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Keeps you guessingReview Date: 2004-04-18
but the book is highly enjoyableReview Date: 2002-02-03
To make matters worse Tom Jack, a union boss, dies when he falls out of Lindsay's tenth floor hotel room. The police are quick to suspect on Lindsay due to her animosity towards Jack as well as it being her hotel room. In order to clear her name she decides to investigate the death with the help of her lover, Sophie Hartley. What they discovered is an ugly blackmail and embezzling scheme involving several people at the trade union.
I liked reading this novel with its satire and quick wit. The plotting is well done and the story ends well. I am aware that this is not the first Lindsay Gordon novel but I will try to read the others. I am enjoying Ms. McDermid's novels and characters.
but the book is highly enjoyableReview Date: 2002-02-03
To make matters worse Tom Jack, a union boss, dies when he falls out of Lindsay's tenth floor hotel room. The police are quick to suspect on Lindsay due to her animosity towards Jack as well as it being her hotel room. In order to clear her name she decides to investigate the death with the help of her lover, Sophie Hartley. What they discovered is an ugly blackmail and embezzling scheme involving several people at the trade union.
I liked reading this novel with its satire and quick wit. The plotting is well done and the story ends well. I am aware that this is not the first Lindsay Gordon novel but I will try to read the others. I am enjoying Ms. McDermid's novels and characters.
I Agree with Publisher's Weekly Review...Review Date: 2005-01-19
I could understand virtually none of the union babble that took up a great deal of the book. I felt like I was reading one of those papers you are assigned in school that you read to say you read, but very little of it actually sinks in.
I was able to follow both the beginning and ending parts of the novel (both of which I liked), and I did not guess who was behind the murder. However, this just wasn't Val's strongest novel, and as much as I'm a supporter of her work, I have to say, unless you're a journalist yoursels, skip over this book.
a good Lindsay GordonReview Date: 2000-08-01
It's a nice change to read good lesbian crime story that's taking place outside the US

Mediocre chick-litReview Date: 2005-09-12
I was not really sure what to expect when I first opened the pages of `Under the Duvet' but luckily the author had the foresight to include a brief introduction to explain the approach she had taken. I found the style of writing easy to read and quickly got through half the book in one evening. The articles seemed a bit abrupt and while I appreciate that they were originally intended as newspaper articles, perhaps the writer could have modified them slightly so that the reader was left feeling more satisfied.
The autobiographical way of writing made it feel like I was reading someone's diary and even though the writer is Irish (I'm not) and older, I was able to relate easily to her troubles and thoughts. There were a number of hilarious articles which were highly original, however I felt that others were merely written from a general expectation of women in this day and age. In these stereotypical sections I got a sense of deja vue and realised that I had read something very similar in another book or even seen it played out on shows such as `Sex and the City'.
A light-hearted, brainless piece of writing that will keep you momentarily entertained. Having said that I do not think I would pay to buy this book a second time round.
My first experience with Marian KeyesReview Date: 2003-07-14
Keyes reveals her secretsReview Date: 2002-10-03
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Mahan to MahanReview Date: 2000-10-23
The Mahan Who Never WasReview Date: 1998-10-16
Influence of History on MahanReview Date: 2004-07-19

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A metaphysical atheistReview Date: 2007-08-13
Unless it is a joke of poor taste, this book is disaster.
I'm not talking about the dozens of similar questions asked over and over, and the repetitive answers.
The author simply doesn't have the scientific and theological knowledge to write about the matter.
And saying god is the time is surrealistic.
This makes sense.Review Date: 2006-06-16
Funny and provocativeReview Date: 2006-06-06

Handbook ReviewReview Date: 2005-06-07
Avionics HandbookReview Date: 2001-07-22
Not what I was expectingReview Date: 2003-03-31
My advice: keep shopping.

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Excellent coverage of wide-range of Web topicsReview Date: 1998-12-24
Two topics I found particulary clear & useful dealt with security and Web databases. There is also a lot of useful material on HTML, Java, and CGI gateways. There is also in-depth coverage of material for Web administration which is probably pretty good too, but since I'm not involved with that, I can't say for sure. But I heartily recommend this book to anyone interested in Web development, especially programmer-types.
To BriefReview Date: 2000-03-20

Seven Pounds of recycled Anglican PrayerReview Date: 2007-02-13
On the positive side it will much appreciated by former Episcopalians who are now within the Roman fold.
A great treasure of the Roman Catholic ChurchReview Date: 2006-10-09
This book contains the order of mass plus all the collects (opening prayers) and secrets (prayers over the gifts) throughout the year. It also contains the order of matins and vespers and has two psalters in the back -- one Coverdale (archaic language) and the other in contempory English.
The binding is quite beautiful and the text is very well set out and is easy to read. Its only real let-down is that it is physically quite bulky and cumbersome.

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Fails to live up to its promiseReview Date: 2008-06-19
`In many cases the peacemakers found themselves dealing with faits accomplis', says MacMillan and `Hitler did not wage war because of the Treaty of Versailles'. True, and very right for a historian to point her finger at commonplace views that only reflect hindsight. The trouble is that this appears in the conclusion, and that the rest of the book gives the opposite impression.
The Peacemakers read to me like a laundry list indictment of the Versailles treaty. On each issue, the problems the treaty set in store take centre ground. It is blamed for an endless list of ills ranging from Eastern Europe in the 1930s to the Middle East today. And the peacemakers' own private weaknesses, elaborated on in colourful detail, systematically add to the impression of failure. Perhaps this is where MacMillan provides a fresh view: behind the scenes analysis, portrayal of the actors as well the action. While that is indeed the book's most interesting feature, however, it makes an already confused account even more so. The book's scope is broad, but by trying to draw even broader consequences, it inevitably veers into superficiality.
There were deep flaws in the treaty, which everyone is taught at school: the war guilt clause, the reparations, the make-up of the League. These would have been worth examining in more depth (For example how high were the German reparations really? My own guess is a huge 25% to 75% of German GDP. Just providing a well-researched estimate of that would have been illuminating, rather than sounding once again like debatable hearsay), and could have been set against some of the more positive achievements of this momentous peace agreement.
MasterlyReview Date: 2008-03-22
The negotiations and the differences between the peace makers are set out in lucid detail, together with the nicely ironic comment, often as asides in brackets. The author pilots us skilfully through the complications of the Balkans, and only the treatment of the admittedly tortuous developments in Syria and Mesopotamia (Iraq) are a little on the stodgy side. There are model succinct summaries of the past history of the areas under discussion, and equally succinct ones of what happened to them after the peace treaties, right up to the present day.
As at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, there is constant mistrust among the peace makers: France did not want a strong Italy; Britain (looking back to the rivalry before the Entente of 1904) distrusted France; Italy constantly tried to thwart the new Yugoslavia and was in competition with Greece. It should be no surprise to any student of politics that double standards were constantly in evidence: statesmen who had got what they wanted described the demands of others as `greedy' (except, unfortunately, for Lloyd George who was bewitched by Venizelos of Greece, possibly the greediest of the lot). There was the sordid haggling over the allocation of reparation payments from Germany, with contempt being shown to little Belgium's claim for a fair share of them. The high-minded and high-handed Wilson simply overruled the majority vote in one of the commissions that the Covenant of the League should include a racial equality clause proposed by the Japanese. He then compensated the Japanese with another betrayal of his own principles by accepting the Japanese claim on Chinese Shantung.
Macmillan is particularly illuminating on the Japanese. They were initially included in the Supreme Council which made all the decisions, but were then simply dropped. The service chiefs in Britain and the United States were already contemplating that one day they would have to go to war with Japan - not altogether surprising, since Japan was clearly already set on expansion.
But the Supreme Council often gave only cursory attention to areas outside of Europe, and did not listen carefully to what experts could tell them. This accounts to a large extent to the shambles they made in the Middle East. The consequences, as far as the Arabs were concerned, took some time to show themselves; but the stupidity of the peace makers' dealings with Turkey proper were quickly exposed by the success of Kemal Ataturk, who swiftly destroyed the Treaty of Sèvres which had been imposed on the Sultan.
Only Clemenceau wanted the League of Nations to have `teeth': he saw it first and foremost as an organization to prevent future German aggression. The other members of the Supreme Council were not prepared to sacrifice any of their sovereignty; and even President Wilson, for whom the League was of greater importance than anything else, knew that Congress would never stand for giving the League real power and did not press for it.
Macmillan concludes that Germany was actually better placed after the Versailles Settlement than it had been in 1914: Poland was now a barrier against Russia, and in the South East there were only small states instead of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This is presumably what Andrew Roberts had in mind when he commended the book as `splendidly revisionist and daringly politically incorrect'. Splendid though this book is, I can see only one other sentence, on p. 476, that would merit that description, and it is one of only two sentences in the book with which I disagree: if you read article 231, you can hardly say, as she does, that this has been inaccurately described as `the war guilt clause'.
My other disagreement is that the Sykes-Picot Agreement had not promised Palestine to the French (p.427): only the Upper Galilee. The rest was to be under joint British-French-Russian protection.
I cannot fully agree with the author's conclusion, which might perhaps be called revisionist. So many parts of the Peace Settlement left time-bombs, many of which detonated in the Nazi period and some of which (Kosovo, Iraq, Israel-Palestine) are still detonating today. Some of the advice which the peace makers received, but ignored, warned them of the dangers. But Macmillan thinks that the main responsibility for allowing them to detonate lies with the decisions taken or not taken by the next generation, not with the peace makers: `They tried, even cynical old Clemenceau, to build a better order. They could not foresee the future and they certainly could not control it. That was up to their successors.'
These very few criticisms aside, I have nothing but praise for this fine achievement.

Less a scholarly history than a nationalist one.Review Date: 2000-11-17
By contrast people who study Poland are likely to be highly sympathetic to Poland and are likely to study under Polish emigre scholars. The problem that arises is that many of these scholars are sympathetic to an authoritarian regime. And no matter how better the Second Polish republic may been compared to the Postwar Communist regime, support for authoritarianism does not encourage the critical approach needed to study history. It also means that one is studying under scholars who are not only very conservative, but are also unimaginative historically. The result is that they will ignore every trend that has revolutionized history over the past forty years. Gender, class, the revolution in intellectual history, the whole complex history of nationality; all ignored in a narrow and apologetic concentration on diplomatic and political history.
The result of this can be best seen in Stachura's essay on National Minorities. Stachura argues that if there was conflict between the government and the minorities, it was all the latter's fault. In particular he says How does he go about this? He does so by self-contradiction, omission, and question begging. At one point he claims that the Jews isolated themselves from Polish society, at another he claims they dominated many leading professions. He does not mention the prominent Polish cardinal who before 1939 linked the Jews to prostitution and white slavery (see Arno Mayer's Why the Heavens did not Darken). He does not mention the post 1945 pogrom in Kielce. And he does not mention General Sikorski's January 1942 meeting with Anthony Eden in which the General suggested to Eden that "It is quite impossible...for Poland to continue to maintain 3.5 million Jews after the war." (see Anita Prazmowska, Britain and Poland, 1939-1943: the Betrayed Ally at 122). He makes much of Jewish sympathies to Communism, although such support was electorally insignificant before 1939 and was dwarfed by Belorussian support. The most astonishing passage in Stachura's account occurs on page 75. He challenges the conduct of Zionist leader Yitshak Gruenbaum in the following way: "The destructive nature of Gruenbaum's creation was revealed all too starkly in December 1922, when it tipped the balance of botes in the presidential election in favour of the leftist candidate Gabriel Narutowicz, who was immediately stigmatized by the Right as a `Jewish president' and assasinated a few days later by an ultra-Nationalist. The ensuing poisonous atmosphere in Polish political life, which threatened to break out into civil war, owed much, therefore, to the nefarious activity of Gruenbaum and his fellow Zionists..." One is struck by the sheer non-sequitur, in which it is the exercise of one's democratic rights, and not the foul political motiviated assassination, that is blamed for undermining civic harmony. But it is all of a piece with an author who could write of Gruenbaum that "He exploited press freedom to mount his propaganda attacks," a phrasing more suitable to Franco and Pinochet than of a scholar published by St. Martin's Press.
Rather than reading Andrzej Suchcitz's indulgent essay on Poland's defence preparations, one should read A. Prazmowska's tougher Britian, Poland and the Eastern Front, 1939. She points out that the amazingly complacent attitude the British had on the vital question of getting Soviet aid, while the attitude of the Poles "was not merely one of obduracy but even more so of unrelieved reality." All in all we have not progressed beyond Antony Polonsky's study, now more than a quarter-century old.
An Objective and Balanced-Not Nationalistic-AccountReview Date: 2005-02-15
This book has been mischaracterized as a nationalistic tome, one which attempts to blame prewar Polish minorities for all their problems. This is manifestly incorrect. Stachura never says that minorities' conflicts with Poles are all of their own making. He merely says that their steadfast enmity towards Poland, and constant rebuffing of positive Polish overtures, influenced their fate.
There is no contradiction whatsoever between the self-chosen nonassimilated status of most Polish Jews and the fact of their overall economic dominance. Also, Jewish involvement vis a vis the Bloc of National minorities and relative to Narutowicz was hardly a free-speech matter. It was, as described by Stachura, nothing less than "a declaration of political warfare against the state" (p. 75), and one with intrusive German involvement to boot. Finally, complaints about Stachura not mentioning Sikorski's 1942 comments and the Kielce pogrom of 1946 are doubly ridiculous in that they both occurred after the stated time scope of this book (1918-1939), an elementary fact obvious from even its title. (Parenthetically, Sikorski was not the only one who contended that Poland had far too many Jews. This opinion was shared by the Zionist Vladimir Jabotinsky, among others. As for the Kielce pogrom, there is ample evidence, from Russian and Jewish sources alone, that it was a Soviet Communist staged event).
Instead of being nationalistic, Stachura repeats the common criticism of nationalist Roman Dmowski being an anti-Semite, and one whose views, when repeated in the US, created an unfavorable reaction that had to be countered through the efforts of Ignace Jan Paderewski (p. 68). Far from trying to whitewash Poles, Stachura does not spare them from criticism [e. g., their disunity (p. 51), the slow pace of their military industrialization stemming from overconfidence following the stunning Polish victory over the Soviets in 1920 (p. 55), etc.]. Throughout his book, Stachura cites numerous sources that exhibit a diversity of viewpoints, not only pro-Polish ones. He is just as condemnatory of source materials that exhibit an adulatory attitude towards Polish figures and policies as he is towards those which are one-sidedly critical of them (e. g., Communist ones).
A major shortcoming of Stachura's book is his inadequate treatment of the agendas behind the demonization of Poland vis a vis her minorities. He does mention the Soviet-imposed Communist puppet government's need to appear legitimate by trying to make prewar Poland as bleak as possible. However, Britain and the US also needed to belittle prewar Poland in order to rationalize their dirty, stinking doublecross of Poland at Yalta. Finally, the emergence of the Holocaust Industry has created a need to blur the distinction between prewar Poland and Nazi Germany as much as possible in the public eye, and even to create an artificial continuity between the experiences of Polish Jews in prewar Poland and their subsequent genocide in Nazi-German ruled Poland.
Stachura depicts the Zionist leader Yitshak Gruenbaum in a very negative light. In this respect, his opinion is somewhat shared by the Jewish author Joseph Marcus, who in his SOCIAL AND POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE JEWS IN POLAND, 1919-1939, sees Gruenbaum as an unnecessarily polarizing figure in Polish-Jewish relations.
As related by Stachura, the Jewish hostility to the Polish state took on nothing less than staggering dimensions. A "Jewish lobby" at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 had opposed the creation of the Polish state. Jewish collaboration with the Communists was extensive, and was much more significant than any Byelorussian-Communist cooperation owing to the economic and political power of the Jews. Indeed, numerous world Jewish organizations and personages spared no efforts to continually defame Poles and Poland Reading this, it sounds so familiar to what occurs today under the auspices of Holocaust programming and Holocaust education. All we ever hear about is Polish anti-Semitism. Yet Stachura documents many specific examples of Jewish Polonophobia. For instance, bogus accounts of pograms in Poland were created and circulated, only to be almost entirely discredited later through the investigative efforts of a delegation headed by Henry Morgenthau, a Jew himself. The so-called Minorities Treaty presented a platform for Poland's allies and enemies to meddle in her internal affairs. An ironic situation developed wherein, for instance, Britain, with her global empire, dubious treatment of the Irish, and having almost no local Jewish population to deal with, used the Minorities Treaty to moralize Poland on her treatment of minorities!
Polish anti-Semitism had been the reason given by many Jewish organizations and individuals for refusing to support the emergence of an independent Polish state. However, Stachura misses the opportunity to call the bluff on this excuse. The fact is that, if anything, czarist Russia had been far more anti-Semitic than the Poles. On the basis of this alone, Jews should have preferred Polish self-rule over continued Russian rule. As for Communism, its totalitarian and barbaric nature had, if nothing else, been well demonstrated by the Russian Revolution. The reluctance or refusal of Jewish organizations to support the independence of Poland, even after its inception, owes, in actuality, to long-term Jewish financial and economic interests in Russia (and also the other partitioning powers, Austria and Prussia).
Stachura makes it clear that, in general, Poland was very tolerant of minorities. The Jews enjoyed a flourishing economic, cultural, and economic life unparalled in any other nation. Although there were necessary repressive acts done by Poland against her seditious minorities, they were never systematic nor continuous. Stachura could have mentioned the commutation of the death penalty against Ukrainian nationalist leaders Bandera, Lebed, and Shukevych, who had been involved in assassinations of Polish and pro-Polish Ukrainian leaders. How did they return the favor? By organizing and implementing (during the later German occupation) an unspeakably sadistic genocide of 100,000 Poles (and thousands of Ukrainians who desired good Polish-Ukrainian relations or otherwise refused to submit to the fascist dictates of the OUN-UPA leadership). Stachura's work needs to be expanded, and it is hoped that a future edition will do this.

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A difficult but rewarding read.Review Date: 2000-05-25
Essential for "hard-core" WWII Aviation junkiesReview Date: 1998-09-27
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When Lindsey returns to the UK to complete research for her dissertation, she finds herself not only involved in UK trade union politics, but also a murder suspect. Intent on clearing her name and ensuring that she can return to the States, Lindsey and her girlfriend dive head first into solving one, or maybe two, murders.
This is a great whodunnit with well developed and likeable characters and a plot that keeps you guessing right up until the very end.
A final comment I'll add is that while the book is about trade unions, there was remarkably little politics and what was included actually served the story -- unlike some novels that seem to be more politics than plot.
If you've ever enjoyed any lesbian mystery novel in the past, you're likely to enjoy this one.