Policy Books

You should read this book with the book "Twentieth Century Architecture" and it will give you more clear impression.

A reference classic to approach with a critical eye the history of urban planning. Probably what Peter Hall is most recognized for...

Be the first to review this item

My university is using this book as a text as part of our study of Planning History. It is a very good read and is unlike a textbook. Outlines planning history from 1880 to 1980.

Many books have been written about the decline of American cities- but I have found none quite like this one.

Rae's book is not an abstract set of generalizations, but a case study of one city: New Haven, Connecticut.

The first half of the book begins by talking about the rise of New Haven. At the start of the 19th century, New Haven was just one of many small towns in south central Connecticut. But by 1910 it was an industrial powerhouse with 80% of the region's population. What went right?

Once railroads were invented in the early 19th century, intercity (between cities) transportation became much easier - but at the same time, intracity transportation was still cumbersome. So industry was centralized in a few downtowns, and most people lived within a mile of their work. And cheap energy (through coal and steam) benefited port cities which, like New Haven, lacked the power of falling water and thus did not have a large mill industry. Moreover, coal (unlike modern electricity) was also easier to transport between downtowns than within cities. So labor and capital were centralized in New Haven, which by 1910 was a crime-free, bustling, very urban place.

New Haven stopped growing as early as the 1920s, and started to shrink in the 1950s. What went wrong?

Rae lists a variety of factors- some that were beyond the control of any politician, and some that could have been controlled through more enlightened public policy.

In the first category, Rae mentions the rise of the automobile (which decentralized regions by making transportation within a region easier) and the rise of the electric power grid (which allowed cheap energy to go beyond regional cores). Television decimated the city's volunteer civic organizations, and national centralization of industry meant that local groceries were supplanted by regional supermarkets and New Haven's industries were bought by corporations headquartered in other cities and often moved around the country or around the globe.

In the second category, Rae criticizes highways that encouraged movement to suburbia, public housing projects that anchored low-skill people in urban cores that were losing low-skill manufacturing jobs, zoning that discouraged retail outside of a few commercial streets, New Deal housing agencies that discouraged investment in urban working-class neighborhoods, and urban renewal projects that bulldozed those neighborhoods in the 1950s and 1960s to build more highways and housing projects.

Was sprawl inevitable? Given the wide range of factors cited by Rae, some sprawl was inevitable- but the disastrous decline of New Haven probably wasn't.

This book chronicles the rich urban life of New Haven, CT, and the forces that brought about its decline in the postwar period. It dissects the misplaced theories underpinning the urban renewal movement and details the disastrous effects that these policies had on New Haven. While the book focuses on New Haven, the discussion is pertinent to urban renewal projects in dozens of US cities, and is of interest to anyone interested in the decline, and possible rebirth of urban life. One unique characteristic of this book is the quality of the writing: witty, insightful. Despite being a scholarly book, it reads like a novel. I would highly recommend this book to anyone interested in cities.

I found this to be an absorbing, detailed, and provocative political and social history of New Haven, with lessons and delightful insights for those interested in the future of our cities, suburbs, and communities. Only a well-respected Yale political scientist like Doug Rae, with the sophistication of someone who has experienced firsthand how policy and implementation collide, could have written as entertaining and perceptive a history. The book is an immense public service, and required reading for those interested in urban planning, redevelopment, and public policy. I enjoyed it thoroughly!

Rae spins a story like a novelist, but this book is really a tour de force, assembling an impressive amount of data to explain how well-intentioned urban planning policies failed, and how America lost its sense of what creates livable cities. It's a terrific read for anyone interested in the tale of American urban evolution in the twentieth century, and a must-read for those involved in urban planning, public policy and politics.

This is a pretty easy book to read, and professor Kelly does a very good job of pointing out how economic conservatives, along with big business have waged class warfare against working people, while running their own propaganda machine, and buying off the political system in the process.

I noted this book was flawed, and there are two primary reasons. While any classic "liberal" may rejoice at many of Kelly's thoughts, those who may be open minded conservatives, or on the fence, may be turned off by several tactics he uses. One is that he continually hammers home article after article, note after note, on why his point is right. But after a while it becomes a bit numbing, like you are being faced with a one-man counter-propaganda machine. While this may not be true, because he is so incessant it comes off that way. Second, the current major politician whose ideas are closest to Kelly's is John McCain, a moderately conservative Republican (I do not consider Ralph Nader a politician, and Bill Bradley is retired). Supporters of McCain's philosophy (whether they use him as their icon or not), who are looking for enlightenment may find that this book pushes so hard, it pushes them away.

Again, those flaws are not going to keep me from telling you to not read the book. If you think, even wonder, that Kelly may be right in that the Enron's and WorldCom's of the world are colluding with many politicians to stick it to the working man, Kelly will show you just how right you are. And his argument is quite compelling.

Superb & succinct account of the rise & rise of the plutocracy, using mostly quotations from the BIG FIVE US financial news organs. The most appalling thing is that the book was published in 2000, BEFORE the installation of the most rapacious Administration since the 19th century, perhaps ever.

For all our sakes, Bush & his pack of gold-plated curs must GO! The PEOPLE MUST VOTE at all levels and for all branches of government. It is the first responsibility of citizenship, not just a right that can be forfeited with impunity.

Even as a life-long Republican, I find it hard to disagree with many of the arguments in this obviously Liberal writing. I highly recommend the book.

If the book fails anywhere, it is in providing direct examples of the transfer of wealth that takes place -- from the taxpayers to campaign contributors -- as a result of our public electoral system being financed by private money.

Economic conservatives speak in this title, which uses quotes from the Wall Street Journal and other publications to show the intention of the conservative establishment to benefit corporations and investors at the expense of the lower classes. After outlining problems, Kelly offers some solutions for combating conservative agendas.

Too bad the jerks running for president in 2008 don't read this. I suspect nearly would understand it, especially Obama.

This book was an enjoyable read. I do not have an economics background and found the author made a complex subject content simple and easy to understand. He presented the facts with an unbiased perspective and shared his viewpoints at the end. I would highly recommend this book to anyone who is attempting to try and understand our country's dilemma with healthcare.

A must read for those seeking a thorough understanding of the strengths and shortcomings of the US healthcare system.

This is a great book to review what's wrong with America's health care system, how we end up here and how we may fix it. There isn't any complex econ model used to crack the "Red Code," neither any rhetoric about "fundamental change" which is favored by presidential candidates. Rich references and tables of numbers are clear and helpful for reading. The best part I like about this book is that it is not focused on one single aspect of health system but all three goals: access, efficiency and quality.

Find out why & how the inner cities in America have started recovering from social disorder and crimes that plagued them only years ago.

Informative.

Paul Grogan and Tony Proscio may be on to something - a completely new urban dynamic that has quietly evolved over the past 20 years or so - largely unnoticed except for those engaged in it. In a lively and entertaining style, the authors tell a remarkable story of four, sometimes discrete, but often coordinated trends that they say hold the promise of the rebirth of the nation's inner city neighborhoods.

The central thesis of "Comeback Cities" is that if lost inner city neighborhoods are to be reclaimed, the residents of those neighborhoods must do it. Until they themselves take responsibility - mainly through the creation of nonprofit community development corporations (CDCs) - nothing else seems to work. But these "engines of reclamation" are not enough - the authors say they need to be coupled with new policing techniques, deregulation of public systems, (i.e., welfare and public housing reform) and educational reforms to reach a "critical mass" and real improvement. Seems unlikely, - but in city after city, - New York, Boston, Cleveland, Kansas City, Milwaukee, Oakland, Houston, - the authors detail the extraordinary results achieved by the confluence of these four new forces.

The central question of course is whether these trends can gain sufficient traction to become the blueprint for reliable inner city revitalization. Or are they simply anecdotal random events, uniquely tied to local circumstance.

This compelling and insightful book examines these new trends and shows, especially in the synergy of their confluence, that meaningful revitalization is not only possible but also predictable. The evidence, skillfully woven into cogent argument, builds chapter on chapter. Without denying the importance of a booming economy or new energy from immigration, the authors make a credible case that but for these new forces - especially the local nonprofit CDCs - the successes they describe would not have been realized. And while they acknowledge the important role of HUD's Community Development Block Grant and HOME programs, and the Low Income Housing Tax Credit, (which provide the "fuel" for these engines), the authors rightly focus on the local nonprofit machinery as necessary for these programs to work. As a 30-year practitioner at the federal level, I can attest to the wisdom of this focus. The best outcomes seem to occur, as is borne out by the book, when the Federal government uses its leverage, instead of prescriptive programs, (e.g., the Low Income Housing Tax Credit, the CRA, FannyMae directed-mortgage commitments and so fourth), and the local level - using this Federal leverage - is free to design and implement appropriate solutions.

The writing is a pleasure: speaking, for example, of the Federal government's role in establishing the practice of "redlining" [excluding large demographic areas from access to mortgages] and the decades later passage of the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA) [encouraging banks to lend in such areas], the authors comment:

"Consequently, to view the modern mortgage industry as an immaculate offspring of the unfettered private market - one whose dainty virtue was now threatened by an unprecedented federal groping [the CRA] - was disingenuousness raised to the level of parody. Perfect, in other words, for a congressional debate."

So fluid is the writing that one is barely aware of all the information actually coming off the page. Surprising nuggets, simple but powerful, are so easily told their significance might not be immediately appreciated. Just two of many examples: that poverty needn't be inexorably associated with disorder and slum conditions, - as demonstrated by the South Bronx story - deserves serious reflection. As does the lesson of how taking care of little things - like people jumping the fare stiles in the NY subway system - can pay major dividends:

"Collaring 'petty' offenders suddenly led to a harvest of arrests of serious criminals. One out of ten fare beaters turned out to be wanted on a felony warrant, and many others were carrying illegal firearms. In one stroke, Bratton had not only eliminated an appalling spectacle that was frightening the public and costing the transit system tens of millions in lost revenues annually, he was bagging large numbers of wanted felons in the bargain. As a billiard player would say, a three cushion shot. Crime in the subways fell off a cliff. Between 1990 and 1994 felonies dropped 75%, robberies by 64 percent."

But cities are complex entities, even "organic," and if there is any criticism, it may be that the writing is so clear and easy that some may think it belies an extraordinary energy required of these local citizens and officials to achieve these hard won victories. This would be a mistake. Certainly, effort and energy are required, but perhaps one of the lessons of this book, to put it simply, is that things go much easier with the right approach. In fact, no matter the energy expended, they might not "go" at all without it. This book is about the right approach.

Comeback Cities is superbly crafted. And, while optimistic, it is by no means a Pollyannaish book about the elimination of poverty, injustice, and how we can all get along. Speaking from "hands-on" experience the authors describe what they see, and take care not to overstate the case. This is an honest, balanced book that provides a sound basis for hope, with realistic recommendations to multiply the rebirth they document.

"The political challenge for cities and their supporters -and specifically for the next president and Congress-is to draw the national imagination towards the astonishing accomplishments already underway, the pace of those accomplishments, the intelligence that has led them, and the mounting opportunity they will create as they continue to pile up.".

Comeback Cities will fire this imagination. It is well worth the time of anyone interested - even if only remotely- in urban America. It avoids the normally dense "policy wonk stuff" and makes complex issues transparently accessible. It is must reading for academics, policymakers, and the general public.

Paul Grogan and Tony Proscio are definitely on to something.

Community development practitioners, grass roots activists, and others who have long worked to revitalize America's inner city neighborhoods know that change is afoot. The transformation is subtle and still uneven but palpable nevertheless. In recent years there have been positive improvements in the day to day lives of inner city residents across America. Here is a book thta tells us why it happens, where, and what we can do to support this trend.

Drawing on evidence from urban neighborhoods in different regions of the country and on their own substantial knowledge of the field, Paul Grogan and Tony Proscio identify key factors that have contributed to these positive changes. Several factors, including the revival of private markets in the inner city, have been identified by other experts in the field. Grogan and Proscio make an especially compelling case, however, that it is the confluence of factors - the right combination of effort and innovation - that makes for "Comeback Cities."

This book is a must-read for community and economic development practitioners, grass roots activists and others in both the public and private sectors who hope to create an urban agenda for the future. For those who are already on the front lines, this is an acknowledgment of hard-won accomplishments and a valuable road map for the future.

Though it leaves the reader acutely aware of the problems still facing America's core urban areas, "Comeback Cities" nonetheless instills a wave of optimism in the reader about the revivifying effects that grassroots community development organizations, new techniques of community policing, and deregulation in welfare, public housing and public schools have had in some of the nation's formerly moribund cities.

Grogan and Proscio take an anecdotal approach to their argument, which serves the book well. Where such an approach can sometimes mask a paucity of evidence, these authors have no such problem. Grogan and Proscio show that the phenomena they're discussing are just as visible in Cleveland and Boston as they are in San Francisco and Chicago. And each actual case they cite bolsters the book's argument: that bold, new approaches to age-old urban problems have recusitated patients that most prognosticators long ago said were dead on the operating table. Whether one considers HUD's mid-1990s recasting of the role and form of public housing in Chicago's Cabrini Green, William Bratton's widespread application of the "broken windows" method of community policing in Boston and New York City, or Cleveland Mayor Michael White's and Milwaukee Mayor John Norquist's audacious efforts to make public schooling in their respective cities more accountable, Grogan and Proscio clearly illustrate the key changes that are uplifting cities.

Another fantastic aspect of "Comeback Cities" is the multi-layered, nuanced approach the authors employ. Proscio and Grogan understand, and they make the reader understand, that community policing, community development corporations, economic deregulation, and public school accountability are all interrelated solutions to urban problems. Far too often, politicians and public policy commentators argue that such problems are individual and should be combatted individually and apart from the larger picture. Smartly, these authors show that such an approach is not only no longer possible, but that it may just have contributed to the deep-seated problems affecting cities in the first place.

Finally, the prose of "Comeback Cities" deserves an effusive salute. Where many planning books can be arrid and full of jargon, these authors are careful to boil down their arguments to their essential terms, while providing the appropriate and necessary background. "Comeback Cities" reads like the best journalism, and I must recommend it as one of the finest books I've read in months.

A textbook for public planners of various ilks. Provides an overview rather than an in depth analysis of particular issues. For that reason, it is liable to be pertinent for awhile yet. Good for what it is.

This book was a great help in the projects that my instructor assigned. It was very detailed.

We used this text in our planning course last fall and it was excellent! Eric Kelly is a genius when it comes to writing planning books. This book is a must have for all college planning students. I highly recommend it!

Planning in the 21st Century

BY MARY R. ENGLISH

Part of a growing series on land use planning published by Island Press, Community Planning is modestly titled. It provides much more than an introduction: it gives the reader a working acquaintance with community planning.

In the United States, the concept of comprehensive local planning dates back to the City Beautiful movement spawned by the 1892 Columbian Exposition in Chicago. In the late 1920s, the concept took off on a grand scale with the Standard City Planning Enabling Act published in 1928 by the U.S. Department of Commerce as a companion to its 1926 Standard Zoning Enabling Act. Both were the culmination of the work of a commission appointed in 1921 by Herbert Hoover, then Secretary of Commerce.

While the Department of Commerce's model acts were simply that-models-they provided helpful guidance to states. In 1926, local land use zoning had received the blessing of the U.S. Supreme Court in Village of Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., which sanctioned the use of public regulatory power to specify how private land may be used. To enable and provide direction for local zoning and planning, states passed legislation patterned on the Department of Commerce models.

Now more than 70 years old, these models have been scrutinized and alternatives have been proposed-by the American Law Institute and the American Planning Association, for example-but virtually all state zoning and planning legislation harkens back to these two standard acts. They are premised on the idea that good government requires professionalism grounded in fact-based analysis and dispassionate forecasting.

Just as you can take a trip without an itinerary, you can zone without a comprehensive plan. Properly done, however, a comprehensive plan brings logic, foresight, and defensibility to zoning and other community decisions. Sometimes called a master plan or a general plan, a comprehensive plan is, as Kelly and Becker note, "a tangible representation of what a community wants to be in the future."

Today, full-blown comprehensive plans typically include inventories of existing conditions, statements of needs and goals, and implementation strategies. Comprehensive plans also broach topics such as population, housing, land use, economic development, public facilities and infrastructure, natural resources, and cultural resources. These are often described in some detail, accompanied with maps and information on historic trends and projections. The comprehensive plan may also detail more specific plans for special areas such as a city's downtown, or special topics such as open space and recreation.

Community Planning is contemporary in its orientation. Kelly and Becker frequently note the need for early and continued involvement of citizens and elected officials in community planning processes. Nevertheless, the book is in keeping with the rationalist, "good government" spirit that motivated the U.S. Department of Commerce's model acts. It provides a systematic, well-thought-out guide to the community planning process.

Kelly and Becker's book was written to serve as a text for introductory classes in planning at the undergraduate or graduate level, and it moves from the general to the specific of tangible plans, the nuts and bolts of developing and implementing plans. The book wraps up with practical information useful not just to students, but also to community leaders with no formal training in planning on what work to expect from planners and on ethical issues to consider in planning. To assist the teacher or the self-taught reader, each chapter concludes with exercises, discussion questions, and annotated suggestions for further reading. The book also has an extensive bibliography.

Over the past few decades, debates have arisen about the utility of comprehensive plans. Are they worth the effort? Is the process of planning really more important than the document itself? Does anyone actually use the plan? As federal subsidies for local comprehensive planning processes dwindled in the 1980s, the popularity of massive plans waned.

Kelly and Becker acknowledge this shift, and they also point out that planning is inevitably political: despite the best efforts of the government reformers, planning remains political with a small p. At its best, it transcends politics and builds consensus across political coalitions. At its worst, it can become so embroiled in local political issues that it loses its credibility and effectiveness.

Nevertheless, this book is testimony to Kelly and Becker's conviction that planning and comprehensive plans, properly done, can and should make a positive difference.

Mary R. English, Energy, Environment and Resources Center, University of Tennessee, Knoxville

This review originally appeared in the Fall 2000 issue of FORUM for Applied Research and Public Policy.

This is an outstanding book for understanding why the US military has such problems with confronting insurgency. Counterinsurgency is never easy, but the US has proved monumentally incompetent across generations of command. The book's thesis is that bad counterinsurgency doctrine made a successful intervention in Vietnam impossible, and that the conflict was lost as soon as it began.

The most crucial misconception is that there is no such thing as an organic, self developed insurgency. Insurgency was seen as the policy of a foreign nation seeking to intervene within a country, likely as a prelude to invasion. Insurgencies were dependent on foreign support for supplies, bases and command. Combatting an insurgency required severing the link between the foreign support and the insurgents.

Related to this was a belief that light military pressure, or even just the presence of US forces could compel the withdrawl of insurgent support, because such a presence would signify US resolve to oppose an invasion or intervention.

The application of this logic led to a dynamic where the US pressured North Vietnam in retaliation for VC attacks. North Vietnam interpreted that pressure not as a response to it's own policies but as a direct attack upon it's existence. Consequently it increased rather then decreased supplies and support for the VC, ultimately sending not just supplies but regular troops. In essence the US created exactly the scenario it's policies were intended to prevent.

That this is happening again in Iraq and Iran suggests too few people in command read this book.

I had the great privilege of taking many of Dr. Cable's classes while I was at the University of North Carolina at Wilmington. Dr. Cable is a true gift to the historical field. His courses were difficult, but his amazing story-telling ability shines both in class and in both of his books (conflict of myths and unholy grail). While reading his books, I can actually still hear his delivery and cadence. As we go further into a time when local squabbles and terrorists will engage the attention of our foreign policy, his writings and experiences are all the more appropriate.

Dr. Larry Cable's experience and intellectual appraisal for the counterinsurgency role of the U.S. armed forces in Southeast Asia are placed into perspective. While not completely supporting all U.S. activities regarding the reduction of irregular forces, Cable examines the reality on the ground that was the wake-up call for American military leaders in Vietnam. An extremely effective and important book that should be read as much for the intellectual value as the historical value.

This book analyzes how the US came to adopt the policy of using conventional tactics to fight the insurgency in Vietnam. It provides a great analysis of the American way of conducting war and gives examples of attempts to fight the war in other means. Author has/had first hand knowledge of what was going on behind the scenes in the 60's. This book is required reading at many military schools which realize our past failures and are trying to teach current military personnel how to avoid similar mistakes in the future.

Demetrion offers us a genealogy of and emerging, conflicted and underfunded literacy field over the past 30 plus years. It is a Genealogy, rather than a history because Demetrion doesn't just offer a chronological list of events, but rather describes the contest between conflicting forces that shaped those events. Demetrion also relates conflicts of assessemnt and accountability, and an attempt by the "Equipped for the Future" project to create a middle ground view on assessemnt and pedagogy for the field. Finally Demetrion offers a possible vision for the field grounded in American democratic founding principles.

The book is a must for literacy students, workers, and anyone interested in becoming familiar with the field. It is not an easy book, requiring time and effort. But it is purposeful, well organized, thought provoking and a satisfying read. It is also instructive about pedagogy, assessment and it has a very strong Dewey inclination.

This book details the rise of the adult literacy field--more money, more legislative interest, more advocacy, since A Nation At Risk. Demetrion sparks interest through inclusion of ongoing list serv debates from the National Institute for Literacy list servs. Those involved in this field (as I am) care passionately about giving a boost to low literate adults through classes and methods that increase their skills. Coming as it does during the culture wars, much of the debate is political--from the goals for adult literacy, to curriculum, to ultimate purposes: democratic access to printed documents and laws, or utilitarian focus on job skills. This book should appeal especially to those who look at the world through a political lens.

The book was interesting and very helpful. He went into enough detail so that I understood the background and history so that his conclusions made a lot of sense.

This historical review of adult education over the last 20 years provides a convincing argument for a stronger commitment to democracy in society-at-large. The audience is adult educators, educational policy makers, legislators, college students, and librarians.
Adult literacy has become hostage to a workforce model. Librarians who work with literacy providers may wonder why literacy is not a central policy focus. In George Demetrion's clear and insightful book, Conflicting Paradigms in Adult Literacy Education: In Quest of a U.S. Democratic Politics of Literacy, the workforce readiness model prevalent in the U.S. is explained. I have found this approach inimical, for the most part, to the librarians' commitment to human capabilities. Demetrion helps us all to learn that there are alternative models and gives us the intellectual tools to implement them-- if we have the will.
I will be using this text as recommended for my classes on adult lifelong learning.

This book is a collection of many of Saul Singer's columns and editorials for the Jerusalem Post.

One might think that there would be little for him to say. After all, Israel is a small nation. What it does probably isn't very important. Even if it were to do something drastically different, such as giving away most of its land, or starting a war with a neighbor, or forming a military alliance with Syria, one might wonder why that would be interesting. Worse, Israel's options are heavily constrained: it is unlikely to do much of anything at all.

Nevertheless, there's still quite a bit of value in these articles. For one thing, while Israel's options may be limited, it's still worth trying to keep track of what is happening in the region and in the world. A second point is that much of what is written about Israel is intentionally inaccurate, misleading, or simply thoughtless. It's good to have someone around to provide some accuracy and clarity. Finally, many of the problems we see in the Levant have larger implications, and this makes what Singer writes important for everyone.

One theme of Singer's is the folly of "evenhandedness." That is, the European Union tends to support the Arabs in their war against Israel. The United States purports to be a fair and honest broker that can bring peace to both sides. Singer points out more than once that this doesn't work. A neutral approach towards ending fights favors bullies. After all, if the aggressor and the victim are to be treated equally, why not be an aggressor? And this is in fact one of the reasons that we don't have serious progress towards peace between Israel and the Arabs.

I liked the variety of subjects that Singer addressed and found his views thoughtful and interesting. I recommend his book.

Topical essay collections are often a hit or miss proposition since the essays can appear dated by the time they are re-published in collection form. Yet somehow, writing about the Middle East never seems irrelevant no matter how much time has passed. This is true of Saul Singer's new book. Singer, Jerusalem Post editorial writer and columnist has collected much of his writings for the Post between the year 1998 and the summer of 2003, particularly those concerning the war on terrorism being fought and faced by both the United States and Israel. Singer contends this is the same war and I agree with him. The essays, most of which are unsigned editorials Singer penned for the Post and a number of which are from his weekly column "Interesting Times", are arranged largely, though not totally chronologically and each one is proceeded by an introduction written by Singer this summer, before the book was published. These introductions create a cohesiveness of the essays by tying them to current conditions. For example, on many occasions, post 9/11, the Post was critical of what it saw as American equivocation on Palestinian terrorism. In a number of his introductions to editorials of this nature, Singer acknowledges where his assumptions turned out to be pre-mature or mistaken.

Taken together the book is a striking history of the major issue of Islamic fascism facing Israel and the world since Sept. 2000. Looking back at these events reminded me of many things I had forgotten. It is always useful to go back and examine events one lived through since the perspective is very different when one has knowledge of the future.

From my perspective Singer, an American who made aliyah a number of years ago, is a centrist, which is to say he would give up land to create a Palestinian state if he thought such a state would live peacefully with Israel. But like much of today's "neo-cons", Singer believes that Israel must win the war in which it is engaged just as the United States must. He is scornful of Israel and American "elite" which try to appease the terrorists. It should also be noted that Singer is a firm believer in the free market and many of his editorials have called for serious economic reform of the Israeli economy, which is still essentially socialist.

All in all this book is a must read for anyone interested in a sensible review of the events affecting the peace of Israel and the United States over the past three years. And the Jerusalem Post is a must read for anyone looking for sensible commentary on the current world scene.

Covering the Palestinian/Arab war against Israel from 1997 to the present day, a writer for the Jerusalem Post presents here a series of essays that should be mandatory reading for anyone with the remotest interest in the Middle East.

The book covers a whole series of issues relating to the so called "peace process" which cannot all be addressed within the space of a review. One of the principal issues covered in this work is the ongoing construction of the so called "security wall/fence" along the boundaries of Judea/Samaria (West Bank) etc.. The "security wall/fence" being cited in the book as really being "constructed" by the Palestinians and not by the Israelis, with an elaboration being made that the structure only came into being following the many thousands of Palestinian terrorist attacks upon Israelis. Further amplification being made that if the Palestinian leadership fulfilled their requirement under the so called "road map" in disarming and disbanding the Palestinian terrorist groups then the "security wall/fence" would be irrelevant in any case.

Further to the "peace process" itself the book describes the European Union as largely taking the Palestinian side in the conflict and that a refusal to label the Palestinians as the "aggressors" has made the conflict virtually impossible to end by providing an "inbuilt incentive" for Palestinians to restart hostilities as soon as any "talks" break down. This is discussed in some detail. Reference is made to the Palestinian Authority, Yasser Arafat, Mahmoud Abbas, or anyone else in authority, having given no indication whatsoever of being prepared/willing to confront Hamas, Islamic Jihad and other terrorist groups. The latter shown to be allowed to operate freely by the Palestinian leadership within all the Palestinian autonomous areas.

Page 136 discusses the attitude depicted within these Palestinian groups where they claim a right to "retaliate" after Israel kills what is termed as one of their "terrorist masterminds" responsible for attacking Israelis etc.. The book discusses the matter at length and describes the underlying attitude of the Palestinian terrorist groups as being of "schoolyard logic" which cries "it all started when he hit me back".

The book makes a number of comparisons between Israel's "war against terrorism" and the parallel "war against terrorism" of the US. Both are described as facing the same enemy with the same strategy. The US & Israel both also depicted in the book as being at the receiving end of what the same "jihad" & an expansionist war by militant Islam that cannot tolerate any form of non-Islamic power.

Having said that, at the beginning of the book the writer describes his first visit to the US following the September 11th terrorist attacks and goes to some length to describe his shock at a fundamental difference in the society of both nations. The book recounts astonishment at the number of US civilians at outdoor cafes and shopping malls without the presence of any noticeable security guards checking people at the entrances etc.. Something described as a far cry from Israel's stringent, ever present security measures, which are depicted as an almost unnoticed part of everyday life in the Jewish state. The shock at the lack of such measures in the US being illustrated as an "almost reckless form of freedom". The book not decrying the situation in the US but just using this as an example of how terrorism has affected two nations in a different manner at the present time, as if the respective peoples currently live in "different worlds".

This is an extremely interesting, composed, well written, incisive study into the common threats facing the US, Israel and the West, as well as an informed insight into the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Highly recommended. Thank you.

I read many of the pages of this book in the Jerusalem Post where Saul Singer has both a weekly column, and often writes the editorial page. He is very insightful on the whole subject of the Terrorist war now being waged against Israel. And he understands very well the kinds of media - bias Israel continually faces. He is a very sane and balanced writer, a rationalist who builds his arguments carefully. He is also it can be seen a decent person motivated not by hatred of the ' enemy' but by a strong desire to find a way toward peace in a better Middle East. American born he too has a good insight into the political realities of the world's single superpower and of the US- Israel relationship. There is much to be learned from reading this excellent collection. And for the honest and open- minded there is a deeper understanding of the Arab - Israel conflict than is generally presented in the world's media.

Meyer's book on C&C has caused a sensation in the UK. C&C is now the basis of UK government policy and opinion forming in the media [see this comment from the Independent on Sunday newspaper last 07 12 2003].

"The future of the planet now rests in the hands of three people: President George Bush, President Vladimir Putin - and the unlikely figure of one Aubrey Meyer, a former concert violinist from east London. President Bush has set out to kill the Kyoto Protocol. Despite growing support in the US for addressing climate change, he has spared no effort in stopping it coming into effect. He is putting the screws on President Putin. Under the protocol's rules, it now only needs Russia's ratification to come into force. The signals from Moscow are mixed, but Putin is thought to be waiting to see whether the US or the European governments, who support Kyoto, will come up with the best price.

"And Mr Meyer? He is the still relatively unknown originator of a body that is fast becoming the leading contender in the fight against global warming, after Kyoto. To that end, he has set up the Global Commons Institute. Michael Meacher, the former Environment minister, endorses the plan - dubbed "contraction and convergence" - on page 22. The Royal commission on Environmental Pollution, the World Council of Churches, and African governments have all adopted it. Under the plan, every person on the planet would have the right to emit the same amount of carbon dioxide, which is the main cause of global warming. Each nation would be set quotas, adding up to a figure the world's climate could tolerate. They would be expected to meet them, say by 2050, and could buy and sell parts of them.

"Kyoto must be brought into force: there is no alternative. Then nations should start negotiating bigger cuts in pollution on this equitable basis - worked out in an unprepossessing London flat."

CONTRACTION & CONVERGENCE: The Global Solution to Climate Change by Aubrey Meyer

Review by Dr. Mayer Hillman, Senior Fellow Emeritus, Policy Studies Institute, London, UK

Climate change caused by the greenhouse gas emissions from our past and present profligate energy-intensive lifestyles already appears to be having tragic consequences. If the reduction of these emissions to a relatively safe level is more important than the pursuit of economic growth, then it is clear that a framework for action is needed within which the reduction can be achieved.

This concise book profoundly and lucidly spells out such a framework. Its author, Aubrey Meyer, founder and director of the Global Commons Institute (GCI), logically calls it `Contraction and Convergence'. It requires the reduction to be completed within a timetable determined by scientific evidence whilst at the same time programming it towards an end-state of per capita emissions `shared out between people globally, equitably and sustainably'. This, he says, will deliver a clean and green form of prosperity which does not seriously prejudice the future of the planet. He argues convincingly that it is the only way of avoiding ecological catastrophe.

In addition to a devastating critique of the failure of economics to treat with the subject of the welfare of all mankind and the global environment, he provides a fascinating history of the process by which a transition has been made in the space of ten years from what was at first ridiculed as a totally unrealistic and impractical solution to a centre stage proposition at the heart of current climate change negotiations.

The effectiveness of his argument is reflected in a growing consensus around the world that `Contraction and Convergence' may indeed be the only realistic route to ecological salvation. For instance, last summer, the Royal Commission on Environment and Pollution and Jan Pronk, the Netherlands Environment Minister and Chairman of the Hague Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, supported the case for an international agreement based on the principle. In his environment speech in the City of London in the autumn, Prime Minister Blair acknowledged that the massive reduction in greenhouse gas emissions must be achieved on `an equitable basis'. A month later, in the Hague, President Chirac stated that `France proposes that we set as our ultimate objective the convergence of per capita emissions'. It is extraordinary that acknowledgement by these two world leaders and others of the relevance of the concept of equity to the subject, with its seismic implications for the future of economic growth, received almost no coverage in the media.

It is clear that radical changes are called for not only in the policies and practices of government, industry and the business community generally, but also in our own lifestyles. If these are to be conducted according to principles of conscience and survival, we cannot continue to play down the significance of climate change. The fact that greenhouse gas emissions remain in the atmosphere for several generations makes it urgent that we take our responsibilities on this portentous issue far more seriously.

I can think of no better investment of time and no more effective means of jolting people out of their complacency on the ramifications of global warming than to read this remarkable book.

February 2001

Published by Green Books on behalf of the Schumacher Society. ISBN 1 870098 94 3. £5.

Human-induced climate change is the greatest environmental threat today. Rising to this terrible challenge means overturning the global apartheid between rich and poor. For example, the United States, with a twentieth of the world's population, usurps a quarter of the global atmosphere to dump its pollution. Such inequity motivates this book's author: Aubrey Meyer, a musician who grew up in South Africa. In 1990, Meyer helped found the London-based Global Commons Institute to promote a simple and powerful concept that may yet break the deadlock of climate negotiations.

Simply put, everyone in the world has an equal right to emit greenhouse gas emissions. First, take the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change figure of 60 per cent cuts to stabilise global atmospheric carbon dioxide levels by 2100. Second, calculate the level of pollution each nation should be allowed. The book's eye-catching computer graphics illustrate past emissions and future allocation of emissions by country, achieving per capita equality by 2030. Emissions thereafter fall to reach safe levels by 2100. Climate damage will still result, but disaster should be averted. Global emissions trading of per capita shares will ease transition costs to a zero-emissions lifestyle, Meyer argues.

This `contraction and convergence' (C&C) framework has gathered the support of a majority of the world's countries, including China and India. It may be the only approach that developing countries are willing to accept. That, in turn, may spur even the US to ratify the Kyoto protocol. However, Meyer warns that the `sub-global framework' of the protocol with its `guesswork' of market mechanisms and `inadequate' cuts `could prove worse than useless' because the public would be lulled into a false sense of security `that something is at last being done'. Meyer's argument is powerful, fuelled by compassion for the poor.

The crux of the matter is whether grassroots support for global equity will defeat the powerful elite interests that currently enjoy the status quo. As one US delegate put it: `We won the Cold War. Contraction & Convergence is Communism'!

Communism or not, accepting C&C would require that the developed world eschews dirty economic growth. If global weather-related damage continues its present trend of doubling every 7 years, then by around 2050 the costs of climate change could exceed the total value of everything that humanity produced over one year. Has global capitalism finally destroyed itself by its own success? Let's hope so.

There is little doubt now - even amongst mainstream political and scientific circles - that climate change poses humankind's greatest ever challenge. "I am not being alarmist," says Meyer. "[But in] the worst case scenario, the survival of all but a tiny minority of the human race comes into question."

This is not simply because of the increasing amounts of CO2, methane and other greenhouse gases that humans are still pumping into the atmosphere, but because the earth's natural regulating systems are themselves in danger of being knocked out of kilter. In a recent model the UK-based Hadley Centre found that warming temperatures would kill tropical rainforests in Brazil - turning vast swathes of Amazonia into desert and grassland, and pouring still more carbon into the atmosphere. Several more 'positive feedbacks' threaten to have just as much of a catastrophic effect.

Yet the solutions which have been proposed so far, like the Kyoto Protocol, have failed to garner world-wide support. This book, which proposes the Contraction and Convergence model as an alternative way to bring down global emissions fairly, could hold the key.

It's really very simple. The Earth's biosphere only has the carrying capacity to absorb a certain amount of carbon per year - and humans have to cut their emissions to a safe level within it. That's 'contraction'. Within this carbon 'budget', every human being on the planet has an equal right to the use of the atmosphere, so countries which emit more than their per-capita fair share must reduce their emissions, whilst those which emit too little are allowed an increase. That's 'convergence'. In a world where 4% of the world's population in the US are able to emit 25% of its CO2, this brings the concept of equity - fairness, basically - to the fore.

For many, equity is a moral standpoint. But it also acts at the level of realpolitik - bringing into the climate process those heavily-populated countries like India and China which are planning to dramatically increase their fossil fuel consumption in the near future. Remember: even if the Kyoto cuts are implemented in full (which they won't be), world carbon emissions are set to increase anyway by some 30% mainly because of the developing world. Why should these countries deny themselves the benefits of electricity, heat and transport simply to support the profligate consumption of rich Europeans, Australians and Americans? In contrast, by recognising these countries' per capita emissions rights, and even allowing them to acquire a tradeable market value, Contraction and Convergence establishes an incentive for clean development.

If you want to know more, read this book. It's an invaluable and readable contribution to a complex - but incredibly important - issue.