Security Books

I love this book and believe it is a required read for all conscience citizens.

This book isn't for everybody. For those to whom it's directed, it's excellent and I highly recommend it. In this review I'll try to help you understand whether this book is for you.

To begin with, even if you're a gun enthusiast, you may not be interested in the political and legal details that influenced the Founders in writing the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. This book delves into those details with enthusiasm (Halbrook is a lawyer, and a good one). Don't buy it if those would leave you cold.

For those who want the details, however, this is an excellent source. Halbrook explains in great depth the growth of the "gun culture" in colonial America, and the efforts of the British government to stifle that culture. Most gun enthusiasts probably know that the American Revolution was triggered by a "gun confiscation" mission ordered by General Gage, which led to fighting at Lexington and Concord. However, Halbrook describes the actions that led up to Lexington and Concord, from 1765 on, including embargoes on shipment of gunpowder to the Colonies, seizure of gunpowder from Colonial powderhouses, and eventually the confiscation of all firearms in Boston.

Halbrook gives only a brief treatment to the conduct of the Revolutionary War itself, except to note the importance of gunpowder smuggled in from the Dutch colony of St. Eustatia. However, the war is not his real focus. His emphasis is on how the Revolutionary War influenced the people who wrote the Constitution.

Halbrook goes into great depth on the debate over whether the Constitution should have a Bill of Rights. On the one side were the Federalists, who argued that a Bill of Rights might eventually become a ceiling over Americans' rights, instead of a floor under them. Why, the Federalists argued, should the Government be forbidden to do certain things which the main body of the Constitution gave it no power to do? The anti-Federalists, who were unhappy with the idea of strong central government in the first place, demanded a Bill of Rights as a price for ratifying the Constitution. Halbrook goes into great depth on these arguments, quoting advocates from both sides.

As it turned out, the Federalists got the Constitution they wanted, with a strong central government, but (supposedly) with only limited powers. The anti-Federalists got the Bill of Rights they wanted, although in retrospect it should be called a Bill of Limitations. Every article in the first ten Amendments is a restriction on the power of the Federal government, not a grant of rights to the citizens ("Congress shall make no law. . ."). One of the great strengths of this book is the description of how it turned out that way: who were the actors, what did they say, and how did they work for what they wanted.

The assumption behind the book, of course, is that the intent of the Founders in writing the Constitution still matters. The Second Amendment, in particular, is not a thing of "emanations from penumbras," to be interpreted by the courts according to "modern conditions," but was the work of people who had to fight for their freedom from tyranny, and who intended that the means for that fight should never be taken away from American citizens. To those for whom that assumption is still valid, the book is an excellent resource on the history and reasoning behind the Bill of Rights, and the Second Amendment in particular.

Excellent book, Mr Holbrook is very knowledgable on the subject matter. It is very educational, and can be hard to read at times, but once you get through all the leagleeze, it is great. One of the best books I've read on this subject, and I would highly recomend it to anybody interested in the second amendment, and what it REALLY stands for.

THE FOUNDERS' SECOND AMENDMENT: ORIGINS OF THE RIGHT TO BEAR ARMS considers the history of the constitutional rights of Americans to bear arms in early America from 1768 to 1826, offering up the first book-length account of these origins based on the Founders' own statements from newspapers, debates, and legislative resolutions. The depth and detail added to source material quotes makes this a fine pick for both college and high school collections strong in American history and politics.

Americans, specifically the privileged citizens of the U.S., have a wonderful capacity for naive self-congratulation--a collective fantasy that selectively recalls or imagines a burnished history filled with the noblest ideals of democracy, freedom, and equality in response to injustices received, while glossing over the many injustices given. Frederick Douglass understood this all too well in his excoriating Fourth of July speech "The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro" given in 1852. To Douglass, who opened his speech with due praise for the founders of the nation, the promise of the "fathers of the republic" made the then current enslavement of fellow humans all the more appalling, sad, and shameful:

"What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer; a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sound of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants brass fronted impudence; your shout of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanks-givings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy -- a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, at this very hour."

Professor Colaiaco uses the text of this speech and others by Douglass to explain the oratory, ideas, and history behind the rhetoric. Rather than follow a strict historical narrative, Colaiaco juxtaposes the ideals enshrined by the nation's founders with the rhetoric of Douglass's speeches, fleshing out Douglass's thoughts with biographical, historical, and intellectual context. The book actively relives the struggle to reconcile the lofty ideals of America's founding with the practical realities that both undermined and served those same ideals. That we continue these arguments to this day testifies to both the continuation of injustices and the adaptability of our system of government in addressing them.

Colaiaco's Frederick Douglass and the Fourth of July will undoubtedly attract many readers. Its elegant prose and masterful interweaving of Douglass' powerful July 4th oration (1852) with the events that brought him to the forefront in the fight against slavery make this book a must read for anyone interested in understanding the issues that led to the tragic Civil War.
Colaiaco demonstrates Douglass' consummate rhetorical ability and illuminates the careful thought he gave to arrive at an anti-slavery interpretation of the U.S. Constitution. This book goes beyond Douglass' July 4th oration to illuminate other important speeches of Douglass, including his attack upon the infamous Dred Scott decision (1857) as well as his brilliant 1860 speech on the Constitution as an abolition document.
Having read this book, I can better understand how Douglass compelled America to confront the shameful contradiction of slavery in a nation whose founding documents-- the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution-- professed liberty, justice, and equal rights for all.
Colaiaco's writing talent lies in his ability to make difficult matters accessible even to those who are not American history scholars. Readers will comprehend the power of the spoken word to affect a nation. This book, more than any other I have read, demonstrates the prominence of Frederick Douglass' oratory in arousing the conscience of many against slavery in the years prior to the Civil War. This is the only book I know that analyzes Douglass' July 4th speech, placing it among the greatest speeches in American history.
Kudos to James Colaiaco for writing an excellent book on an important historical period that combines elegant prose and incisive analysis. This book deserves a place among the celebrated works on American history.

James Colaiaco, also author of an important book on Martin Luther King, Jr. has now written an outstanding study of Frederick Douglass.

On July 5, 1852, Frederick Douglass, the former slave and abolitionist, delivered an extraordinary speech in Rochester, N.Y., entitled "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?" Douglass' July 4th oration is the greatest abolition speech of the 19th century. With rhetorical brilliance, Douglass compelled the nation to confront what has been called the "American dilemma," the contradiction between slavery and the ideals of liberty and equal rights proclaimed by the Declaration of Independence and the Preamble to the Constitution. This contradiction between ideals and practice tore the nation apart, leading to the Civil War.

James Colaiaco does a masterful job in weaving together a comprehensive analysis of Douglass' speech and important historical context. This book brings to life a brilliant cast of characters, including William Lloyd Garrison, Abraham Lincoln, John C. Calhoun, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Sojourner Truth, and John Brown. Colaiaco's penetrating analysis shows that while Douglass praised America for its liberal ideals, he devoted most of his thirty-page speech to attacking the nation for continuing to allow more than three million black people to live in slavery.

Not only does Colaiaco provide a comprehensive and insightful analysis of Douglass' speech, he also demonstrates how Douglass continued to pursue its major themes in many speeches delivered prior to the Civil War. Among the important speeches the book analyzes is Douglass' condemnation of the 1857 infamous Dred Scott decision, in which the Supreme Court declared that, according to the Constitution, black people were not citizens and did not possess any rights which white people were required to respect. Colaiaco shows how the Dred Scott decision was a stunning defeat for the abolition movement, and aroused a chorus of indignation throughout the North. Abraham expressed the hope that it would be overturned as soon as possible.

Frederick Douglass realized that the Dred Scott decision undermined the message of his 1852 July 4th oration, the contradiction between slavery and America's founding documents. As the nation continued to plummet towards civil war, Douglass delivered a brilliant address in Glasgow, Scotland in 1860. Developing ideas that were rooted in his 1852 July 4th oration, and pursued in many other previous speeches, Douglass challenged the U.S. Supreme Court, arguing the controversial position that, despite certain compromises with "slavery" made by the framers in 1787, the Constitution, when read through the ethical lens of its own Preamble, in addition to the Declaration of Independence, is a great abolition document.

Needless to say, the nation failed to heed Douglass' call to abolish slavery. What could not be resolved by rational discourse, had be be resolved by arms. The Civil War, in which some 620,000 Union and Confederate soldiers lost their lives, was a tragedy that Douglass predicted but desperately tried to convince the nation to avert.

This book is ideal for anyone interested in learning how Frederick Douglass, a true American hero, used the power of oratory to defend human rights.

I read this book by James Colaiaco, a Master Teacher of Great Books at New York University, to help me think about the United States's upcoming Independence Day holiday of July 4, 2006. The book did both less than that and more.

Colaiaco's "Frederick Douglass and the Fourth of July Oration" has as its named subject a speech that Douglass (1818 -- 1895) gave in Rochester, New York on July 5, 1852, generally known as "What, to the American Slave, is your 4th of July?" In his speech, Douglass paid tribute to the vision and courage of America's founders in their fight for freedom and for independence from Britian. But equally importantly, he excoriated the America of his day for its toleration of the institution of slavery. Using his great oratorical powers, Douglass lashed out at the hypocrisy that would proclaim that "all men are created equal" with self-evident rights to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" while enslaving 4,000,000 African Americans. Yet Douglass found a reason for hope as he was convinced that the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution offered the path to eliminate slavery.

Colaiaco's book is similar in format to books published in recent years analyzing the speeches of Abraham Lincoln in detail. There have been notable books, for example, devoted to Lincoln's Cooper Union Address, the Second Inaugural Address, and, of course, the Gettysburg Address. Douglass was a grand and learned speaker who had escaped from slavery as a young man and who, as was Lincoln, was largely self-taught. His speeches, together with his three autobiographies, richly reward reading.

Although Colaiaco gives a good account of Douglass's celebrated Fourth of July oration, the book is rather broader in scope than that single speech. It discusses Douglass's development as a thinker beginning the time he spent in slavery and concluding, in general, with the end of the Civil War, even though Douglass lived and wrote for an additional 30 years. Most of the book discusses American Constitutional interpretation and Douglass's changing views of the American Constitution. Thus, Colaiaco points out that, upon escaping slavery, Douglass originally was a follower of the abolititonist William Garrison who wanted nothing to do with the American Constitution because he believed it sanctioned slavery. (Ironically, this understanding of the Constitution was shared by the Southern slaveholders.) Gradually, Douglass became convinced that the Declaration and Constitution themselves were powerful weapons against slavery and that the words of the Constitution could be read to support its abolition. (Abraham Lincoln did not go so far. He issued his Emancipation Proclamation under grounds of military necessary and was troubled about whether it would be sustainable in peace time. The result was the 13th Amendment abolishing slavery.) Douglass thus broke with Garrison and fought for a political end to slavery within the contours of the American political system and its governing documents. This was a bold and creative step to take. Douglass's way of reading a fundamental legal text remains with us, and controversial, today.

By the time he delivered his Fourth of July oration, Douglass had already broken with Garrison. Colaiaco takes the reader through the speech and points out how Douglass believed change could be attained within American constitutionalism. But most of the book uses the July 4 speech as a springboard for consideration of questions of Constitutional interpretation, the reasons for Douglass's change in his view of the Constitution, the Dred Scott decision, Douglass's relationship with John Brown, and the coming of the Civil War. Colaiaco also discusses several additional speeches of Douglass, including a speech he gave in Glasgow, Scotland in March 1860, "The Constitution of the United States: is it pro-slavery or anti-slavery" and a speech he gave in Lincoln Park, Washington, D.C. on April 14, 1876, "Oration in Memory of Abraham Lincoln". The book concludes with an analysis of Douglass's reading of the Constitution, including these portions which appear to sanction slavery where it existed without actually using the word.

I found the discussion of constitutional interpretation insightful and stimulating, but it took my attention away from Douglass's Fourth of July speech. The speech deserves detailed treatment in a book, but Colaiaco's book, while leading the reader to think that the speech is its main focus, does something good, but a little different.

On a related note, I was also disappointed that the book does not include the rather lengthy text of Douglass's Fourth of July oration. (Colaiaco's text is only about 200 pages long.) Readers interested enough to pursue a treatment of the speech ought to be given the text so that they can read it for themselves as they study the analysis. Douglass prepared an edited, abriged version of the speech and included it in his second autobiography, which is available from the Library of America series. The speech, together with many of Douglass's other works, is also available in Philip Foner's one-volume edition of "Frederick Douglass: Selected Speeches and Writings" in the Library of Black America series. Those interested in reading Douglass for themselves, particularly the Fourth of July oration, would do well to turn to one of these sources as they read Colaiaco's fine study.

Robin Friedman

I am one of the subjects in the book. After reading it, I was impressed with the sincerity that it conveyed as well as the honesty. Many books and articles have been writted on this subject, but they all seem so self justifying. many gay cops need a platform in which to soap box their own opinions. This book allowed all the subjects to be themselves, just people, with real lives, with real problems ( like anyone else). The book did justice to all of those who are in conflict with their own sexuallity/career.

I could not put this book down. Being a gay cop, I found so many of the stories to be helpful in my coming out process. I also found that being gay, and being a cop, do work well together.

This is must reading for all cops, straight or gay. We all gain from understanding.

I could not put this book down. Being a gay cop, I found so many of the stories to be helpful in my coming out process. I also found that being gay, and being a cop, do work well together.

This is must reading for all cops, straight or gay. We all gain from understanding.

Being a gay cop this was an great and insightful book. Active with the Gay Officers Action League, I had the opportunity to meet Dr. Leinen. I believe this book is required reading, not only for gay cops coming out; but for all law enforcement personnel and administrators.

Mr. Spitz provides a no nonsense, intelligent approach to retirement investing. He uses historical data and his vast experience to support his staightforward, "anybody can do it" philosophy. Most importantly, he teaches the average investor how to avoid the extraneous and useless information that plagues all do-it-yourself investors. With his approach, a plan is always set in place, removing the need for "thinking" about your retirement. Every person in charge of his own retirement should read this book.

the end of the I met Mr. Spitz several years ago when he spoke at a Vanderbilt Alumni Reunion in Louisville. He explained his book, which I purchased, and I was able to use his philosophies in setting up investments for hundreds of injured people. I still quote parts of the book verbatim to this very day.

I recently purchased several copies of the book to give to people who work in our office. It is one of the best investment philosophy books ever written.

Don McNay...

I met the author twice when he spoke to a small group. I liked Bill's thought process and bought the book about eight years ago. I still have it, well marked and well used. Bill explained his purpose in writing the book as showing individual investors how to apply the same principles of investing and investment management that he applied as Treasurer of Vanderbilt. There he selected and provided oversight over a number of portfolio managers who managed portions of the Vanderbilt endowment. Bill shows how an individual can do the same thing by investing in a diversified group of mutual funds.

Bill carefully explains the elements of an investment portfolio (U.S. stocks, small cap stocks, bonds, real estate, etc.) and suggests several allocations between the elements. One unique aspect of his advice is that every portfolio should have a real estate component. His discussion convinced me and real estate investment trusts are now an important part of my retirement portfolio.

This is a well written quide for the individual investor who seeks a well thought out plan for investing.

Spitz, Treasurer of Vanderbilt University, spells out in simple terms, how to invest in 5 or 6 classes of mutual funds to match the level of risk for your stage of life. He shows how to analyse your level of risk and makes a few assumptions about future growth potential and creates a plan for financial security that the reader can follow and practise without the need for stock brokers or other expensive financial advisors. Easy to read and understand.

I have returned to Vietnam many times...I speak the language and have known about the atrocities that occured after April 30, 1975. I have read and re-read this work and I compare it to another great book...Decent Interval by Frank Snepp. The stories are unique yet the same, reeking of betrayal and abandonment by a "friend".
The author reveals arduous research and the ability to place these anecdotes onto paper without losing emotion and perhaps color. As a previous reviewer has stated...better late than never. My congradulations and thanks to the author.
I would give this book more stars if possible.
I am the author of ...Eye of the Tiger and Thoughts Etched in Jade.

In this book, Dr. McKelvey wrote a detailed and intimate account of the South Vietnamese military officers' fates after the end of the Vietnam War.

The message is troublesome but not surprising: the military personnel were rounded into re-education camps and suffered untold tragedies from humiliation, torture, mental degradation to physical impoverishment within a communist prison system. The majority of the officers were jailed from ten to fifteen years; one officer was detained for a total of 22 years.

While 70,000 former political inmates and their families were allowed to immigrate to the U.S. through the ODP (Orderly Departure Program), many more are still living on the fringes of the Vietnamese communist society. A former major drives a pedicab for a living. In this McKelvey's book, we heard the voices of a doctor, a tailor, a politician, an engineer, a spy, a pilot, and a teacher. They all endured "grueling and unforgiving ordeals that only the strongest would have survived." Family members were ostracized for being related to the political prisoners; their wives suffered uncounted financial, emotional, physical hardships, their children barred from a decent education.

The book is one of the few that deal with the long-term psychological effects of the incarceration on the inmates and the sufferings of their relatives.

The author concludes that: 1) War does not end when peace treaties are signed because the negative rippling effects of war and destruction affect many generations to come. 2) The U.S. should be very careful about intervening militarily in any part of the World. 3) The U.S., if it does go to war, cannot simply abandon friends and allies to the mercies of common enemies.

McKelvey, a Marine veteran of Vietnam, penned a marvelous oral history of former reeducation camp survivors. The Introduction is personal and touching. The book contains four major sections dealing with interviews with former prisoners: a doctor, an engineer, a tailor, a pilot and a spy. Families of prisoners give their stories of carrying on while their loved ones were in captivity.

The author probes deeply into the postwar lives of these former public servants and officers of South Vietnam. From the initial reporting date in June 1975 until their release, the interviewees recall the brutal details of the camps, their captors and the communist indoctrination--basically hard labor and starvation. "Reeducation" is a misnomer.

Nixon and Kissinger's "Peace with Honor" never materialized. Ford took care of the refugees in the U.S. but didn't/couldn't intervene. Carter, well...he was busy with pardoning draft dodgers and Iran. The U.N. and Amnesty International finally took notice in 1979 when it was too late for the majority of those who had perished.

I give this book four stars only because it reeks of academia, its format of Q&A rather than an arcing narrative. It should be included in every Vietnam class, especially those professors and students who care to learn about America's defeated and abandoned allies.

I am a student from Vietnam and now studying in the U.S. I chanced to read this book in our university library. Thanks the AUTHOR for an insightful book.

In fact, my family background was 'clean' in the eyes of our government because my parents were not involved in any military service for the former government. But I have friends whose family situations were exactly the same as those portrayed in the book. I must say those are incredible human sufferings, and not only for one generation. I am glad some of those stories are now heard, perhaps a bit late but still, better than never.

Here's a life-time lesson for me (and perhaps some others): no matter how and what communists tell you, don't hastily believe them. Just look at what and how they do, and you'll see it for yourself. For many of them, human dignity and lives are trivial and cheap.

Global Outsourcing with Microsoft Visual Studio 2005 Team System is an excellent book and informational resource. The format is easy to follow, intuitive, and simplifies gaining an understanding of both the concept of global outsourcing as well as the software.

Note: This review gives more importance to the processes than the other obvious benefits.

Who should read this book?
- On-site coordinators
- Off-shore managers
- Process managers/Product Managers
- Key people involved in distributed development/outsourcing.

Why this book is useful?
- This book can be used as a process guidance for outsourcing/distributed environment.
- This book clearly identifies the day to day issues of a distributed development environment and gives options on how to mitigate the risks.
- Explains all the possible options on how efficiently VSTS can be used.
- This is very useful not only for the teams using VSTS 2005, but also for any distributed development team as this clearly gives an idea of what processes should be in place. VSTS is an all-in-one tool which helps in making the life easier.
- For companies which do not prefer to use VSTS can also leverage from the processes clearly mentioned in the book and can achieve similar efficiency by using different free tools available in the market.
- The book has shown how to customize the VSTS to suit the specific need along with the code which is very handy and reduces a lot of effort in customizing.
- More importantly, this book is very handy and easily understood by techies and non-techies alike. Non-techies can understand the processes without getting into any technical details.
- Addresses the issues faced by bigger and smaller companies and bigger or smaller teams.

Jamil Azher's GLOBAL OUTSOURCING WITH MICROSOFT VISUAL STUDIO 2005 TEAM SYSTEM tells how to manage outsourced projects using Visual Studio 2005, which engages developers, project managers and team leads alike. GLOBAL OUTSOURCING takes it examples from the real world also: it examines typical outsource management issues, applications, and problem-solving in a fine technical overview programmers will relish.

This book is indeed about global outsourcing, but it deals with the outsourcing of software not athletic shoes or kitchen ware. Specifically, as you might guess from the title, it concentrates on the use of Microsoft's Team System version of Visual Studio 2005. Other Microsoft products such as Project and Excel from the Office suite are also shown as a part of an integrated management system.

There is little question tht outsourcing is here to stay. The cost savings are simply to great to be ignored. A programmer with a few years of experience in the US is paid an average of $55K, in India $15K, and in China $9K.

There is also no question that outsourcing brings its own problems in terms of management, control and especially communications. Many of these problems are specifically discussed in the book, and it goes on to show that the Microsoft tools can assist in these areas. The tools will not, of course, guarantee success but they may help to make a project a success.

I have followed David Domke's research for more than five years and have appreciated his thorough documentation and analsyis of a phenomenen that is largely ignored by the mainstream media and unknown to the American public. The phenomenen of political fundamentalism, so carefully covered in his new book, "God Willing," is a must-read for anyone who cherishes American democracy.



Domke's book is the product of meticulous analysis of hundreds of Bush administration speeches, news reports and public opinion polls between the September 11 terrorist attacks and the end of major combat in Iraq. The research clearly shows that Bush strategically cloaked his religiously conservative worldview in nationalistic language and ideas that were reflected consistently by the media and the general public. This religious-cum-political worldview, in turn, framed public discourse in ways that seriously threaten freedoms that are at the heart of a democracy. Complex issues were reduced to simplistic binaries ("You are either with us or you are with the terrorists."). Criticism of the administration's policies was labeled un-American. The War on Terror and invastion of Iraq were justified as America's calling such that dissent was seen as defying God's will.



All Americans, regardless of their political leanings, must agree that such rhetoric, when echoed by the press, limits the free and open discourse that is fundamental to democratic governance. Domke deserves great credit for stepping forward to call on the news media and the public to demand more wide-ranging dialogue, including dissent, on the important issues facing our country. In my book, he's a true patriot.

Over my lifetime, I have come to have a healthy respect for the American free press. Recently, however, I have found myself questioning what I read in the papers and hear coming from other media. Thanks to David Domke and this book, I now understand that my increasing concerns about the American media were well founded. Domke presents clear evidence that George Bush and his staff developed a calculated policy designed to stop all opposition to a Bush/Republican plan dealing with a post 9/11 world and to shut down any healthy exchange of diverse ideas. Based on the research, these actions by the Bush administration have led to an interconnection of religious fundamentalism and political policy that is little different from that of the Taliban or al Qaida - with the obvious inserting of Bush as the person who professes to be carrying out God's will. Domke also presents evidence that these actions by Bush were echoed by the mainstream media so substantially that a policy has been established that essentially says, "you are either with the president or you are against democracy and for the terrorists." Further, there is the suggestion that to challenge the president is to put the nation at great peril. Domke has courage in presenting these research findings. The actions of the Bush administration and the news media were directly counter to fundamental American democratic ideals and principles, and Domke's work makes that clear.

After September 11, 2001, I knew I was frustrated with the Bush administration's use of civil religion to promote its political goals, but I had a hard time articulating my uneasiness. I owe David Domke a debt of gratitude. His book helped me understand what I have been feeling and thinking. Domke uses the phrase "political fundamentalism" to describe the way the Bush administration's uses civil religion.

Political fundamentalism, according to Domke, has four major characteristics:
·A black and white world view that has no patience with complexities
·A sense of urgency that drives towards immediate and enduring action
·Identification of the Christian faith with the values of freedom and liberty
·Intolerance of dissent

For each of these four aspects, Domke presents excerpts from speeches by President Bush between September 11, 2001 and May, 2003, when Bush declared "mission accomplished" in Iraq. Domke analyzes the vocabulary and concepts in Bush's speeches that manifest this approach used so effectively by Bush's administration. Domke notes the way those same words and concepts appear in editorials and TV commentary within a few days of each speech.

The net effect, according to Domke, of the Bush administration's political fundamentalism, and the echoing of those views in the press, is a compromise of the very principles that make democracy work: discussion of various points of view and the willingness to take the time to reach some level of consensus. In fact, Domke argues that our administration is doing the very same kinds of things that the violent Islamic fundamentalists are doing: using religion to justify self-interest.

Everyone who feels uneasy about the Bush Administration's use of religious images, as well as those who have concerns about the way the press helped Bush advance his agenda, should read this book.

Domke shows how the fundamentalist politics based on fundamentalist religion has usurped the democracy "of the people, by the people and for the people". The black and white, right and wrong stance of President Bush and his administration has supplanted the values of the teachings of Jesus Christ. Domke shows how language crafted to fit fundamentalist politics can only be countered with language from a different world view - the language of a world view based in hope not fear.

Ratushinskaya, ther very accomplished poet and former Soviet exile, has produced here one of the most rspectable and well arranged books of all time. I expect it will go down as one of the most prominent and exceptional gifts of memoir for the entirety ofthe twentieth century. Unjustifiably charged in 1983 for "anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda" (whatever that may actually mean is obviously conjectural)for her stance on human rights and opposition to persecution of personal religious freedom and conviction, Ratushinskaya was imprisoned with a sentence of seven years, four of which were filled. Her memoir here attests to a type of courage seldom seen in any era and exceed the sometimes absurd limitations imposed by politicoes as well, the genre of writing of such an ordeal. This book, along with the follow up ("In the Beginning") are highly impressionable, admirable and an answer to anyone who ever thought either one respected for their insights or convictions seldom put to paper such depth and maturity. I haveenormous repsect for her and can highly recommend to anyone this book.

This memoir by a Russian physicist and poet offers a detailed look into the lives and imprisonment of political and ideological deviants in the 1980s USSR. The book was written soon after her release from prison. As a result, the first part is angry and lacks some of the insight that could be obtained with distance and perspective. The second half is better though and the book is book is well worth reading, both as an inside look into recent Russian history, and as the inspiring story of a woman who went to great lengths to stand up for her beliefs.

I found the novel not only to be beautifully written and inspiring but also very educational. It describes what commonly happened in the Soviet Union to people like Irina Ratushinskaya. It is hard to believe that life in prison can be filled with hope, friendship and such morality. The novel is a testament to the stregnth of a human spirit.

I started reading this book after finding it in my gramma's book shelf. I'm not a big book reader, but I couldn't stop reading this. It really shows the hardships of prison. Each page shows compassion, and strength, the depth and detail makes my heart go out to the women in the story. This novel left me in tears. It is one of the best novels ever written. Ratushinskaya is a wonderful writter.

Before you give it as a gift, take the time to read it yourself and mark half a dozen pages that you consider are of special value to the recipient. It may stimulate them to read more. Oh yes, and don't forget to buy yourself a book also.

At last, there is a book for the nonfinancially astute that discusses money matters in such a clear, understandable way that it motivates people to apply some of the 101 tips to their own situations and look forward to a richer future. In GROW YOUR MONEY 101 EASY TIPS TO PLAN, SAVE, and INVEST, Jonathan D. Pond covers every aspect of handling income from first allowances to honoring heirs in estate planning. The book is a fluent reading of investment topics sprinkled with humor and illustrated with basic arithmetic. Points are well formulated, inarguable, and easy to implement. They give hope to everyone, no matter what stage in life nor how many resources to squeeze for more value. Besides the book itself, the author maintains a website for readers to get most up-to-date information for individual needs.

Everyone has to think about how they will manage money, but it is difficult to find uncomplicated material for advice. And, as the author points out, financial experts give confusing explanations that can be biased in a way that will "grow more money" for themselves from fees, sales, and/or commissions. Best objective advice is in this book. I was particularly impressed with advantageous tax savings I can take and would not have known about. I also was relieved to learn how to make affordable sound investments with a limited budget and without the risk or difficulty I previously imagined.

This is a book that will benefit everyone. It is a "must have" for every household, basic for a secure financial future.

I really like the tips in this book. They work for all ages from someone just getting into learning about money to retirement. It is easy to read and you can skip around as you need to. I only give it a 4 because I wish a few tips had some more detail or at least suggestions of where to get more detail.

This is a wonderful educational book on numerous areas of personal finance. It includes topics such as:

Buying and Maintaining a Home
Profiting from a Fabulous Career
Reducing Taxes
Investing in Stocks, Bonds and Real Estate
Retirement Planning
Estate Planning and Insurance
Educating Children about Money and Personal Finance

This is the most comprehensive finance book I've read and it's easy to read with some humor thrown in here and there. The author uses numerous detailed examples to illustrate his points which really help the reader understand the ideas. The book also has a companion website where the reader can go for more information or more up-to-date information as this book ages.

This is not a book that has to be read cover-to-cover. I did that, but if you want to find topics relevant to you, the author includes an age-based checklist in the front. I also really like that the end of the book includes a checklist by month of the things you should be doing throughout the year. It makes keeping up with your finances look less daunting!

The author made it easy for me to come away from the book with my own "To-Do" list, so I definitely got something out of reading this book! I also gained some new perspectives on certain areas - for example, it's a good idea to plan for early retirement because some people plan to retire later, but end up having to retire early. (You don't want to run out of money) I think the author has good insight and great ideas and I agree with his financial strategies.

Great book for all to read!

This book could create a more secure future for us all by empowering tomorrows adults, ( today's children ) with financial freedom.
An excellent read.

This book takes a complicated subject and explains building wealth in simple terms. It is easy to understand and practical. It does not try to impress with complex theory and information. It gives specific ideas and examples of how anyone can, using a consistent and disciplined approach, build real wealth for their children and families. The best solutions are often those that seems almost too easy - but these are often the strokes of genius that change our lives. This book and its methods and ideas are in this category. What a bargain! What a program!

The premise of this book is simple and, like this review, mercifully short. It is never too early to begin financial planning! With simple examples and real-life experience, the authors make a very strong case for creating a painless way of reaching financial security for your immediate family and generations to come. You cannot rewrite history, but with the help of this book you can alter your children's financial future in ways that you never imagined!

This review will be short and sweet. I my opinion the author hit the nail on the head. They simply wrote the easy true about the importance of teaching young kids how to save money today for their future goals. It show them how to save without going without today. They will notice all the things they can still have while watching their future money grow geometrically.
Most of us know how kids feel about the here and now, "I have to have it now". This book teaches them how they can have both. Great book for such a small price.