Middle East Books

My sister and I visited Israel for 2 weeks in June and I bought this book and she bought the Lonely Planet guide. After a few days we realized my book had better information, the details were more accurate, and it was generally more useful. If you only want to buy one book, at this point in time I'd recommend the Let's Go over the lonely planet.

The editorial staff of this fine work made my vacation in Israel a success. For the first two days I used Let's Go Middle East as my guide book. I figured I might want to venture beyond Israel so why limit myself by an Israel only travel guide. That was a mistake; those first two days were mediocre. Fortunately I found a copy of Let's Go Israel while in Israel. This book saved my vacation. Not only was it an enjoyable read (particularly the history) Let's Go Israel offered countless great ideas for things to do. After investigating why Let's Go Israel was so helpful, I learned that the book was a success due to the outstanding efforts of Editor Laura Weinrib.

Thank you Laura Weinrib and the let's go staff, you made my vacation one I will never forget!

The researchers and everyone else who contributed to this book did a mediocre job at best, but everything was pulled together so incredibly well by the head editor that you should buy this book even if you never intend to travel. I used to wonder how the beautiful Ms. Weinrib ever got into Harvard, but the reasons are obvious with this truly landmark work. Without question, this volume will change the face of travel guides forever. I was deeply moved, and on the edge of my chair the entire read. Thank you, Laura Weinrib, from the bottom of my heart.

seriously, this is the best and most comprehensive guide to israel out there. a lot of people travel in the country, and so there are a lot of guide books available to the country, but all you need is this one. it was very thorough (the jerusalem section was amazing!), and it listed the cheapest places to eat and sleep and it had great places to visit--i mean really awesome and fascinating places that they described in great detail and gave the background of. i also liked the fact that they included day trips to petra (this awesome sight in jordan) and the sinai peninsula of egypt (i did some great scuba diving there, and for cheap, too, because they had these really budget but incredibly safe (safer than even the upscale scuba places, so i heard from a friend of mine) sites). the only thing i wish could be changed in the book is that it was a little bit funnier. i traveled to israel after visiting the rest of the middle east and i used let's go middle east, and that book was as accurate and helpful and wonderful as israel, but it was really so funny! SO funny! It had an israel section, too, which would have served me as well as the let's go israel book. i just bought the israel book because people on the road kept saying "oh i see you have the new middle east book from let's go, we have the other new let's go book, for israel," and it was awesome. i recommend this book to anyone and everyone as the best guide to the country--you will thank yourself 8000 million times over if you buy this book (and only this book--all that stuff about people needing like multiple guide books is a lie--you need this book and this book alone for travel in israel; if you want to go travel in the area, pick up a middle east guide, too, you'll be thanking yourself for that too, and laughing really hard because it is REALLY funny!). that's right, go out and buy both books right now!

Joseph Agassi is a thoughtful philosopher, whose recent book, Liberal Nationalism in Israel, presents a profound analysis of national identity, political processes, and the relation between religion and the state. He makes a passionate plea for the separation of religion from government in Israel, arguing that the result will be greater security for the nation, a more open political life, and a healthier religious life. It should be read by every one concerned with fundamental questions in political philosophy and with the special case of Israeli society.

_Who is an Israeali? Who is a Jew?_ On May 14, 1948 David Ben Gurion declared the establishment of the State of Israel. At the time there were about seven hundred thousand Jews in the country. On the threshold of the third millenium about five million Jews live in Israel, nearly one million Arabs, Druse and Circassians, hundreds of thousands of foreign workers and non-Jewish new immigrants from the Commonwealth of Independent States. Israeli Society and its political system are still engaged, perhaps excessively so, with the problem of national identity and the question of the political status of religion. The Israeli "melting pot" does not manage to smelt this great people into a homogenous "Israeli" entity. On the contrary, the chasm is deepening and it is as if it threatens to tear apart Israeli society. Professor Joseph Agassi, one of the important Jewish Israeli philosophers of our time, designs a platform for the normalization of Israel in the accepted western liberal style, and does this in the internal, regional and global contexts of Israel. This book is an absolute must for anyone who cares about the future of Israel. Professor Shevah Weiss, Chairman of the Thirteenth Knesset

Joseph Agassi is a thoughtful philosopher, whose recent book, Liberal Nationalism in Israel, presents a profound analysis of national identity, political processes, and the relation between religion and the state. He makes a passionate plea for the separation of religion from government in Israel, arguing that the result will be greater security for the nation, a more open political life, and a healthier religious life. It should be read by every one concerned with fundamental questions in political philosophy and with the special case of Israeli society.

This is a brilliant book by a leading Israeli public intellectual on the vexing question of Israeli national identity and the relationship between church and state, religion and nation in Israel. Agassi provides a brief synopsis of the history of nationalism and Zionism from the perspective of "liberal nationalism" and develops a program for radical revision of Zionist goals and Israel's "constitution" in light of progressive enlightenment ideals. He demonstrates that "normalization" in accordance with the Western model of nation-state would have beneficial effects for Israel, the Jewish Diaspora, and the Palestinians. When the book first appeared in 1983 in Hebrew, it evoked a lively discussion, but few were willing to consider seriously Agassi's vision of a secular Israeli identity. Since then a second edition has been published, and the number of Israelis willing to follow the book's inexorable logic is constantly on the rise. An excellent translation and wonderful design enhance the pleasure of reading. A must read for anyone wishing to understand Israel's abiding dilemma.

This is a good book because the author of book is using Iranian intellectuals in order to illustarte how Iranian lost their own knowledge. The author is encouraging Iranian people to think independently about Iran.

One of the best books I have read in the last couple of years. Dr. Milani's eloquent and well researched comparative study of literary texts written in Persian from Saadi to Golestan and Parsipour, sheds light on a multitude of interesting topics such as modernity. His well-thought knowledge of Iran as well as the West coupled with his academic approach creates an engaging reading that is quite pleasant and informational.

By illustrating that Modernity and its accompanying social, literary and political structures are not only relevant but also historically germane to Iran, Dr. Milani has dispelled the familiar notion that Modernity is a Western phenomenon and its adoption by Iranians, therefore, a confession of inferiority. The 'modern' format of the book - a series of biographical sketches -- is judiciously employed to cover substantial ground from the discussion of Sa'di as a harbinger of democracy and equality to that on the plight and role of the Iranian diaspora in its exiled state. This work is a must-read for anyone interested in Iran, modernity or world history in general. Dr. Milani's anecdotal style captures readers' attention, even those who are entirely unfamiliar with the subject matter. He is as brilliant an author as he is a professor and researcher. This work is an incredible contribution to academia and the global pool of knowledge. In fact, I have yet to read something of Dr. Milani's that is not superb.

Dr. Milani has done it again! The "Lost Wisdom" is an outstanding achievement by Abbas Milano who is fast becoming the eminant scholar on Iranian history and political affairs, if not already there.

In his famous work, "The Persian Sphynx", Dr. Milano demonstarted his amazing capablities as an objective and thorough researcher of history. Despite the injustices that he as a political prisoner had suffered at the hadns of government agents controlled by the late Mr. hoveyda, Milani mainatined his academic honesty, and reported the former Prime Minister for what he really was.

In this book, Milani is so amazingly find the paralells and commonalities between the Irnaian thinkers and those of the "West." His masterpiece clearly shows the craving for individual liberites and human rights among all nations, races and times, albeit each in their unique molds.

The "Lost Wisdom", at these times that all those who love Iran are so desparately searching for a way out of the Islamic dictatorship without being labeld as having sold out to the "West", is the greatest intellectual contribution that any Iranian scholar could have made.

The native Iranina reader will so quickly identify with the passages and have that nostalgic feeling all over. Those with less familairity with Iranian history and culture will soon fall in love with the beautiful and elequont, yet easy, style of Milani's writing, and will follow page after page.

My sincere thanks and congratulations to Dr. Milani for this wonderful piece of literary work.

Hamid Bahadori
Mission Viejo, California

Meet one of the most gallant warriors of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam. This biography depicts ARVN Major General Hieu under different facets: his personal life, his military career, his military exploits, and his unjust death. It reveals General Hieu as an unsung hero, whose tactical and strategic skills put him among the best soldiers of modern times, at par with General Rommel of Germany, Patton of the United States, Montgomery of England and Leclerc of France.

The Internet format of this biography has received wide acceptance from its readers with more than 20,000 visitors the first year. One reader comments, "Besides its military historical value, it has room for deep, emotional feelings," and another reader writes, "Of all the military stories I have read, yours is the most touching. What a fine officer General Hieu must have been, so very much an all around person. I did not know him. But I am sure glad I have read about him; it seems as if he comes alive again through your stories, and once again he is an inspiring figure, as his modesty transcends the years," Vietnam War Veterans have found it "fascinating", "incredibly factual," "exceptionally superior," and something that "may well be required reading in high schools, military college..."

Containing first hand military documents pertaining to operational orders, it provides a rare presentation for ordinary people; one is allowed to see how a divisional commanding general plans and executes his battles. The story of an individual life, this biography offers an illuminating insight of the ARVN and provides a unique perspective of the Vietnam War.

This book gives answers to the following questions:

- The NVA has General Vo Nguyen Giap. Does the ARVN have someone comparable?

- How did General Hieu score next to General John Norton, Jr of the US 1st Cavalry Division?

- How did General Hieu score next to General Albert Milloy of the US 1st Infantry Division?

- What did General Dennis McAuliffe of the US Big Red One Division think about General Hieu?

- How did Colonel John Hayes, Senior Advisor of ARVN 5th Division, evaluate General Hieu?

- How did the ARVN 22nd Division score next to the US 1st Cavalry Division?

- How did the ARVN 5th Division score next to the US 1st Infantry Division?

- What role did General Hieu play in the Ia Drang Valley Battle (US 1st Cavalry Division), Pershing Operation (US 1st Cavalry Division), Dong Tien Operations (US 1st Infantry Division), Total Victory 46 Operation (US 1st Cavalry Division)?

- How did the ARVN Airborne Division score next to the US 173rd Airborne Brigade and the US 101st Airborne Division?

- etc...

This biography, a reader would notice at the outset, is not written by a historian, an investigative reporter, or a professional biographer. It originates instead from the pen of a younger sibling seeking to resolve the mystery surrounding his brother's untimely death. This legitimate curiosity has evolved into a collection of articles depicting General Nguyen van Hieu as a family man, a patriot, a military strategist, and a man of integrity. This collection of articles authored by siblings, friends, and fellow military men unexpectedly converges to project a dynamic image of an intelligent soldier and brilliant strategist engaged in the twofold quixotic task of overcoming a corrupted military hierarchy and fighting the invading North Vietnamese communist army. The book presents the reader with glimpses of a man living the yin aspect of the Vietnamese society (egalitarian, flexible, spiritual, congenial) and, at the same time, confronting the yang aspect of the neo-Confucianist military and government hierarchy (male dominant, rigid, self-serving, elitist, concerned with face and status). Without any claim to being systematic or thorough in his research, the author has nevertheless gathered a number of revealing personal anecdotes, testimonies from living witnesses, declassified documents from the National Archives, letters from former military academy classmates, phone interviews, excerpts from books, and so forth. From this cacophony of voices emerges the image of a virtuous man, caring father, loving spouse, and competent general respected by Vietnamese and American military personnel of all ranks. The reader would no doubt be surprised to discover this unsung hero in the stark background of negative memories of the Vietnam War and betrayal of the Vietnamese people by the neo-Confucianist military and government hierarchy. Though modest in its presentation, the book manages to do justice to a dedicated soldier and competent general, who is mostly unknown to both the Vietnamese and the American public. After reading this fascinating biography, the reader comes away wondering what might have been had this uncommon general, who epitomized the true Vietnamese people, been allowed to fully exercise his military competence.END

This biography, a reader would notice at the outset, is not written by a historian, an investigative reporter, or a professional biographer. It originated instead from the pen of a younger sibling seeking to resolve the mystery surrounding his brother's untimely death. This legitimate curiosity has evolved into a collection of articles depicting General Nguyen van Hieu as a family man, a patriot, a military strategist, and a man of integrity.

This collection of articles authored by siblings, friends, and fellow military men unexpectedly converges to project a dynamic image of an intelligent soldier and brilliant strategist engaged in the twofold unenviable task of overcoming a corrupted military hierarchy and fighting the invading North Vietnamese communist army.

The book presents the reader with glimpses of a man living the yin aspect of the Vietnamese society (egalitarian, flexible, spiritual, congenial) and, at the same time, confronting the yang aspect of the neo-Confucianist military and government hierarchy (male dominant, rigid, self-serving, elitist, concerned with face and status).

Without any claim to being systematic or thorough in his research, the author has nevertheless gathered a number of revealing personal anecdotes, testimonies from living witnesses, declassified documents from the National Archives, letters from former military academy classmates, phone interviews, excerpts from books, and so forth. From this cacophony of voices emerges the image of a virtuous man, caring father, loving spouse, and competent general respected by Vietnamese and American military personnel of all ranks. The reader would no doubt be surprised to discover this unsung hero in the stark background of negative memories of the Vietnam War and betrayal of the Vietnamese people by the neo-Confucianist military and government hierarchy.

Though modest in its presentation, the book manages to do justice to a dedicated soldier and competent general, who is mostly unknown to both the Vietnamese and the American public. After reading this fascinating biography, the reader comes away wondering what might have been had this uncommon general, who epitomized the true Vietnamese people, been allowed to fully exercise his military competence.

(P.S. Please use this book review instead of the earlier version I sent to Amazon.com this morning. Thank you. Tri V. Nguyen)

This text presents and illuminating perspective into the highest Vietnamese traditions, and is a fitting posthumous tribute to a ranking member of South Viet Nam's highest military cadres. Written as a sibbling biography, it is richly peppered throughout with mild bias, something freely acknowledged by the author, which nevertheless does not detract from the wealth of objective information, and data that are only enriched by a personal, if family-oriented point of view. This book extolls the virtue of Vietnamese tradition with the highest esteem, as exemplified in this in-depth analysis of one man's contributions to his motherland, set against the backdrop of one of southeast Asia's most tragic and sad chapters in history. Factual information is well presented with adequate supporting documentation and numerous pictures give this historical personage a very vivid and intimate familiarity. The details of some of the information presented can be simultaneously revealing and startling. This book is well-balanced in the extremes: One man's virtues and rapid progression through the military ranks being consistently contrasted with the insidious prevalence or corruption or corrupt practices by the government which he is sworn to protect and defend. The admiration of the author for the Major General lies in stark contrast to the shameful behaviors of so many government officials at all levels, including the presidency, which must bear the brunt of the responsibililty for the eventual downfall of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam. "I am only the instrument of my brother. General Hieu's biography is a self-expression ... General Hieu drew a clear-cut line between the two military and private life areas. This explains why he was able to maintain his integrity and virtue while working with other corrupt and low-moral generals ... The majestic aura that soldiers perceived in General Hieu's personality came from his inner strength, not from an artificial majesty requiring the use of a general's baton, or a combat camouflaged outfit, or a cigar, or an imposing guard detail, etc... And thus they genuinely respected and loved him dearly ..." General Hieu was assassinated in his office headquarters on 8 April 1975. Except in the fact that he was shot to death, official reports and eyewitness testimony remain internally contradictory. by: Dr Michael JM Raffin 1st. Brigade, 5th. Infantry Division (Mechanized) Province of Quang Tri, Viet Nam July, 1968 to March 1969

Making the connections speaks to our intuition and the power of connecting people. It is written is a clear and understandable manner. The author captures for us the value and importance of being aware of and using our intuition. One can only imagine how much better our world would be if this book was published in every language and shared around the globe!

I loved this book because it encompasses more than just how to achieve personal aspirations but promotes a natural and intuitive self that is connected to a collective energy. It outlines new ways to think and connect with the world beyond temporary materialistic needs creating the opportunity for us to truly understand what we want in life. Babicki reclaims the importance of intuition and being sensitive - two natural values that have been largely denigrated in our technological society - outlining their crucial role in bringing us closer to understanding our wants and needs. An inspiring book that offers a fresh perspective to creating a better life for all not just the individual.

Making the Connections is a fascinating read. It is certainly time for a global shift in consciousness, and Babicki's explanations of the old and new paradigms are clear and inspiring. Even better, her simple suggestions for being part of the change we want to see are both do-able and effective. This book is a keeper!

Making the Connections
Just as Copernicus and Galileo helped awaken mankind from the idea that earth was the center of the universe, an idea which led to centuries of stagnation in human development, modern writers like Babicki are trying to awaken us. The symptoms of today's flawed ways of thinking are clear: pollution levels rising to critical levels worldwide, violent confrontations on religious grounds, growing unhappiness and dissatisfaction despite rising material wealth and a general decline in morals and ethical standards. This book has many great ideas to help us make a change. Read this book, underline the key passages so that you can refer to them again. Give a copy to your friends and family members. It is time for a change!

"Marx's Das Kapital" is noted Marx-sympathetic journalist Francis Wheen's contribution to Atlantic Magazine's series on book biographies. It's short, merely 120 pages of actual text, but it does the job well. Relying strongly on prominent secondary literature about Marx, such as David McLellan's excellent biography (Karl Marx, Fourth Edition: A Biography) and S.S. Prawer's equally fascinating study of Marx' use of literature and literary references (Karl Marx and World Literature (Oxford Paperbacks)), Wheen summarizes the background of Das Kapital, how it came to be, as well as its content and its reception.

Wheen is at his best in the journalistic parts, when he can give colorful and well-done descriptions of Marx's life and activities, his relation to Engels, his trials and tribulations while working on the magnum opus, and in commentary on Marx's books and style. On the other hand, his grasp of Marx's economic theories is very weak and likely to make things more confusing, especially since he misses the point and meaning of Marx's Theory of Value entirely. Also dubious is that he appends a chapter on 'afterlife' of the book, which is mostly an attempt to summarize all of the later Marxist tradition (from an anti-Leninist viewpoint) in a few pages, a task so impossible that its attempt is fruitless and uninformative.

However, Wheen is quite good at putting Das Kapital in its historical context, in emphasizing the rhetorical and literary qualities of the book and of Marx' thought in general, and the book also contains some fascinating quotes and remarks from pro-capitalist economists and businessmen who have come to see, to their own astonishment, that ol' Marx was a better analyst of the system they wish to support than anyone else. Let us hope the reader of this booklet will be inspired by this to attempt to delve into Marx & Engels' own works, which constantly show their relevance in new and unexpected ways. As Wheen demonstrates, this is precisely as Marx had intended it.

Mr. Francis Wheen's narration of the genesis of Karl Marx's Das Kapital deserves an honored space on the library shelves of every man conversant in current affairs.

John Gooch

Karl Marx. For some, those two four letter words elicit hissing recoils and vicious claw swipes. Just one glimpse of the man resembling Santa Claus' evil twin can send them into a relentless conniption of fury. They may equate Marxism with communist, socialist, Leninist, anti-American claptrap. After all, weren't the Soviets America's diabolical enemy? Didn't they breed Bolsheviks in our washrooms? Inject anti-capitalist fluid into our drinking water? And didn't they derive such sinister plots from their hoary prophet of doom, Herr Marx? Surely the mighty bearded one inspired the killing fields, the Gulag death camps and the Red Square parades? So why drudge up this hateful mess?

After the Berlin Wall and the USSR collapsed, and especially after the September 11th, 2001 attacks, which put the focus on Middle East terrorism, Marx has acquired a more innocuous aura. Nothing cools old passions like new enemies. This new era has allowed Marx to crawl out from under those who have claimed him as their ideological messiah. And many have claimed him. But why did they claim him, an impoverished exiled German journalist? And were those countless communist regimes of the past two hundred years accurate reflections of Marx's ideas? Where did those ideas come from?

This small book explores the origins and fate of those ideas through Marx's maniacal magnum opus, "Das Kapital." As spiraling, towering, and dizzying, and as incomplete, as Gaudí's cathedral, this sprawling tome usually goes unread. A reputation for Tolstoyian verbosity, Proustian opacity, and Gödelian complexity preceded it into the twenty-first century. Not only that, at some 1000 pages, the book's physical presence alone would intimidate anyone but the most recklessly courageous bookworm. Nonetheless, it somehow persists. The story of how it came to be makes up this much shorter book's first two chapters. Procrastination, neglect, illness, despair, and squalor almost kept it from appearing. Decades passed between its conception and its printing. Fredrick Engels, Marx's partner and financial supporter, egged him on through a parade of excuses and diversions. Along the way snippets of Marx's economic theory, such as use-value, exchange-value, surplus-value, commodity fetishism, immiseration, and dialectic, also dot the narrative.

The reception of "Das Kapital" following its publication, outlined in chapters two and three, surprised everyone, except Engels. It didn't sell. It seemed to have fallen, a la Hume, still born from the press. Engels blamed the book's dense obscurity. The one place it did catch on, to Marx's astonishment, was in Tsarist Russia. Though Marx passed on well before the 1917 revolution there, he nonetheless praised the assassination of Tsar Alexander II by a group called "The People's Will." He also spent the rest of his days waiting for the fall of capitalism. He and Engels seemed to revel in every economic disruption. But the big blow never struck. The boom and bust cycles that Marx outlined in "Das Kapital" never destroyed capitalism from within, as he predicted it someday would and should. Of course, it still could, but to this day the system endures.

Chapter three discusses Marx's legacy. Most of all, it rescues him from some of the crimes perpetrated by "Marxist" regimes. Vladimir Lenin in particular seemed to turn the Marxian dialectic on its head by postulating an elite proletariat "intelligentsia." Marx never condoned such a thing. As the twentieth century continued, Marx was also appropriated by academic movements such as cultural studies. The book dismisses these movements apparent "Marxism" through figures such as Louis Althusser. It also criticizes this movement's displacement of economics, which lies at the heart of Marx's work, with critiques of mass culture, such as television shows and candy wrappers. Most shocking are quotes from modern economists who support some of Marx's views on capitalism. So Marx wasn't blacklisted along with all those 1930s entertainers. Marx's legacy may just be beginning, but not as a revolutionary overthrowing the capitalist machine, but as an observer of the machine's working and flaws.

A better introduction to Marx and "Das Kapital" is hard to imagine. The book reads like a roller coaster in clear accessible language. Pros as well as cons of Marxist theory, its implications, and abuses receive apt attention, and Marx's turgid masterpiece comes to life. Anyone curious about "the spectre of communism" should start with this tiny but riveting - and appropriately colored - book.

If you're anything like me, you have neither the time, nor the patience to delve into Karl Marx's monstrous Magnum opus of political economics, Das Kapital. Fortunately, Francis Wheen has done us a great service by giving us this fantastic "biography" of a book that changed the world. The book is superbly written, and the audio version, eloquently delivered by Simon Vance, is equally good. It is a concise work; the CD version is 3.5 hours, while the printed format is only about 144 pages. My CD version is separated into three sections. The first section details Marx's life and the circumstances that led him to write such a groundbreaking book. The second section is a succinct exposition of Das Kapital. Wheen aptly outlines and dissects the basic principles of Marx's revolutionary economic theory, objectively pointing out both Marx's errors, as well as his numerous insights, many of which have proven true. While his prophesies of the collapse of the capitalist system have obviously not come to pass, Marx offers more insight into the "nature of the beast" than anyone else before, or since.

The final section deals with the book's lasting influence and Marx's legacy. Wheen points out that in most "Marxist" countries, Marx's ideas were never thoroughly researched and interpreted, their leaders simply took their own interpretation, made it an unquestionable dogma, and that was that. Ironically, it's been in western capitalist societies where Marx, due to the freedom of scholars to study him, has been more thoroughly understood. "Marxism as practiced by Marx himself," Wheen writes, "was not so much an ideology, as a critical process, a continuous dialectical argument." More simply put, Marx was not a Marxist.

Wheen clearly has a great amount of respect for Marx. And while he is quick to point out certain lapses in logic or prognosis, he maintains that Marx was one of the most brilliant thinkers of the 19th century. In fact, he predicts that we have not seen the last of Karl Marx, and boldly suggests that in the end, he may turn out to be more relevant than most would expect. All in all, I would recommend this as a great introduction to Marx or even a refreshing new look at an old subject. 5 stars.

The idea of a book full of arguments for the war in Iraq from liberal authors seemed so interesting that I immediately ordered it and started reading it as soon as I had finished my book of conservative authors not so happy about the war.

Seeing the way liberals had reacted to Iraq was one of the biggest reasons why I have started calling myself moderate instead of liberal. I'm not trying to imply that the word liberal is monolithic by any means, but seeing the way so many different types of liberals were so strongly opposed to this war (many times out of pure hatred of George W. Bush and nothing else), really made me take serious look at what I thought.

Some of the articles in this book are a bit dense, and the average reader might not be able to get through them, but there are numerous other brilliant articles in this book that make a very strong case for their arguments. Put simply, the main point of this book is that a perfectly logical case can be made in favor of invading Iraq from a humanitarian perspective.

The authors in this book are not fans of Bush in any way, but yet they still make the case that getting rid of Saddam Hussein is a good thing. One of the contributors, Adam Michnik, put it best when he said "I believe you can be an enemy of Saddam Hussein even if Donald Rumsfeld is also an enemy of Saddam Hussein."

Throughout the book, the authors pose tough questions such as "If Bush really did lie about the weapons (and knew that none were in Iraq), why did the U.S. not arrange to plant the weapons after the invasion? A simple, but ironclad point in my opinion. The authors also tackle many of the liberal points used to argue against the war. Michael Moore is mentioned several times and because of this book, I am firmly cemented in my view that Moore has about as many positive contributions to make to the political world as Ann Coulter (which would be next to none).

Something I found particularly interesting was that a lot of what was said could be found coming from the right, but the point here is that the talk of liberating the Iraqi people from these authors are genuine. Hearing someone like Sean Hannity making these arguments isn't convincing because he's only for liberating another country if a Republican President is the one doing it. You never hear Hannity-types making the liberation argument in any other case.

I sincerely hope that anyone calling themselves a liberal that is opposed to the war in Iraq reads this book. It really challenges liberals to look at Iraq from the humanitarian perspective and I would venture to say that if you're a Michael Moore fan or a Noam Chomsky fan that could make it through this book and not have second thoughts, you're no different than the Republicans and conservatives you accuse of being blinded by ideology.

Irrespective of whether it leaves you believing that the Iraq war was just, this book is a fresh and valuable perspective. It explores important and critical arguments of a sophistication and depth that the lightweights and bigots of the contemporary media simply ignore (whether through bias or ineptitude).

Read the introduction here:

http://www.ucpress.edu/books/pages/10415/cushman.pdf

...and another example of the books chapters is here:

http://www.dissentmagazine.org/menutest/articles/wi04/berman.htm

Highly recommended.

With the exception of Roger Scruton, all of the contributors to this thought-provoking book come from the left of the political spectrum. It is most refreshing to see that there are still rational people on that side and that the strident, hateful and juvenile shrieking that one encounters in the media are not the only voices of the left.

Part One: Reconsidering Regime Change, contains contributions by the brilliant Christopher Hitchens, Jeffrey Herf, Jan Narveson and Mitchell Cohen. These essays state the case for the overthrow of the sadistic Saddam whilst discussing the liberal and humanitarian case for the liberation.

The next section, Philosophical Arguments, includes a reflection on national interest and international law by the conservative Roger Scruton, an essay on a just war against criminal regimes by Mehdi Mozaffari, and moral arguments on sovereignty, agency and consequences by Daniel Kofman.

Critiques Of The Left is the third section. This contains the most interesting dissection of leftist positions and thoroughly undermines the fallacy created by the mass media that liberals and leftists were unanimously against the war. My personal favourite essays in this group include Pages From A Daily Journal Of Argument by Norman Geras, Ethical Correctness And The Decline Of The Left by Jonathan Re and A Friendly Drink In A Time Of War by Paul Berman, a liberal.

In European Dimensions, people like John Lloyd, Michel Taubmann and Anders Jerichow reveal that many prominent European intellectuals, including Vaclav Havel, supported the war on liberal-humanitarian grounds.

Part Five: Solidarity, contains an interview between the compiler Thomas Cushman and the Polish intellectual Adam Michnik. There are also moving essays by Timorese leader Jose Ramos-Horta, Johann Hari, Pamela Bone and Ann Clwyd. It is quite clear that unlike the rest of the Left, these authors have genuine compassion for the weak and the oppressed. An important point made here is that indifference to the plight of the oppressed means abdication of the duty to protect them.

The volume concludes with Liberal Statesmanship that contains Prime Minister Tony Blair's full statement to the House of Commons on 18th March 2003 and another speech of his titled The Threat Of Global Terrorism. They are both eloquent arguments for the liberation of Iraq that are rooted in principle and morality.

This valuable book demolishes many myths perpetuated by the academic and media elites and more importantly, exposes their malignant mindsets to some extent. For example, Johan Hari points out how Anti-Americanism has become a religion and how leftists ignore the crimes of sundry third world dictators. It is made clear that the anti-war camp really did not care about Saddam's victims. Then again, this is nothing new - leftists of the past also tried to suppress knowledge of Stalin's atrocities and those of Pol Pot.

Another lie that is exposed is the myth of American unilateralism. Forty Eight countries had joined the Coalition by March 2003 and in Europe, states like the Netherlands, Italy, Hungary, Denmark, Poland, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Romania, Bulgaria, Albania, Croatia and Macedonia strongly allied themselves with the USA. Many Asian states supported it too, including Australia, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and the Philippines. That puts the myth of unilateralism to rest.

In his introduction, Cushman mentions the relentless campaign of hatred and disinformation against Israel by the United Nations and the travesty of a UN Human Rights body that that includes representatives of cruel totalitarian states like Libya, Sudan and Zimbabwe.

He also mentions the shady motives behind the anti-war position of France, Germany and Russia. These essays were written and the book compiled before the full extent of the UN Oil For Food graft became widely known, but this scandal of the century only confirms the hypocrisy of the leadership of the aforementioned countries.

The book is not flawless. Some of the writing is perhaps too self-critical and as a Reaganite, I obviously disagree with many contributors on a range of other issues. But they are brave people who are willing to stand up for their convictions in a hostile environment. I regard the George Galloway/Michael Moore Moonbat Left as one would a hairy spider, but these authors are rational and decent. Their concern for the wretched of the earth is genuine. Their hearts are in the right place.

I also recommend A Long Short War: The Postponed Liberation of Iraq by Christopher Hitchens, Unholy Alliance and The Anti Chomsky Reader by David Horowitz, The Force Of Reason by Oriana Fallaci plus everything written by the wonderful Norman Geras.

The essays in this book about the Iraq War and international law are for the most part in clear and accessible English and do not rely on theories that are left unexplained in the body of the essay itself. For that reason I would recommend this collection to people who are interested only in the development of international law and mores and who are not much concerned with the Iraq War.

For those who are interested in the Iraq War, this collection is, I feel, indispensable. Not because the authors agree (they do not) but because the debate in this volume has about it a quality that has been largely absent from the Iraq debate: candor. Thus while the authors disagree on fundamental issues such as:

* was the war in Iraq, on balance, justified;

* did the governments that lead us to war lie or act in good faith;

* was the suffering of the Iraqi people alone sufficient justification for war; and

* do we have what it takes to see this war through

they do so without simplifying the arguments and without assuming that the Iraqi people agree with their positions.

For as profound as their disagreements are, the authors agree that:

* Saddam's regime was genocidal;

* leaving Saddam in place was not costless either (and most immediately) to the Iraqi people or (eventually) to the West; and

* the Bush administration has terribly botched the occupation, thereby endangering the whole enterprise.

And finally these authors point out that when in a public policy debate, the liberals sound like Henry Kissinger while the conservatives echo John Rawls, the political landscape is out of joint.

This is the sort of debate liberals like myself had every right to expect in the days and months preceding the Iraq invasion. We did not get it (for reasons addressed in this volume). We get it here; in this collection of essays. I highly recommend it.

Mark S. Smith's book "Memoirs of God" is a condensed version of his other books, "The Early History of God" and "The Origins of Biblical Monotheism" for the general reader. In addition, Smith adds the element of cultural memory and amnesia to his previous books. The result is a fascinating look at the evolution of theological culture concepts in ancient Israel.

The early Isrealite concept of divinity was essentially polytheistic. According to Smith, the concept of divinity was modeled on the family, with a "patron god," a consort or wife, and a group of lesser divinities. The Isrealites apparently were influenced in this regard by Ugarit, an ancient near-Eastern country. When Israel became a united Monarchy in the 8th century BC, the concept of divinity began to change. After the Assyrian conquest and re-population, the re-conceptualization of divinity as monotheism was cemented. What happened was that after families were broken up, it was no longer logical to see the family as the model for divinity. The Isrealites could no longer look at individuals as being punished for the sins of their parents, for one thing. For another, in the old model of divinity, each country had a patron god, and if a country fell, then that god must have been punishing them, or was a false god. So instead of their being a patron god for each country, in the wake of the Assyrian and Babylonian exiles, Yahweh became the god of the whole universe, and the later writings from the "D" source (Deuteronomy) reflect this change in view. Vestiges of the old polytheistic view in the biblical writings could remain, as long as they could be re-interpreted within a Monotheistic framework. As a result, there was a cultural amnesia about Israel's polytheistic origins, or to put it another way, the memories of Israel's polytheism were repressed. The biblical writings are an expression of cultural memory and cultural amnesia.

Of course, that was just a general sketch of what Smith talks about in the book. This is highly recommended for non-scholars who want a background on biblical writings.

Brilliantly written, Mark Stratton Smith takes you on an intellectual journey into the why's and wherefore's of Monotheistic belief.
It is certainly not for a reader with no background in the subject.

The material presented by Mark Smith is an insightful interpretation of the collective memory of an ancient culture. The thoughts are well organized and easy to understand by a non academic.

Mark Smith writes in this book that the Hebrew Bible contains both the collective memory of ancient Israel and the collective amnesia. The first two chapters are representations of Israel's past in the Bible. This discussion begins about 1200 BCE and ends about the beginning of the Persian Period. The Dead Sea Scrolls get mentioned as examples of the longevity of ideas. The biblical history prior to 1200 BCE (Genesis, etc.) is explained as a memoir from a later period when Israel simply wished that life was not so painful as it was. In chapter 2, Smith focuses on the challanges facing Israel's existence. One of the basic questions was: who or what was an Israelite? Israel was not just the "twelve tribes." In chapter 3, Smith takes a look at the biblical representation of montheism in the Bible. In this chapter Smith looks at the monotheism of the Bible from the point ot view of the pantheon of Ugarit. If this is unfamiliar to the reader, the reader may want to consult Lowell Handy's _Among the Host of Heaven: The Syro-Palestinian Pantheon as Bureaucracy_ or other writings. In chapter 4, Smith introduces collective amnesia as proposed by various scholars.

In a postscript, Smith addresses the *theological* problem of how to deal with a revelation which may be related to both the language and culture of the Bible or which may be unrelated altogether. Those who study the Bible as a "single eternal" witness fail to understand the Bible's own witnesses. Yet the Bible as theology is an attempt to relate how Israel engaged the challanges it faced and, as a record, to help subsequent peoples to do the same.


Does a people collectively forget its oral history? Or do written records replace what we think people had thought when maybe they did and maybe they thought something else. Smith has a most thought-provoking book.

This is a great book for those who would like to understand how the Middle East really works and thinks. It contains information not readily published about America's challenges in the region. It looks forward to what we can expect from this area and gives an understanding of why and what we are doing there now. Mr. Robison's experience there, working with military, intelligence, and business sources along with his love and knowledge of the cultures of the area, give this book depth and breath not found in other publications. A great read for anyone who really wants to understand our involvement in the area. I gained a completely new understanding of our challenges, opportunities and risks as he explained them from the perspective of the power, governments, culture, and history of the people there.

The MIDDLE EAST WAR PROCESS is easily understood by the lay reader, yet interesting and informative to anyone working in or studying the Middle East. The book provides new, unusual and little-known facts explaining America's challenges and long-term problems in the region. The United States has shouldered a long-term commitment in the region that will last for generations. The MIDDLE EAST WAR PROCESS offers insights into ways to make this transition less painful, if we will learn from the past.

With American interest in the Middle East at an all time high, The MIDDLE EAST WAR PROCESS is an insightful and interesting book.

I found this book easy to read and very informative. The writer explains in lay man terms why the Middle East is so relevant to America's interests. In addition, he explains that there is a "war process" in the Middle East as oppossed to a "peace process" (a quote from Shimon Peres if I recall correctly).

I highly recommend this book to anyone who wants a fresh, interesting, and personal analysis of the situation in the Middle East.

I had the opportunity to interview Richard Robison for a two-part article in Utah Spirit Magazine (March & April 2004), and in the process I read "War Process." I found a thoughtfulness that only nearly a quarter century in the Middle East could deliver, an insight that only a CIA case officer could gain, and the kind of read that only a master storyteller could create.

The message of the book is tactful, but very forward. Robison loves the Middle East, its culture and people, but he doesn't let that stop him when it comes to calling a spade a spade. The pages of "War Process" contain many elements of U.S.-Mideast foreign policy that readers won't currently find in mainstream media. For instance, Robison examines the Islamic "taqiya," where "a lie is not a lie," and also how terrorists often exploit the idea that "Americans don't bleed well" to create incredibly damaging attacks on American forces and civilians.

"Fear the man who has little to loose," Robison warns.

Robison also spends a great deal of time examining the gap and overlap between Islamic and American cultures. He uses many personal experiences to show how little known parts of Islamic culture, when overlooked, can create a great embarrassment and, in some instances, a great divide. He also explains how popular American culture with all of its tantalizing skin and revealing clothing has become the perfect recruitment tool for terrorists.

He offers an interesting insight into why the US went into Iraq, even toying with the idea that America might have had some part encouraging the first Iraq war. And however incredible such a claim might seem, Robison was there as part of the Gulf War Task Force, something that few others can claim. He was there.

Robison says that America is in the Middle East to stay. It has little to do with the price of oil, and yet it has everything to do with the security of oil. For the answers, Robison says, look to China, its increasing dependence on oil, and a future conflict that many intelligence experts (both American and Chinese) say is inevitable. America is in the Middle East to place a firm hand on the spigot---a tactic similar to one that America employed against Japan in WWII.

The book is beefy with ideas, but it can be read fast. Robison keeps the info simple and critical, never wasting his readers' time.

I absolutely recommend "War Process." Readers will find that many of the more cryptic reports in the world press more revealing. There's a lot to miss out there when, as Robison said during the interview, "you don't know what questions to ask."

I concur with the other reviewers - a thorough and interesting book.

I am an avid reader of books about religion and political science, and am most concerned with the impact of religion on a nation's policies and politics. Dr. Wickham's book is the most interesting and profound book on modern Islam I have read. She has the ability to allow the reader to understand Islam from the inside out and therefore to make sense of what we Westerners often feel is not logical. The author held my attention from beginning to end with a style that was both interesting and informative. I highly recommend this book to anyone who is interested in learning more about Islam and it's impact on the United States and the world today.

Too often Islam as a comprehensive systme of life is overshadowed by the comparatively few but dangerous terroriist individuals and organizations. Though I am not a Muslim, I do think that the Western perceptions toward Islam and Islamism is excessively biased and near-sighted. And more often than not, people are hung up on analyzing the radical extremist aspects of Islamism, or the politics of the movement.

This excellent book by Rosefsky Wickham does not provide answers to the whole notion of Islam being 'opposed' to the West, or the debate about whether Islamic countries can become democratized 'like us'.

It is more focused on the deeper, underlying social movements that propel Islamism in Egypt, the people/organization/methods through which the religious movement has gained ground. She also examines how this change takes place, via what she calls "transvaluation". It's a nice departure made from the conventional obsession with the violence and the need to 'save' the Muslims under Islamic autocrats.

The narrative she provides does not use the normal political science jargon and is an enjoyable academic read. I found it quite refreshing.

This book is an excellent account of the rise of the most important opposition movement in Egypt since the 1952 revolution. While its discussion of the last 8 years is unfortunately a bit truncated, this is probably one of the best texts out there to study a major islamic political movement in its proper context. What the author successfully does is not only take the study of social movements outside of its standard western milieu, but also look at the critical role ideology plays in mobilizing particular segments of the population to support and join a (r)evolutionary movement.

While political economy explanations can show the context that leads to the creation of a potential audience for a message of social justice and transformation of society from below, it doesn't explain why people would do so when the costs of such action in an authoritarian country are so high. Usually survival is the paramount concern of most in society outside the coopted elite, unless an opportunity for change occurs. But such was not the case in Egypt in the 1970s and 80s, not one sufficiently great in and of itself anyway, to mobilize the disaffected semi elite who did join and became the backbone of the Brotherhood. What was needed also was a message of hope, social justice, and fairness, and that message was supplied by moderate political islam. The opportunity of course was facilitated by the traditional failure not only of the state's own neopopulist economic, social, and educational policies, but also of the main other opposition socialist movements. Moderate political islam provided the answer for many.

It should be noted that this book, unlike many other studies of egyptian political islam by authors like Barry Rubin and Mary Anne Weaver, does not focus on the more violent offshoots of the Brotherhood, Egyptian Islamic Jihad, and Al Qaeda. Ergo this is not a book about terrorism. But that's kind of the point, this shows the fact the even now (at least before 9/11) mainstream political Islam in most Moslem nations in the Middle East and beyond are quite moderate and while wanting to create a Moslem state in the long run (i.e. over decades) are willing to do so from below. Wickham quotes a female activist in the book who says precisely that, i.e. that by teaching children about the religion, its values, and goals, as well as their mothers and fathers, that over time this will help build support for the movement until it grows to a large enough popular majority to overtake the state peacefully. This could be called revolutionary in the sense that the long term goal is change of the state and society, but it is neither a top down, not militant movement, but rather one that seeks to achieve its goals at the ballot box, in the mosques, schools, health care centers, sports clubs, newstands, in professional associations, and such rather than with weapons. It therefore very much is a study of a movement in a major Moslem nation that joins a growing list of outstanding works in English on the subject from other countries such as Jenny White's "Islamist Mobilization in Turkey" about Turkey's AK party, which recently came to power and Robert W. Hefner's "Civil Islam" about Indonesia's Nhladatul Ulama of former President Abdurahman Wahid.

If you want to understand what mainstream political islam stands for and is seeking to achieve, in the most important Arab nation at that, this is probably the most important book you could read.