Central America Books
Related Subjects: Mexico
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Used price: $18.00

Accessible, well written overview of Nicaragua's history and failed attempts to free itself from U.S. imperialism Review Date: 2006-08-01
Best concise history of NicaraguaReview Date: 2007-11-01

Used price: $12.95

Recommended for students of American historyReview Date: 2001-10-14
Great Reading, Excellent and ScholarlyReview Date: 2001-06-14

Used price: $3.27
Collectible price: $12.50

Todo! Circula en Cada Rama del Arbol de Mis VenasReview Date: 2001-05-16
Is this it?Review Date: 1999-06-26

Interesting and differentReview Date: 2002-07-13
THIS is the way to travel!Review Date: 2002-05-18
There are two kinds of travel books - the "guidebook" with sights, prices, accommodation ideally suited for those seeking comfort instead of adventure. Glossy photos, usually portraying conditions found on movie sets, detailed maps, prices listed. The other type is the personal journal, which, properly done, imparts a far better sense of "being there" than does the guidebook. Short's chronicle is the second type, a vivid sharing of his thoughts, experiences, disasters, even love. The means of travel was by bus. Just finding one was fraught with hazards - timing, crowding or even just running. Once boarded, there was the issue of finding the proper seat: "Sit in the rear. Bandits will shoot through the front window." On a limited budget the "guidebook" hotels were out of the question for Short. Many havens he found for a night's rest became adventures in their own right. Weather, ever a primary topic for travellers, added its own quirks - a major Caribbean hurricane being the most spectacular.
These minor discomforts aside, Short's recital of his travels points up the many benefits of journeying solo. One of these is that you don't remain alone for long. Not every acquaintance is a welcome companion, but none are dull. They bring their lives into his view, and to ours. Short meets former convicts, travellers from Europe, Canada and Australia. Not limiting himself to fellow "gringos" he deals well with the local residents. Although a few are not as friendly as he - he's robbed twice and has the usual tangles with bureaucrats, cheating taxi drivers and sullen hoteliers. Still, he maintains his equanimity, exhibiting strength in adverse circumstances. In this modern age he can turn to internet cafes, at one point spending more on email and 'net surfing than on accommodation and food.
Short is a learner, eager to know the current and historical conditions of the lands he visits. Teotihuacan, Tikal and the world's largest stone sphere. His account leads you along with him in fine descriptive prose. He shares his learning without becoming pedantic or opinionated. His judgments result of thoughtful assessment and it's easy to agree with them. The book becomes not only the tale of his journey, but a guidebook without gloss or sham. By the end of it, we envy his adventures and his ability to relate them. It's hard not to embark on a similar jaunt with the aim of duplicating his effort for your chosen locale.


Great Book, Important Topics!Review Date: 2001-03-02
Beautiful!Review Date: 2007-06-27

168 Pages of REAL American HistoryReview Date: 2001-11-09
A truly valuable artifact of American HistoryReview Date: 1998-11-02

Used price: $9.75

Excellent bookReview Date: 2001-10-29
First comparative study on Latin American trade associationsReview Date: 1999-03-09

Used price: $19.95

Portuguese & Irish AncestryReview Date: 2006-03-08
There are family histories, celebrations, stories about what motivated them, what brought them joy. PLEASE, buy a copy for your children. NO ONE knows this history anymore.
NANTUCKETERS BEHIND THE VEILReview Date: 2006-03-15
We discover a meticulously researched story of those who often lived behind the veil. They were those who rarely lived on Main Street where only those who counted resided, those mythical stoic Anglophile Yankee 'CAPTAINS.' But who "pulled Nantucket's oars" aboard the fragile whale boats and who labored behind the scenes, Karttunen asks? Who bunked in the fo'c'sles, hearded the sheep, cooked and served meals, erected homes then and now, lost indigenous property, or were themselves the enslaved property of others? Beyond the island's first people of color were the Canackas, Portuguese, Irish, Azorians, Jamaicans, Germans, Latvians .... They were and are us, Americans of every color and creed who have bonded together in some mysterious way by falling in love with this 'far away isle.' Fran Karttunen, herself of island stock, masterfully and compassionately unvails this untold story of the "other" islanders.

Used price: $8.49

Lovely poetic homage.Review Date: 2007-04-27
Beautifully done!Review Date: 2007-04-21


Tragic, heartbreaking history. . . .Review Date: 2006-11-05
Girard splendidly details Haiti's history from colonial to present-day. He writes of Haiti's entangled and complicated racial history, the abdication of the French, the contempt that the remaining ruling class of mulattoes (of mixed race and lighter skin) had for their illiterate and ill-informed darker-skinned countrymen; the US occupations; the unrelenting exploitation, pollution and pillaging of land, resources and foreign aid; the brutal repression, violence and callous indifference of politicians to building an infrastructure that would allow the country to advance from an antiquated rural-based economy to one more modern and service-oriented.
I was expecting to receive a thick, heavy history book--one that is usually issued in high school or college, but I was pleasantly surprised to find that this book is a very SLIM volume and a very quick read, the better to showcase Mr. Girard's beautifully concise and lively writing style. I highly recommend this book to anyone remotely curious (as I was) about why Haiti continues to be the pariah of the carribean. "Paradise Lost" is a real page-turner, worth every penny and more!
Provocative and informativeReview Date: 2005-12-22
Related Subjects: Mexico
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Anastasio Somoza Debayle Jr. took over as president from his brother in 1967. Anastasio Jr. reinstated a "state of siege" and sent the National Guard into the Countryside, where the (FSLN) Sandinistas were involved in stimulating peasant activism, after a December 1974 successful hostage taking operation by the Sandinistas. The Guard proceeded to rape and kill and pillage thousands. Many American Catholic clerical and lay workers witnessed these actions and the U.S. congress was moved to hold hearings.
In 1977, President Carter suspended military aid to Somoza in order to force him to relax somewhat his censorship of the press, thinking that the U.S. could afford for Somoza to do so without the status quo in Nicaragua being disrupted. However, in early 1978, after increasing massacres of civilians in the tens of thousands by the National Guard Carter resumed economic and military aid to Somoza. The uprising had begun in early 1978 after the assassination of newspaper editor Pedro Joaquin Chamarro. The Carter administration, in conjunction with the Organization of American States, eventually tried to enforce its policy of "Somocismo sin Somoza"....
Walker describes how the Carter administration refused to send arms to the Sandinistas and looked the other way as the military oligarchy in Honduras allowed remnants of the National Guard, helped by trainers from the Argentine neonazi military regime, to organize the force which would become the Contras. ....
The Reaganites refused to sell arms to the Sandinistas, cut off all aid, and successfully pressured the French to end an arms deal with the Sandinistas in 1981. Increasingly, the Sandinistas were forced to rely on Soviet block arms. Walker notes that the rifles, AK-47's and tanks that the Nicaraguans received from the Soviet block were small in number and often old and decrepit. Clearly the Sandinistas were seeking military aid from the Soviet Block because the Reaganites had launched a full scale proxy terrorist war against them. The Contras deliberately attacked civilian infrastructure and murdered teachers, doctors and engineers. The attacks on oil storage and port facilities by the Contras in 1983 and 84' caused Venezuela and Mexico to suspend oil shipments--Nicaragua was then forced to turn to the Soviet block for its petroleum needs. The FSLN managed to maintain fairly extensive economic and political relations with Western Europe and capitalist countries in the third world but the U.S. media preferred to ignore this.
In the early 80's, Walker notes the Sandinistas achieved some remarkable successes. Nicaragua's infant mortality rate was reduced from 121 per 1000 in 1978 to 90 per 1000 in 1983. The Kissinger Commission report of 1984 blamed the Sandinistas because it said that Nicaragua's GDP was reduced by 38 percent from 1977 to 1983. This was deceptive, Walker notes, because that statistic had in it the last two and a half years of the rule of Somoza when the country was largely destroyed. In the years 1980-83, Walker notes, the Nicaraguan economy actually grew by an average of 7 percent, while the rest of Central America's economies declined by 14 percent.
In spite of some mild repression (not comparable to U.S. backed terror in Guatemala and El Salvador) in response to the country being under U.S. backed terrorist attack, reactionary newspapers like La Prensa were allowed to violently attack the government and receive funding from the CIA. The CIA instigated protests by the Nicaraguan opposition which attempted to provoke the Sandinistas into repressive actions, Walker quotes House Speaker Jim Wright revealing in January 1988. Meanwhile, in U.S. client states Guatemala and El Salvador newspaper offices were being blown up by the military backed death squads, and newspaper editors were left disemboweled by the side of the road. In 1984, the Sandinistas had an election which was judged free and fair by a wide variety observer delegations, including from the British parliament and House of Lords, Danish and Irish Parliaments, etc. Disruption of opposition rallies by Sandinista "turbas" only occurred about 5 times out of 250 instances according to election analysts. Walker quotes a statistic to the effect that 46 of the 48 top Contra officers had been officers in Somoza's National Guard--I think he got this from Edgar Chamarro, the former Contra spokesman.
The U.S. escalated its economic strangulation and terror attacks on Nicaragua and the latter was eventually forced to devote the majority of its budget to defense. In 1990, the Sandinistas held an election, as the 1987 constitution had mandated them to do and the Nicaraguan electorate, under the threat of continued U.S. funding of Contra terrorists if the Sandinistas won, voted in the UNO. The U.S. had achieved its goal of restoring the old Somoza era social order within Nicaragua. Walker gives an extensive discussion of the post-1990 social order. Nicaragua ranked 61st on the UN Human Development Index in 1990; it ranked 116th by 2000.
Walker gives an instructive look at how the miserable rural proletariat of Nicaragua was created by the late 19th century.