to know about the history behind current events not only in Mozambique, but in Southern Africa in general. Finnegan divided the war into sections based on the provinces of Mozambique, and then told the unique story relative to each region and how the war was influenced by Mozambicans and its neighbors. If anyone is interested in further reading on Mozambique and/or Southern Africa, the bibliography in the back of this book is exceptional. Most highly recommended!

I bought this book before a trip to Mozambique in the summer of 2000. I found it very hard to find books about the country. I found this to be the most complete book as far as giving me a big picture of what the people had been through in recent years. The book has many anecdotes to show the typical western reader just how different life is in Mozambique. I found that the sense of poverty as well as generosity and warmth that the author communicated was verified by my own experience. It is the stories of the everyday person in the book that are so wonderful. Stories of the joy of children upon recieving a gift of a pen or the desire of young man for a pair of shoes.

The Mozambicans are amazing people. I apprciated them even more because I had read this this book. I was filled with wonder at the total complete wonderful humanity I encountered given the populations truly horrible experience of war.

I bought this book before a trip to Mozambique in the summer of 2000. It was very hard to find books about the country. I ended up coming to Amazon and jsut doing a search. This was one of the books I bought sight unseen. It turned out to be the best. It was the most complete book as far as giving me a big picture of what the people had been through in recent years. The book has many anecdotes to show the typical western reader just how different life is in Mozambique. I found that the sense of poverty as well as generosity and warmth that the author communicated was verified by my own experience. It is the stories of the everyday person in the book that are so wonderful. Stories of the joy of children upon recieving a gift of a pen or the desire of young man for a pair of shoes.

The Mozambicans are amazing people. I apprciated them even more because I had read this this book. I was filled with wonder at the total complete wonderful humanity I encountered given the populations truly horrible experience of war.

This is a lively and well written book which deals with the period of civil war in Mozambique. It was completed and published just before the conclusion of a successful peace process and so provides a particularly clear and powerful view of recent history.It is based on the author's travels within country during the war period and includes extensive interviews. The people he talked and worked with emerge as very vivid and lively characters. The support of the rebels by Rhodesia and South Africa, and the reasons for that support, are well described. A must read for anyone going to work in Mz, strongly recommended for the serious traveler as well.