Middle East Books

I used to fly with Capt. Grunke. He is an excellent pilot, a great teacher, and an inspiring professional to fly with. This book was a great read, and hard to put down. It brings to light the stresses, problems, fun times, and sometimes bad times we all go through in this career as airline pilots. It is a career that has an image of travel, adventure, and glamour. It is also a career full of stresses and problems at home because of all of the travel, and separation from our families. That is the part of this career that most people don't see. The personal sacrifice.
It gives an insight into the mind that many of us that have chosen this career can relate to. It is a "sobering" reminder of how easy it could be to cross the line, violate the trust we have been given as professionals. And how quickly you can lose everything. It is a reminder that problems in life can be overcome.

I never knew that my father had this gift of writing. Infact this book helped me to understand him and see him in a way that I had never been able to experience. I believe that this book has brought us (my father, brother, and I) closer. I recommend this book to anyone. It's a book that you WILL NOT be able to put down. It looks at how drinking can effect a human being, even those with jobs like my fathers, where he was in charge of hundreds of lives at one time. I believe that many will be able to relate to the life that he has lived, and the stories that he tells in this book. Along with the hardships of drinking he also adds the many humorous stories that he told my bother and I as children growing up. I have let many people read copies of this book, from friends to co workers and all have asked for more than just the little I let them read. Trust me the book is good and you'll love it.

I recently purchased and read your book. You flew with my husband and I thought it would give me insight into the life of a pilot(having been married to one for 15 years) I thoroughly enjoyed your book and could not put it down. What an interesting career you have had.
I commend you for putting your thoughts and your incredible life story into print.
You write so eloquently and paint pictures with words so well.
Your story just may help other pilots who have led a life of drinking as to how quickly a lifetime career could come to a halt too soon.
Thanks for your insight. I wish you luck in the future.

Political violence roiled the Jewish state from its beginning, and Ehud Sprinzak gives context to today's turmoil in Brother against Brother: Violence and Extremism in Israeli Politics from Altalena to the Rabin Assassination.

Sprinzak is a partisan who believes in Labor's two-state solution to the Palestinian question. Nonetheless, his portraits of the Right's early leaders, particularly Begin, often are quite flattering. Even Rabin's assassin is examined in an objective, even-handed way; the portrayal is similar to the treatment of Timothy McVeigh in American Terrorist.

Sprinzak gives a lot of insight into the early struggle for the Jewish state and the excesses that fed the Palestinian hatred that continues to fester. Massacres of Arab villagers at the hands of Jews, and other atrocities committed by Israel's founders, are laid bare. Sprinzak makes the case that the 1967 War both united the country and helped seal the political divide between those who seek accomodation with the Arabs and those who view peace as illusory. Rabin's assassination is seen not as an aberration but a predictable response by the opposition.

Like many of his countrymen, the author exudes a combination of pride and angst over the history and future of Israel. The Altalena incident, in which the Right's attempt to arm its supporters was foiled by violence at the hands of the Laborites, sets the stage and never seems far removed from what is happening 50 years later.

This is a tremendous, instructive book that never becomes a diatribe despite the author's political leanings.

Sprinzak does an excellent job at both presenting and analysing the history of political extremism in Israel. This is helped considerably by the fact that Israel as a modern state has such a relatively short history, so the project is not as epic as it might be if if one was going to attempt a similar catalogue/anthology of the political violence and extremism in France, for instance. Add to that that Sprinzak was one of Israel's pre-eminent scholars and as such, was given tremendous access in terms of what he could see and what information he was privy to.

The book is quite thorough; it gives background on the pre-state militias (Haganah, Irgun, Lehi), as well as discusses their feuds- it opens with the Altalena affair and goes on to examine "The Hunting Season". It then moves forward to describe, in turn, violence and extremism from the ultra-orthodox, the political left, the nationalist-religious right, and Israel's famed quasi-fascist, Rabbi Meir Kahane, who was expelled from the Knesset for having a racist platform. The book culminates in examining the Rabin Assassination.

This book is very interesting as it not only gives much-needed background and context on the extreme right, who dominate much of the current attention given to Israeli politics, but also points out the history and extremism of OTHER camps and ideologies, such as the ultra-orthodox and the left. Not only is this interesting, it is typical of Sprinzak's sense of "fair play". While a fair amount of the book focuses on the misdeeds of the right, Sprinzak is not a name caller, nor a finger-wagger- he is merely a chronicler. And as such, he feels compelled to point out the violence of ALL members of Israeli society.

Impressively, Sprinzak is able to do all this while maintaining an objective professionalism. While he clearly identifies himself as a Laborite, he soundly condemns all political violence, AND simultaneously seems to give the impression that he sympathizes with many of the people he describes- not because he approves of what they do, but rather, he understands the frustration that drives them to their actions. The result is very powerful, and very balanced. Best of all, like any good academic, Sprinzak is thorough enough to give us SOURCES!

I must admit, it was quite refreshing to be able to learn about a part of Israel's history that is often referenced but rarely directly spoken about, for fear it will be exploited. The fact that Sprinzak chose to isolate INTERNAL Israeli violence from the continuous Middle East conflict was another crucial and excellent choice; to muddle up his research with background on the PLO, Hamas, and Islamic Jihad would have done nothing but distract readers from the main purpose of the book: taking an honest look at both examing and understanding the roots of ISRAELI political violence and extremism. For many non-Israeli readers, this may be the first time you realize that the Middle East conflict is not just about Israelis vs. Palestinians. It's not just "who gets a state", but also "what kind of state will we have"? This book goes a long way to giving people an inside view into the political history of Israel- and how far some people have been willing to go.

The book's one drawback is that the epilogue, in which Sprinzak describes various scenarios that might result in the short-term aftermath of Rabin's killing now seem outdated. It is a shame he was not able to publish a second edition before his death.

In short, the book gets points for being easy to read (Sprinzak apparently learned from his earlier book, "The Ascendance of Israel's Radical Right", which in some places, was painful to read), having a lot of interesting (and for many, NEW) information, and for being able to maintain a good sense of balance. It's only negative mark (perhaps worthy of a half or quater-point deduction) is that it was written in 1996, rather than 2003; it would have been nice to get Sprinzak's take on the current goings-on in Israel.

A fitting capstone to this great man's legacy. I look forward to the day when a similar project (in both scope and honesty) is completed by a Palestinian scholar.

I have this book. Ehud was one of my Proffessers at the Hebrew University Political Science Dept. in the 70's and this is an excelent book about Israeli Violent Politics. It is a unique study. It covers a long period. Although the book is New, it reflects the situation before Ehud Barak got elected. But the first Chapters about the Altalena are also very interesting. Ehud told us then that from 1948 till 1967 extra-parliementary Politics was getting less. Since the Idelogical Problem of what to do with the territories taken in 1967 there has been a rise in Politics outside the Knesset. The book also covers Kahanism and the background to the Tragic murder of Rabin.

My children attend the local Montessori program. I bought two copies of the book, one for them at home and one for their school. Before the new year I donated the book along with a small Sabzeh (sprouts grown for Persian New Year) to the classroom library. Their teacher loved it and read the book aloud for other children.
I read this and all other books in Farsi for my children, so I wish the author had provided the Farsi translation as well. They are at an age now that can distinguish Farsi script from English, and wonder how or why I am reading an English book in Farsi!

This book ended my desperate search for material to present to my kids'
schools about Norooz! Ever since my first child started pre-school (he
is 8 now and in 3rd grade), I have been looking for a good book to
introduce Norooz to his classmates. Every year, I have done my
improvisation of what I thought was the best language for kids to
follow. But needless to say, my presentations would go way over their
head, and I could see that they were anxious for me to pass the goodies
around!! Last year, I ordered a video called "bachehaye Bahar". It was
supposed to have a description of Norooz in English as well. It was yet
another disappointment. Besides the very bad quality of filming and
sound, the whole thing was in Farsi!

In this book, Yassaman talks about Norooz very eloquently from a child's
perspective who is born and raised here in the US (San Jose). Both my
kids, 6 and 8 enjoyed the book and now for the first time, I finally
have a book to share with their class about Norooz! I highly recommend
it to all parents with young children.

The book is well written and simple. Perfect for little ones who have a short attention span and love colorful pictures. The book is perfect to read to a pre-school class. The activities in the back of the book were also a hit with my 4 year old. Also a perfect gift for youngsters, your pre-school and local library.

The fact that this book was written several years before 9/11 tells wonders to how deep the problem with Islamism (i.e Islamic extreminism/fundamentalism) was throughout the globe well before the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. As a U.S. student of international relations, this was one of the first books that exposed me to the problem of Islamic fundamentalism and I am glad it was the primer. I have gone on to read other books and I am just astonished by the disinformation and as well the misinformation presented by authors claiming to interpret the inner psyche of fundamentalists. What disturbs me the most about other authors is that most do no even read or write and Arabic. In turn, they rely on translations by others which could be easily misconstrued from a difficult dialect such as Arabic and the style and prose of Quranic verses.

Professor Tibi, on the other hand, does not suffer from this pathology. Aside from being able to speak and write fluently in Arabic, Professor Tibi is an Arab as well as a devout Muslim - a moderate one at that. Furthermore, Professor Tibi has actually traveled all over the world, into some of the most violent and volatile regional hotbeds to experience first hand the problem with Islamic fundamentalism. To understand the roots the problem, I believe one cannot sit in the comfort of Washington, D.C. think tanks or American universities: the dimensional problems associated with Islamic fundamentalism require proactive engagement. But thankfully, most readers and students will not have to experience such hardship because of Professor. Tibi's work.

It would be difficult to do justice to Professor Tibi works in such a short review. Having said that, here are three important points I felt are worthy of notice. First, Prof. Tibi contends that Islamic fundamentalism is not at war with the West, but at war with secular nation-states. He contends convincingly that the concept of the nation-state is foreign to Islam. He cites several passages from the Quran that support this contention and goes on to explain how such an political arrangement - often advocated by the West - is incompatible with current understanding of Islam by followers. Second, he strongly advocates that Islamic fundamentalism (he refers to it as Islamism as well) as a pure political apparatus to undermine the apologists of the nation-state. He does this by showing the contradictions between the interpretations of fundamentalist teachings and works to that of the Quran. By following this methodology, Professor Tibi lays out the framework for Islam as the peaceful religion and its rogue opposite (Islamism) which twists the teachings in the Quran to sanction terrorism as means to its political ends. Third, he discusses the West's inability to escapes its "Orientalism" when it comes to interpreting and understanding Islamic fundamentalism. Orientalism implies the Western perspective of old-fashioned and prejudiced outsider interpretations of other cultures and peoples. In other words, an ethnocentric bias to which the West consistently interprets the events of fundamentalism. He believes that as long as the West continues viewing the problem of fundamentalism through this prism, the problem will continue perhaps perpetually.

Needless to say this book really expanded my "horizons" on this contentious subject. Considering that I am not Arab, Islamic, or born in the Middle East, I think what I appreciated most about this book is how the entire discourse is underpinned in peace studies from an individual that fills all three of these voids. Such an approach ultimately advocates a pragmatic solution to the problem with Islamism and helps preserve Islam as a spiritual faith.

I actually read this book (or main essays therefrom) in German. (The author teaches at the University of Tuebingen in Germany, and I believe publishes in that language) Having grown up in the Middle-East, I found Prof. Tibi's description of both events and realities on the ground to be very faithful to the truth. The very satisfying thing about his writing is his scientific-neutral (with a twist of anthropology, economics as well as just plain common sense) approach. There are countless books out there written by Arab "scholars" and "I've been there and understand it all" western journalists who more often than not just highlight one fact without showing interdependence of economic conditions, sociological stratification and cultural alienation that help explain the mess brought about by the rapid introduction of modernity into a world that heretofore had a limited sense of nationhood, let alone a secular societal organization.

Bassam Tibi has this very rare objectivity due to not having the inferiority complex vis-a-vis the "West" which unfortunately plagues most if not all Arab and Middle-Eastern academia.

This brilliant and prescient volume (written in 1997) belongs in the library of anyone interested in military history or world affairs as well as general academic circulation. It should be mandatory reading for anyone in Western government. It's one of the most important books written about the turmoil in our world today. A non-academic, I found it a revelation. Questions about the silence of the non-violent, "moderate" Muslims receive tentative answers in these pages. It also deals with the widespread fundamental movement within Islam of which the terrorists compose only a tiny percentage. It sets the historical framework for the acceptance of Islamic fundamentalism, in its many imperfect forms, as a reaction to the foolish post WWI decision of the French and British foreign offices in dividing the Arabic Middle East into arbitrary nation-states. They were never accepted by many Muslims who regarded them as an irrevelent impostion by the West. As a Muslim, Tibi demonstrates great courage in detailing the inherent inconsistences in Islamic fundamentalism thought as well as its lack of historical grounding in traditional Islam. He places Islamic fundamentalism in the political arena. Nothing is more potent than religion coupled to political drive for change. He's careful to point out there are many fundamental movements worldwide that have nothing to do with Islam. I've just touched the surface of the many important points Tibi raises.

My wife and I were in Jerusalem and had the honor and priviledge of actually seeing this masterpiece. The book captures the essence of Chihuly's work, from the snow in Jerusalem, to the magnificents of his pieces. It could never capture the feeling we got actually seeing this work of art in person. But it brought back fantastic memories.

What could be more beautiful than the two-thousand-years old stones of Jerusalem?

Marrying it with his magnificent works of glass, Chihuly celebrated the history of David Citadel with his art. The indestructible fortress that had withstood generations of enemy attacks is juxtaposed with the most fragile of all materials--glass.

There is no better example than "one picture is worth a thousand words" than this coffee-table book, an album of beauty and tradition and deep roots to be cherished and share.

Chihuly in Jerusalem is a work of art in and of itself. The massive color spreads of Chihuly's genius creations are brilliant. Chihuly's gorgeous pieces juxtaposed with some of Jerusalem's most beautiful icons will bring inspiration to the hearts of both Jews and non-Jews. This art transcends place, time and religion. Highly recommend.

This is it for me! The ultimate guide to what is a vibrant & exciting city. She takes you through every different section of the city covering history, architecture, very up-to-date restaurants, bars & shopping addresses. Great book to own and looks fantastic on your coffee table ;)

Great book, nice presentation, nice images - really gives you a feel and a desire to get out there and see all the places listed.
Highly recommended

I by myself live in Tel Aviv, and you hardly can know all of the trendy things going on here, and this book shows them all, and in a very concise form, both visually as well as textually. I personally would have preferred to get even more pictures of the places than being printed in the book (usually a few pictures of one place), but overall every guest of this city will get with this book a clear view, and will know what to visit and where to hang out. Excellent book, highly recommended.

This book is absolutely terrific. Gives incredible, unbiased insight into the complexities of Arabic society and culture. A must read for anyone who hopes to understand the Muslim world.

Professor Baker has written a book on the Arab people which has never been written before. Unlike what is found in the media today, professor Baker puts a face on the Arabs as a people. Because he has spent so much of his life among Arabs, he is able to see Arabs as they really are and honestly passes this information on to the reader.
This book is the most accurate representation of Arabs I have ever seen and should be read by all Americans especially U.S. government employees in the State Department and members of the U.S. military who plan to work or travel to the Middle East. This book provides knowledge and insight into the Arabs which will make the American experience in the Middle East more effective and accurate. I give this book five-stars for its accuracy and honesty.

This is not just another book about Islam. I found this book to be a hands-on practical guide to the real world of multi-cultural interaction between the West and the Middle East. It is a book for those who desire immediate guidance on, and knowledge of, Arab culture. The American author has had a unique life-long experience living and working in the Arab world. As a child, he was probably more native "Arab" in his upbringing than American. His experience gives him unique insight as to how the Westerner and the Middle Eastern Arab perceive each other. Without cultural sensitivity and a basic understanding of the Arab Middle East, misunderstandings will occur between cultures. The book gives wonderful examples of how seemingly simple interactions between Westerners and Middle Eastern Arabs can go wrong. The author describes elements of the cord of common identity of Middle Eastern Arabs. This includes discussions and examples of the language, the manner of emotional expression, the music, food, religion, humor, dress, the norms of public and private behavior, and of wrong and right. I recommend this book for all Westerners who seek to conduct business with Arabs in the Middle East. I also highly recommend it for all Foreign Service Officers and military academies. It is a wonderful book for university courses in sociology, international relations, and Middle Eastern studies. And, if you are an American who plans to travel and visit the Middle East, take time to read this book and become more culturally sensitive as to how to dress and behave appropriately. Also learn a few Arab expressions to try while visiting. Avoid the appearance of the "ugly American tourist" and enrich your life with the wonderful opportunities of being a good world neighbor!

The volume under review is one of two published collections of interviews by David Barsamian. This one, the second, features interviews conducted between February 1999 and February 2003. It takes the form of question and answer sessions, so its content and tenor owes something to Barsamian whose own interests and priorities point Said in certain directions. This means an emphasis on current affairs, personalities and controversy.

Said, I suggest, should be understood not as an advocate for the Palestinian cause per se, a mere partisan, but as an advocate for Enlightenment values. His criticism of Israeli policy is couched in terms of human rights and proportionality; his criticism of the US and the UK polities, in terms of the failure of democracy and public discourse; his criticism of Arab leadership and educated classes, in terms of corruption and failure to understand their own predicament. Said's stance is humanistic, rather than religious, universal rather than ethno-centric. Opponents choose to characterise his position differently: far from being a renaissance man fighting for truth and justice, he is a propagandist and apologist for terrorism. Even if one concedes that occasionally he is less than generous to his opponents positions, his account of events and their meaning is generally entirely credible. Nowhere in this volume does Said expound a comprehensive philosophy or belief system as such, but everywhere his outlook is evident: not as an ideology but as a cultural stance, a structure of feelings.

As well as seeking to re-educate the public and plead his case in the court of public opinion, he also makes a special point of taking to task the intellectual classes whose duties should include reminding everyone that we are talking about people. We are not talking about abstractions. He attacks American Pragmatism, French Deconstruction and Arab intellectuals. His side swipe at Baudrillard is particularly interesting, for it is at this point that his intellectual footing is revealed most clearly. His work on texts is not intended as a philosophy of meaning, but as a means of serving the cause of human liberation. The accusation laid against his fellows is that they have turned away from the great narratives of enlightenment and emancipation. He has surely earned his entitlement to make these criticisms. As a Palestinian-American he engaged in a life-long dialogue with the West of the most profound sort. His knowledge of Western thought and in particular literature is of the highest order and is well displayed in his frequent references to Western writers of fiction, poetry and political analysis. By listening to the best of the West he has learned well the highest aspirations of Western humanism and is a master of playing these ideals back against those who have abandoned them so readily for a sterile pragmatism or self-indulgent petty squabbling over definitions. Whilst, for example, US figures routinely denigrate the United Nations, he says the framework of the UN is absolutely essential.

Said's power comes not so much from his ideas alone, as from the coupling of his undoubted intellect with humanity. There are references throughout the book to poets, musicians, feelings; not so much to philosophies, theories or creeds. His attack on the failings of the intellectual class is made poignant by reference to Aimé Césaire's poem The Rendezvous of Victory; their failing being one not so much of the mind but of the heart. Whilst portraying the very picture of calm reflection and rational analysis Said none the less conveys the depth of his feelings. On the one hand, the anger felt by Palestinians at the Al-Aqsa incident, and on the other hand, the warmth he expresses towards men like Daniel Barenboim. This is not a question of nationality, ethnicity or an Oriental mentality: it is a question of human feelings he recognises and shares in.

In addressing Western audiences Said is an educator, a polemicist and an erudite representative of his people and, I propose, a champion of Enlightenment values. He also addresses the Palestinians themselves and their fellow Arabs. His Israeli critics always start by demanding he denounce terrorism: he does. Israeli terrorism and Palestinian terrorism (And, of course, 9/11 and the holocaust). Does he denounce violence itself? He says he is not a pacifist but is willing to advocate pacifism because "armies are useless". He says there is "no military option", but this prudential (wouldn't be wise) rather a matter of principle. Said is a advocate of greater intercourse between Palestinians and the rest of the world, particularly the Arab world; of civil society. He chides Arab intellectuals and academic institutions for isolating Palestine and ignoring Israel as part of a supposed policy of refusing normalisation, which is simply a denial of reality. Based on his own frequent visits to the Occupied Territories Said rejected the 1993 Oslo accords and the so-called peace process but is an ardent advocate of coexistence between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs in one bi-national state. This despite the wrath he incurred from fellow members of the Palestine National Council. Here is a man who dares to dream. A man who dares to denounce illusions of progress and state the uncompromising truth: Jews and Palestinians have to find a modus vivendi. Neither is leaving and they are too geographically interwoven to make a two state solution viable. Personally, I find his arguments convincing both as to the aimed for outcome and the means of getting there. These means are not in origin political or military; they are personal and civil. Before political arrangements stand a chance of working each side must, like Said and his Israeli friend Daniel Barenboim, work on establishing a human connection without which the Other is always going to be "dehumanised, demonised, invisible". With his values grounded in those of the Enlightenment and his heart finding inspiration in Aimé Césaire, I'll take his vision of the way to a better future over the partisanship and power plays of some of his opponents any day. (c) hythlodaeus 2007.

"The Origins of Terrorism" is by far the most important chapter in this book. In it, Said points out that in spite of the oft-repeated American ideal of democracy, US policy has generally favoured whichever Middle Eastern despot has tended to uphold the interests of US oil companies. He then observes that Muslim fundamentalist terror has a basically Marxist root, in that it originates "in the sense of betrayal that many ordinary Muslims feel... living in poverty and desperation and ignorance. It's not difficult to start rallying people in the name of Islam." (page 107).

This is analysis at a level of rationality unthinkable for the likes of Samuel Huntington and Bernard Lewis, with their simplistic reduction of all the problems in the Middle East to the religion of Islam, the root of all evil.

Edward Said died on September 25, 2003, after a long battle with leukemia, and along with him the foremost voice for justice for Palestinians in the United States. The six conversations herein took place between 1999 and 2003.

Despite the gravity of the subject material, this is an interesting and enjoyable read thanks to Said's towering intellect and Barsamian's perceptive and incisive questioning. The result is a perspective of events in Israel and Palestine filled with truth and passion, almost directly opposite that which is too often reported, or not reported, in the mainstream press.

Said expresses an enthusiastic interest in Middle Eastern poets and their poetry. He also was himself a pianist, and he talks about being involved in several important projects bringing together Arab and Israeli musicians for concerts transcending the political divide. He and Barsamian cover other cultural ground, but obviously, the focus of the book is politics, specifically the plight of the Palestinians.

A fundamental argument Said makes repeatedly is that the situation in Israel and the Occupied Territories cannot be understood without an understanding of the events of 1948, when Israel was declared a state. In the ensuing war with Arab countries, 800,000 Palestinians were expelled from their homes and the same homeland that became Isreal, which they had occupied for millennia. More than 400 Arab villages were destroyed. Since then, Israel has denied any responsibility for these atrocities, using all kinds of propaganda. Today the Orwellianism has it that Palestinians were told to leave their homes by their leaders. Said expounds upon the completion of the conquest in the 1967 war.

Said states that since 1948, 78% of historic Palestine has become Israeli and that control of the remaining 22% is what the current fighting, the Second Intifada, is all about. Further, of this remaining 22%, Israel controls 60% of the West Bank, and 40% of Gaza. Illegal settlements continue apace, as does the pressure on the indigenous Palestinians.

It is pretty clear that the goal of Sharon's Likud government is the complete ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, increasingly referred to euphemistically as "transfer." Much of what remains of historic Palestine is divided up into small, non-contiguous pockets of autonomy, Bantustans, often locked down under curfews and checkpoints. Said maintains that these circumstances are the result of the peace process, and not war. Since publication of this book, a "security fence" is being erected, ostensibly to protect Israel from suicide bombers, but which in practice further isolates and dispossesses Palestinians.

Said's voice is consistent and adamant that a solution must be peaceful coexistence between the two peoples. He bemoans suicide bombings, bad enough for their violence and carnage, but also as being counterproductive to finding a solution. He says, however, that to understand these bombings it is important to see them in the context of the desperate circumstances of the Palestinian people. Israel, for example, portrays itself as a victim, when in fact it is an oppressor. Almost all the fighting between the two sides has occurred in Palestinian territory, so it is ridiculous to assert, as Israel does, that it is only defending itself. Moreover, Palestinians have little more than stones for weapons, along with some small arms, while the Israelis have tanks, helicopters, jets, and all kinds of modern weaponry, supplied to them by the US military.

Although practically an aside, Said makes some poignant observations of George Orwell; observations you, like me I'll bet, perhaps have never considered in our adorations of Orwell. He agrees that Orwell was a prescient witness to injustice, but managed himself to remain disentangled from it. He was probably correct, declares Said, in his bleak assessment of where we're headed, but limited: "I don't think he's in touch with hope, with liberation, with critical engagement, with association or affiliation between people. The idea of human progress is quite outside his vision."

Among many other political considerations examined outside the specifically Palestinian, is a look at the psychology of "terrorism" for example, that are compelling and of a delightful perspicacity:

"Terrorism has become a sort of screen created since the end of the Cold War by policymakers in Washington, as well as a whole group of people...who have their meal ticket in that pursuit. It is fabricated to keep the population afraid, insecure, and to justify what the United States wishes to do globally. Any threat to its interests, whether it's oil in the Middle East or its geostrategic interests elsewhere, is all labeled terrorism...which is exactly what the Israelis have been doing since the mid-1970s so far as Palestinian resistance to their policies are concerned. It's very interesting that the whole history of terrorism has a pedigree in the policies of imperialists...Terrorism is anything that stands in the face of what "we" want to do. Since the United States is the global superpower, has or pretends to have interests everywhere...terrorism becomes a handy instrument to perpetuate this hegemony...people's movements of resistance against deprivation, against unemployment, against the loss of natural resources, all of that is termed terrorism."

Said's voice is consistent and constant in finding actions such as suicide bombings inexcusable and in seeking a peaceful, just resolution to the Palestinian question. Indeed, his writings are often banned in the Arab world because of this position. His voice is also that of an admirable and unique intelligence. He affirms Israel's right to self-determination, but grieves that Palestinians also do not enjoy this right, especially in light of the historical realities. He thinks the two peoples are too inextricably linked in too small an area for their separation to be realistically viable, and therefore favors a binational state. He spells out the circumstances where, however, a two-state solution might be a means to this end. This hope of a binational state, necessarily long-term, must be a peace between two equals, Said says, with equal rights, protections, and responsibilities, and not a peace imposed on the weaker party by the stronger.

I picked up this book because I was interested in reading about Iran in the 1940s and 50s. I was pleasantly surprised what an outstanding writer Ramazani is, she has an adept pen and is a wonderful storyteller. I was amazed how candid she was, how much personal and family history she divulges.

I recommend this book highly to the Iranian diaspora throughout the world, Nesta Ramazani gives a truly intimate account of her own journey and the mid-20th century history of Iran.

Nesta Ramazani's The Dance Of The Rose And The Nightingale is the personal testimony of a young woman who grew up in Iran during the 1940s, the daughter of an English Christian mother and an Iranian Zoroastrian father. Reflecting a personal viewpoint of the meeting of different faiths, as well as the daily difficulties Iran experienced as its government tried to compel its traditional society and culture to modernize, The Dance Of The Rose And The Nightingale is a captivating, autobiographical life story and especially recommended reading for students of 20th Century Iranian history.

Nesta Ramazani has written a true gem of memoir and history. With her extremely capable pen, she takes us on both a personal journey into her own diverse, eclectic, and inspiring life and also into revealing vignettes of Iranian life of the 1940's and 1950's -- a period lamentably ignored by too many historians.

The book does what the best memoirs should do: it tells a great tale, weaves the background history nicely, and illuminates slices of life and Iranian society in all its color and diversity.

It is touching, funny, enlightening, and exquisitely told. The book should be on the reading list of anyone interested in good memoirs, in Iran, in women's studies, in the Middle East, or simply in good writing. I rank the book at the top of any list of Iranian memoirs in the English language.

In this excellent collection of essays a variety of opinions are communicated to the reader, each sharing the one common theme, that a Palestinian state is a danger to Israel and the region. What is most extraordinary is the wide range of views presented and the depth of analysis that can be found here. Some of the examples include viewpoints expressed throughout the years by various experts and what truly dazzles the reader is just how prescient they are in light of current events in the region.
Yacov Hazan's assessment of the dangers, published in 1978 illustrate a number of these points. First he is far-sighted and his ideas timeless, but we also see just how much he, as a member of the left wing Mapam party, is permeated with the idea that "industrialization with solve everything." He makes the important point that every nation has differences between nomads, farmers and city-dwellers, but that this would not preclude the creation of a Palestinian state in Jordan.
Mordechai Nisan, an expert in minorities in the Muslim world, develops his view that by allowing the PLO to form a government in the West Bank Israel has invited the `Lebanonization' of Israel. Arieh Stav sheds light on the Palestinian state as Trojan horse, used by Egypt to prepare for a new war while forces of Islamic extremism cheer.
There are other articles as well illustrating the nature of the PLO covenant that is copied from Mien Kampf, the impact on America's role in the Middle East and the de-stabilizing nature of the Palestinians in the wider Arab respect.
There are other articles as well detailing some `solutions' to the problems facing Israel in a post-Oslo or post-Road Map world. Two of these by Raphael Israeli paint a grim picture of the realities now facing Israel, in fact showing the lack of a good solution. All the solutions are either short term of in the long term destructive to the state of Israel. Perhaps no one in this book considered the fact that those who crafted Oslo, such as Yossi Beilin do not even desire that an Israel exist as a Jewish state, that in fact they wish for the realization of `bi-nationalism' and in fact hope for a `greater palestine' so that there will be three Palestinian states: one in Jordan, one on the West Bank and Gaza and one in Israel under the name of a non-Jewish Israel. Therefore in the end this is an important and eye-opening book by shedding light on a number of reasons why a Palestinian state is a true danger.

Seth J. Frantzman

This is an extremely interesting, well written study of the ongoing Middle East conflict from both a historical & political context, providing much information not readily revealed through the secular media.

Through a collection of essays, leading political analysts examine the question as to what kind of "strategic threat" any future Palestinian state would pose to the existence of the Jewish state of Israel. The reader is accorded a gripping study which will hold their attention throughout and a presentation that is recommended reading irrespective of the individual's stance on the subject.

The book investigates what it describes as the "debacle" of the Oslo Accords of 1993 and how they are cited as having fallen flat on their face when the Palestinians allegedly undertook to achieve by violence what they could not attain through negotiations.

Many issues are addressed including how the Israel public, which are portrayed as for the most part as having supported the "peace process" until that time but are now - through the ensuing death, misery & destruction - less and less inclined to allow the rise of what is cited here as a "rogue" Palestinian state in their midst.

The book begins by outlining the initial hope in Israel & amongst the International community, that once the PLO was recognised by Israel and the Palestinians were allowed to gradually gain control of "autonomous" territories, the Palestinians would behave like what the book calls a "responsible people", encourage dialogue, build requisite trust and embark upon a new road relinquishing terrorism and embracing negotiations & peace.

The book analyses how to the contrary, even after the "Gaza & Jericho first" phases of the "peace process", new terrorist operations were launched by the Palestinians against Israel. The reader is shown how these incidents were primarily denied by the Palestinian leadership and even blamed upon Israel as mounting the attacks themselves. Amidst mounting Israeli casualties, the reader is presented with an illustration of how the attacks escalated under the frequent exhortations of Yasser Arafat to pursue Jihad. The book citing how the Israelis began to discover that a Palestinian "Trojan Horse" had been allowed into their midst.

Also addressed here is how further Israeli withdrawals were not reciprocated with any cessation in violence or incitement of hatred, but with what is cited here as a riotous "intifada". The book outlines how, from the start, the Palestinians allegedly aspired to increase the numbers of Israeli civilian casualties in order to break the Israelis resolve by sowing "death and demoralization" through "Islamikaze" attacks named suicide bombings. A comparison being drawn to the "surgical attacks" and arrests by Israeli forces amongst the Palestinian terrorists allowed the freedom to operate totally unhindered in Palestinian areas by any Palestinian security forces.

This aspect being further illustrated with reference to the vast proportion of Israeli/Jewish casualties in the conflict being amongst civilians, including women and children, whilst the larger proportion of casualties on the Palestinian side have been amongst those engaged in acts of violence against Israeli forces.

One of the political analysts, Mordechai Nisan, (cited as a foremost expert on minority affairs in the Arab world), draws a disturbing, frightening parallel with the situation in Lebanon. Another analyst, Arieh Stav, predicts the outright destruction of Israel should a Palestinian state evolve.

Itamar Marcus illustrates that the systematic cultivation & indoctrination of racial hatred against the Jews practiced amongst Palestinian society has so de-humanised the Jewish people that this rhetorical denigration has so lent legitimacy to the killing of Jews that any Palestinian state would be no less dangerous to Israel than a neighbour armed to the teeth. The full cases of these and other debates will absorb the reader.

Another issue addressed is how the Arab armies which have invaded Israel since it's re-birth are cited as having done so at the behest of Arab leaders who had no intention whatsoever of building any Palestinian state, but only in furthering what are described as their own stature & territorial holdings.

These and other secular arguments debate whether under the present circumstances and ongoing enmity, it is wise for any territorial assets to be relinquished that could prejudice the very survival of the Jewish state with many adamant in their views here that such land would become a terrorist base operating against Israel's very existence. The alleged politically expedient support for the creation of a Palestinian state from other nations also receives some attention. All in all this is a very timely and detailed investigation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict which I highly recommend.

There is an outstanding review of this book already on this site by M.D. Roberts. I will only add a few words as the book was published in 2002 , and it is four years later.
It seems to me that the process which many of the writers in this anthology feared of a Palestinian state coming into being with Israel's agreement and under international auspices is much less likely today than it was four years ago. The election of Hamas to head the Palestinian Authority means that the Palestinians have rejected all former agreements with Israel, and all possibility of making real peace. Thus the Bush road-map plan to peace which would have led to a Palestinian state is finished.
As to the fundamental premise of this work that any Palestinian state within the land West of the Jordan would constitute, a great and perhaps , mortal danger to Israel, this seems to me difficult to deny.
Yet had there been conditions in which the Palestinians would have truly disarmed terrorists, halted their vicious propaganda war against Israel(So effectively described in this book by Itamar Marcus) and agreed to a demilitarized state living in peace alongside of Israel I believe a great majority of Jews would have accepted it. That is they would have gone against most of the experts in this book.
But that seems like a distant dream now.
And it is difficult to know where and how to look for anything like true peace in the situation we are now in.