Israel Books

A truly wonderful book.If you take the time to read it you will find that it contains nothing but truth and can only help you to come to a greater knowledge of the Almighty G-d.

Elvis Presley 1956 is not the same than other Elvis Presley books. It is shorter than any other books about Elvis Presley. And has more pitcures. The pitcures were taken by Marvin Israel but he didn't live to see this book because in the spring of 1984 he died of a heart attack.

The pitcures were taken in 1956. And they are never seen before pitcures of Elvis Presley. Marvin Israel took a pitcure of Elvis Presley's high school diploma. But Elvis Presley is not living at Graceland yet. If Marvin Israel lived to see this book, would he be happy to see his pitcures in this book.

Maybe not if he wanted the pitcures to be private. But like it or not he had no choice since he is dead. Marvin didn't want to follow in the family business which was making clothes. But still a great book for your Elvis Presley fan.

This book is a must for anybody who is interested in the Middle East debacle, particularly students, as myself, of Political Science. Dr. Rabil gives us a comprehensive History of the conflict affecting these three countries in a very easy language and impartiality, yet impeccably academic. Very easy to read. One can appreciate the research that went into this book. A lot of relevant information and bibliography. -

In this 1970 gem, Protestant theologians Alice and Roy Eckardt explain how Israel came to be and why the Jews are in the Land of Israel as a sovereign people by right and not on sufferance.
Part 1 deals with The Roots of Israel from the settlement of Canaan by Abraham to the re-establishment of the Third Commonwealth in 1948.
Part II deals with the Life of Israel at the time of writing in 1970, exploring such issues as the society and land, the polarities and conflicts withing Israeli society and describes the Communal Settlements.

Part III is about the Affirmation of Israel, it's right to be and it's struggle for survival.
The struggle by Israel against the genocidal aims of it's ruthless enemies is a struggle for survival.

In Part I the authors disprove the idea that the Jews had no real influence or presence in 'Palestine' between Roman times and the 19th century.
Explaining just how false this notion is, helps to reveal a proper understanding of Israel and the Middle East today.
Up until at least the Sixth Century CE the Jews constituted a majority in the Holy Land, and farmed almost all the land in the Galilee region.
Long after the 7th century Arab invasion the Jews remained a substantial minority. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries a large number of Jews took up residence in 'Palestine' and in the eighteenth century newly returning Jews from resettled Safed and Tiberias and added to the Jewish populations of Jerusalem and other cities.
The 19th century Zionist movement, inspired by Herzl and others, led to an increase of 25 000 to 100 000 Jews in 'Palestine' between 1880 and 1914. An economic and social revolution brought new hope
to Jews, new vitality to the land and improvements in health, in opportunities for livelihood and living standards benefiting all inhabitants, Jews and Arabs.
The authors describe the migrations into the Land of Israel of 200 000 Jews fleeing persecution from Nazi Germany and the horrific Arab pogroms that took place in 1920, 1929 and 1936-1939 (the 1930s pogroms encouraged and supported by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. in which hundreds of Jewish men, women and children were cruelly murdered. This led to the betrayal by the British of their promises to the Jews made with the 1917 Balfour Declaration and finally the 1939 White Paper blocking Jews from entering the Palestine Mandate, when 6 million Jews were dying the Nazi infernos.
And they describe the Jewish resistance against Arab terror and make sure that the Jewish State in the Land of Israel would not be restored, and finally, in this section, the War of Independence and the birth of the Third Commonwealth.

In the third section the authors point out the many concessions Israel offered over the years in trying to achieve peace with her Arab neighbours, including offering large tracts of land, diverting water resources, regional arms limitations and even disarmament, the diverting of water resources to Arab states and urged the advantages of are widespread developments of transportation, communications and health resources.
.All that Israel has asked in return for these far-reaching offers has been recognition and peace.
The authors cover the Egyptian aggression that led to the 1956 Suez War, the attacks on Israel and Arab belligerence that forced Israel's hand leading up to the Six Day War, and the fact that in 1948 there were more Jewish refugees from Arab lands than Arab refugees from Israel in the 1948 War of Independence, as well as the fact that many of these Arab so-called refugees had entered Israel from other Arab countries during the British Mandate, including during World War II, and were not longtime residents of 'Palestine'.

The authors affirm the essential difference between those who oppose Israel's right to exist and those who affirm it. Those committing themselves to the abolition of Israel, maximize in effect, violence and bloodshed. Those committed to the preservation of Israel work to minimize, and even to annul, violence and bloodshed.
The demand by the Moslem world and the international Left for the "de-Zionization" of Israel is aeuphemism for the annihilation of Israel's five million Jews. The one effective protection that an oppressed people can have against those who would destroy them is sovereignty and the political and military power that accompanies sovereignty. The only way to translate "de Zionization" and the "liberation of Palestine is : "Death to the Jews".
The author's point out that whenever outsiders tolerate or sanction the charge the re-establishment of the State of Israel constituted a basic injustice, they help to compound immorality by giving aid and comfort to those who are dedicated to those who are dedicated to committing genocide against Israel's people.
The abolition of Israel means genocide- is this what the International Left desire?
The authors affirm Israel's right to exist and disprove Arab lies that deny Jewish sovereignty in Israel.
I highly recommend this book. The basic points are as relevant as they were 40 years ago.

A four-volume set, The Encyclopedia of the Arab-Israeli Conflict: A Political, Social, and Military History is an in-depth scrutiny of one of the most vicious, implacable, and long-running territorial disputes in the history of the world. In the past sixty years, the proliferation of nuclear weapons and the increased scarcity of oil have dramatically amplified the global consequences of this conflict. The Encyclopedia of the Arab-Israeli Conflict provides an impartial wealth of information on this hot topic in over 750 alphabetically organized entries covering key people, places, events, and social topics. Each entry is enhanced with cross references and recommendations for further reading. Maps and photographs add a visual aid to comprehending this complicated issue. The final "documents" volume of The Encyclopedia of the Arab-Israeli Conflict is a collection of more than 150 primary sources. The result is an accessible, exhaustive and invaluable reference to a potentially critical modern issue, and carries the absolute highest recommendation for public and college libraries as well as international reference collections.

As many of us are aware, from 1948 to 1993, Israel generally adopted a policy of strategic deterrence. As Or Honig tells us, when attacked from beyond its borders, "responded with disproportionate force." I can see why: a war of attrition would be too much of a threat, and Israel lacked territorial depth. However, in 1993, Israel tried a different plan: strategic restraint. And it did not work.

Honig explains that the logic behind the new plan was threefold: to improve its international standing, to allow Arab governments to deal with Arab terrorists, and to allow social and political conditions in the Arab world to improve in a manner that would reduce the appeal of terrorism.

Unfortunately, Israel's opponents saw any Israeli restraint and concessions as a victory for their policies. A good example was the withdrawal from Lebanon in the year 2000.

Finally, however, Hezbollah crossed a line that convinced Israeli leaders to change their mind. In 2006, it attacked Israel in the Western sector of the border, an area not in dispute. Honig explains that Hezbollah underestimated the "resiliance of Israel's civilian leadership to fight a just war."

Honig reminds us that the choice between deterrence and restraint is not a choice between war and peace. These are simply two different approaches to maintaining security. And he argues that "Israeli policymakers would be remiss not to recognize the effectiveness of deterrence and the folly of restraint." In addition, "deterrence may actually enhance the effectiveness of Israel's diplomacy." But if it is to work, Honig suggests that "Israeli politicians must make a sustained rather than episodic commitment to the doctrine."

Is Honig right about all this? Maybe. But I think the article is worth reading if only because it makes a serious attempt to deal with reality.

I have read many book of Lucado and always I receive a blesing from God reading his books, and this one is not a exception. I know that God has annointing Max Lucado.

The author, a senior fellow and director of the Project on the Middle East Peace Process at the Washington Institute, argues that the current Israeli withdrawal from Gaza offers a true opportunity for peacemaking between the Palestinians and the Israelis. He says, and I believe correctly, that the rest of the world, including the United States should be willing and able to help in this process.

The courage being shown by the Israeli Government in withdrawing from Gaza is remarkable. As evidenced by yesterday's soldier getting on the bus and deliberately murdering four Arabs, there is a fundamentalist (or perhaps zealot is a better word) fringe group in Israel that is as dedicated to war as is the HAMAS organization in Gaza.

All that we isolated individuals can do is hope that the crazy's on both sides don't take over the asylum, and be ready to help through the UN or directly as needed. Just a bit more peace in the Middle East would make so much sense.

Mr. Makovsky's book is well thought out, well presented, and I hope the appropriate people in our own Government are thinking along the same lines. Well worth reading.

Cymlich's account begins with the German-Soviet conquest of Poland in 1939. He witnessed an aerial dogfight between German and Polish planes (p. 6), adding refutation to the perennial myth of the Polish Air Force getting destroyed on the ground on the first day of the war.

Compared with other accounts of Jews who survived Treblinka, this one emphasizes the interpersonal relationships there. It also gives details about Treblinka (1), the labor camp situated about two km from Treblinka (2), the extermination camp. It turns out that there were more Jews relative to Poles incarcerated in Treblinka (1), and more contact between the two sub-camps, proceeding in both directions, than previously described. (p. 36)

Cymlich notes the cruelties of both the Polish and Jewish kapos in Treblinka (1), but believes that the Jewish kapos were worse than the Polish ones, and worse than the German and Ukrainian guards. (p. 38) In Treblinka (2), there was a group of Jewish collaborators called "Reds", as described by Strawczynski. (pp. 131-132) Among other deeds, they deceived incoming Jews as to the purpose of their arrivals, facilitating their procession into the "showers". (pp. 140-141) As for those Jews who arrived at Treblinka (2) and who weren't immediately gassed upon arrival, they had to contend with eager Jewish informers such as Kuba and Chaskiel in their everyday battle for survival and possible eventual escape. (p. 149, 152-153)

The deaths of Jews who had successfully escaped Treblinka were caused not only by betrayers, but also by fugitive Jews who turned themselves in to the Germans. (p. 43) Unlike Jan T. Gross and his fans, who pooh-pooh the German-imposed death penalty for the slightest aid to Jews, Cymlich does not. (p. 43) Nevertheless, Treblinka escapees were aided by Poles. The Polish Kobos family aided Cymlich (p. 66), and the Roguszewski family aided Strawczynski (p. 188). Both were nominated as Righteous Gentiles at Yad Vashem.

The modern practice of de-Germanizing the Nazis was totally foreign to Cymlich's thinking: "The souls of the innocent, murdered victims cannot go to heaven. They keep wandering through the camps, around the graves scattered throughout Poland, awaiting retribution for this bloody and well-organized crime. Only the bestial desire to destroy and torment the uninvolved, the desire that is in the blood of most Germans, could conceive the realization of this Satanic plan with such deadly precision." (p. 53) "This organized crime, which has been planned down to the last detail, must be avenged in blood. The German people must be taught a `lesson' that would burn out its thuggish nature for centuries to come." (p. 62)

Palestinians, Armenians, Albanians, Tamils, Chechens-around the world, ethnic groups fight to forge their own nation states. What is the secret of success? In this excellent book, Dr Mark Suzman, one of the few to have predicted the fall of the Afrikaner regime in South Africa, reveals the ingredients of successful ethnic nationalism.

The book rests on three case studies-Afrikaner nationalism, Irish nationalism, and Zionism. All three share a number of features. First, all were formerly under British rule. Second, all grew from a pre-existing ethnic culture based on language and religion-and a sense of discrimination coupled with a history of violent struggles against other ethnic groups. Third, all three had a significant literate class that could formulate the ideology of the nationalist movement-and strengthen the symbols and trappings of nationalism. Perhaps the most extraordinary example of this is the deliberate resurrection of Hebrew from an ancient religious language read by scholars and rabbis to a flourishing modern language spoken by millions. Fourth, all three movements were able to gather popular support through the promise of patronage and wealth once power had been seized. And finally, all were highly organised, having erected a parallel state apparatus that could be swiftly transformed into the real thing.

But alas for the nationalists of the world-and luckily for the rest of us-there is no magic bullet. As Dr Suzman emphasizes, while these features are necessary constituents of successful ethnic nationalism, they are scarcely sufficient. Factors external to the nationalist movement also matter. For example, if the regime that the nationalists are seeking to overturn or replace is strong-and seen by others in the international community to be legitimate-then the nationalists will have a much harder time winning through. For aspiring ethnic nationalists, gathering the support of the international community will ultimately be at least as important as the internal structure of the movement itself.

I have long admired Dr Suzman in secret; I am thrilled that the publication of this wonderful book allows me to make my admiration public.