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Human view of BuddhismReview Date: 2004-12-10
A spiritual Gem for any traveler on The Journey of LifeReview Date: 2001-04-09
Govinda writes from the heart with an openness and clarity which is rare in this world. Combine this with a description of a journey of Tibet just prior to it's invasion, and you can nearly grasp the Heart of tibetan spiritual culture.
Highly recommended, I truly hope Rider/Random House get enough requests for this literary gem to be printed again.
A Spiritual GemReview Date: 1999-12-25
Wonderfully poetic personal tale of a buddhist pilgrimReview Date: 2001-11-14
I have the book in German, purchased thru Amazon.de, and can highly recommend this to anyone who is able to read German fluently. It is, as said in the title of my review, a wonderfully poetic tale.
Inspiring,loving and wonderfulReview Date: 2003-05-04


Got better as it went onReview Date: 2007-03-03
Thankfully that chapter is misleading as Hutton leads his readers through a detailed analysis of China's economy that is equal parts illuminating and disturbing, and begins to build explanation on his desire to see US-style enlightenment institutions develop in China, while being very open about the fact that several of those institutions are in severe decline within the USA.
Some of that coverage of the USA, its history, institutions and current situation, feels like it would have made sense as a separate book, slimming down this volume considerably and potentially making the material much more accessible for those with limited time. But the intertwined themes do make sense and the reader is considerably better placed to judge the material when we have both parts together.
At times there is certainly still a sense that Hutton is calling for a form of cultural imperialism. The merits of the institutions he outlines are clear, but they have grown out of a lengthy philosophical tradition which China does not share and it is vital that any such institutions are contextualised if they are to succeed in China.
Brilliant analysis of how the United States should proceed in our relations with China.Review Date: 2007-04-27
According to Hutton, the continued mercurial growth of the Chinese economy is simply unsustainable given the current policies being pursued by the Communists who are still in charge in China. There is simply no way that the policies and political environment favored by those who are currently in power in Beijing can mesh with the continued and sustained economic growth that China is seeking. Time and again Hutton points to the nearly total lack of what he terms "soft" infrastructure as the primary reason why current Chinese policy is doomed to failure. This rather monolithic economic system lacks such fundamental cornerstones as a legitmate banking system, a free press and the ability of workers to organize. Add to that the fact that most major industries are still SOE (state owned enterprises) and it is plain to see why the major flaws in the Chinese economy are almost certain to rear their ugly heads in the near future with potentially devasting consequences for us all. And there are a whole host of other systemic problems with the Chinese economy that time does not permit me to list here. Hutton argues vigarously that the United States and the EU should be encouraging the Chinese to move away from those policies that will ultimately hold them back.
I found "The Writing On The Wall" to be a particularly well written and equally well documented book. Will Hutton avoids a lot of technical jargon and presents his case in clear, easy to understand language. Based on my limited knowledge of China prior to reading this book I would have probably come down on the side of Professor Mearsheimer. I thought that conflict with China was a probably a foregone conclusion. But Will Hutton has convinced me of the wisdom of encouraging China to modernize and perhaps even in making some changes in the way we do business ourselves. "The Writing On The Wall" is an extremely thought provoking book and one that I can very highly recommend!
enjoying this immenselyReview Date: 2007-05-16
I'm not with Hutton on all his assumptions-- such as the sweeping assertion that social mobility is decreasing in the west--huh?-- but he's honest and takes a principled, methodological approach in his analysis i like.
i will search out other hutton titles now!
Whats the big deal?Review Date: 2007-12-24
To say Mr. Huttons book is comprehensive, is like saying the Grand Canyon is Big. He made many good points, and seemed to make alot of sense to my un-trained mind. I will definately have to re-read it again to gain the full benefit.
Did he answer all my questions? Yes and a whole lot more. I highly recommend his book to any who would ask the hard questions.
Am I now fully educated on the subject? No. But, am I now a part of the enlightenment.....definately.
Left of CenterReview Date: 2007-05-25

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All The Way To LhasaReview Date: 2008-06-12
My kids LOVE itReview Date: 2007-02-25
a treasureReview Date: 2006-07-08
Fabulous bookReview Date: 2005-11-21
This Tibetan loves this bookReview Date: 2004-01-04

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Beyone the Great Mountians a simply wonderful childrens book.Review Date: 2008-05-10
stunningReview Date: 2008-04-08
A piece of artReview Date: 2006-01-18
to read the entire poem from the title page. Enchanting. Children and adults are fascinated by the
composition of pictures that form a single word (or character). When they exclaimed, "Wow! These
words are so different from English." I couldn't help but add to the beautiful words of the Author
and said, "Be open to difference, Difference helps us see beauty."
An intro of art and a new language to childrenReview Date: 2006-01-18
poetic visions for childrenReview Date: 2005-10-23
Unique & very different fare for parents & children.

Best account of the Cultural RevolutionReview Date: 2006-10-14
An Interesting MemoirReview Date: 2005-11-27
I was a bit surprised by other reviewers who saw this book as evidence of the stereotypical "easily-brainwashed Chinese." Such generalizations feed an overly simplistic view of history - if you read this (and other books on the Cultural Revolution) without attempting to project preconceived notions onto the characters, I think you'll find that Gao and his friends had their own reasons for their actions, and the story will seem much more rich for it.
Descent into HellReview Date: 2003-10-28
Unlike Germany, neither China nor Russia have been particularly singled out by the culturally elite, despite the recognition that both nations behaved abhorantly toward the academic and intellectual community. This was nowhere more true than in the "People's Republic". How is it possible for such an ancient culture to descend into madness on such a grand scale? But in a hermetically enclosed place and with an ideology that promoted irrationality people, and particularly youth, can be manipulated into performing awful deeds.
Yuan Gao was away at school and was swept up in a fervor that gripped a nation far worse than any religious trauma. China was turned into a nation in which every citizen was suspect unless they participated fully in the madness itself. It was something so horrible and so unbelievable that even today the subject is rarely broached. The human cost of communism is a subject that should receive more attention (but hasn't) and this story, as terrible and heart-breaking as it is, should help this lack of focus.
In the end, he did escape the madness but the horrors of those times will remain with him - and CHina - forever. It is only slowly that Mao has been transformed from a god into something approaching his true, unstable self.
Tales of the Easily LedReview Date: 2002-03-05
Gao Yuan was swept up in this insanity, and in the beginning of his narrative he enjoyed proving his revolutionary zeal by "outing" the teachers at his school who supposedly were not righteous or revolutionary enough, and participated in destroying many of their careers. But Gao stopped having so much fun when the lives of his friends, his family, and finally himself were destroyed. Instead of the unified force of revolutionary youth that Mao envisioned, the logical outcome was the disintegration of the youth movement into smaller and smaller factions, who merely used Mao's instructions as an excuse to bully each other and consolidate power. Gao is not afraid to admit to his own evil acts, such as when he participated in the beating of a teenage girl, pulled a meat cleaver on his own father, or when he helped destroy a hospital, all because he was lead to believe that his politics were more righteous than everyone else's. He then watches helplessly as the countryside descends into factionalism and anarchy. Some parts of this book are quite alarming, as the youths digress into torture and warfare, and many of Gao's friends are severely injured or killed in the factional fighting.
One interesting side effect of this book is Gao's descriptions of the personality cult Chairman Mao built around himself, and how he bullied the people into worshipping him as a supreme deity. This man succeeded in making a billion people think he was a god. That's an interesting study in politics and sociology.
"Lord of the Flies" and "1984" at a national scale.Review Date: 2004-01-23
The book does a fine job of painting Mao as a cult leader that succeeded in making himself a virual infallible god in the eyes of the citizenry, pushing one socialistic national program after another that were universally irrational and doomed from the get-go. The book showcases a unique traditional asian culture that promotes/permits this lemming-like following of "the leader", migrating blindly into disaster.
To me, one of the most fascinating aspects of "Born Red" is the apparently honest and heartfelt attempts by the citizenry to, at one level, mentally embrace and pursue the communist paradise promised by Mao while, at a much more personal and everyday level, actions that are more practical, rational, pragmatic, selfish, carnal, and capitalistic prevailed. In "Born Red" one sees students memorizing entire books written by Mao, formally criticizing others/themselves endlessly, and violently persecuting those that are PERCEIVED to be even one iota less than 100% loyal to the official party line (as they see it) -- all the while these same students guiltlessly steal, cheat the system, seek and peddle influence, lie, rape, even murder. The contrast is striking and impossible to reconcile.
The other horrific lesson one takes away from "Born Red" is how easily these chinese students (representative of the entire nation) could so easily be compelled to completely and quickly alter, even reverse, their allegiances and internal mindsets -- those who were enemies could, overnight, become allies; that which was wrong one day would (upon authorized dictate) be considered right the next day; a political system (Capitalism) that was seen as the greatest evil in the world would, within a decade, be officially lauded as the road to national success -- all of these flipflops seemingly being accepted by everyone without the batting of an eye or otherwise questioning the irrationality of it all. This aspect of the tale is strikingly reminiscent of Orwell's "1984".
My biggest single criticism of "Born Red" is the level of detail in which the author recounts his lifestory. Countless conversations are recalled word for word; minute details, complex sequences of events, names & places are described in apparently flawless detail in spite of the decades that have passed. I don't begrudge dramatic reconstructions "based upon factual events" but I do think they should be identified as such.
"Born Red" is a quick and easy read -- it should be manditory reading for all High School govenment or social studies classes.

Should Be Read By Everyone That Wants To Understand The Chinese Revolution Review Date: 2006-01-01
Background, The Political History of P'eng Shu'tse
In 1911 the feudal Qing dynasty fell. It had been destroyed by years of humiliating imperialist subjugation as well as having been destroyed by its own feudal backwardness and a yearning of the people for a better society. Included in this subjugation were unfair trade policies and the British militarily enforced selling of opium to the population.
The new capitalist government, however, failed to stand up to imperialism in any meaningful way and left the feudal relations of the countryside intact. As a result, the new government also collapsed and authority disintegrated into the hands of regional warlords under the sway of competing imperialist interests.
It was during this time of chaos, in 1920, that P'eng Shu'tse joined the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He joined the party at a time when the total failure of capitalism in China was self-evident as was the need to end imperialist subjugation. Communism held a strong appeal in its advocacy for anti-imperialist revolution as well as for worker's power, the smashing of feudal land relations, and for the end of the subjugation of women and youth to the old patriarchal system.
In 1921 P'eng Shu'tse moved to Moscow where he attended the Communist University of the Toilers of the East until 1924. There he was elected and served as secretary of the Moscow branch of the CCP for the time he was there.
At the time of P'eng Shu'tse's attendance at the university the revolutionary government of the Soviet Union was young and had only been born four years earlier of the October 1917 revolution. The revolutionary leadership in power was the Communist Party under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky. Joseph Stalin was part of that communist party as well, and he held some power, but he had not yet risen to the position of absolute power that he would later enjoy.
Upon P'eng Shu'tse's return to China in 1924 he published two articles in the CCP's theoretical magazine, New Youth, and the CCP's official organ, New Guide, both of which he became editor of. One was a defense of the Boxer movement of 1900 as an anti-imperialist and not an anti-foreigner movement. Another was on the nature of the coming revolution in China, where he argued that the wealthy classes of China were timid and weak and utterly incapable of leading the bourgeois anti-imperialist revolution. He pointed out that the only hope for revolution would be one led by the working class that was socialist in nature.
A year earlier Mao Tse-tung had published an article in New Guide advocating the opposite position of P'eng Shu'tse on the nature of the coming revolution. In it Mao advocated a bourgeois capitalist government and called on the unity of the merchants to help bring it about.
The Theory Of Permanent Revolution, The Koumintang, And The Interference Of Moscow
The debate between Mao Tse-tung and P'eng Shu'tse was not a new one for the socialist movement. The same debate had taken place in Russia before the 1917 revolutions. The ideas of P'eng Shu'tse dealing with the conditions of China coincided heavily with Leon Trotsky's analysis of Russian conditions written in what later became called the Theory of Permanent Revolution.
Trotsky wrote the Theory of Permanent Revolution in a Czarist jail after his experiences in the failed 1905 revolution. He saw through his experiences in the revolution that not only was the working class the only class interested and capable of carrying out the revolution; he also saw that the Russian revolution would have to be socialist to succeed.
The reasons given by Trotsky were several, but the most important being that the capitalist class would sabotage production if the workers took power. He correctly saw that the only way to have a working economy was to nationalize industry and to implement a socialist economy.
Lenin later adopted these fundamental tenants of the theory of Permanent Revolution in his famous April thesis of 1917. As a result Lenin and Trotsky's parties merged at that time to lead the socialist revolution against the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries who since taking power in February were restarting the war with Germany on behalf of the bourgeoisie and refusing land reform and a socialist revolution.
Trotsky also explained that not only was there no need for Russia to go through a bourgeois capitalist revolution, but that the bourgeoisie was utterly incapable of leading such a revolution in Russia. He explained that the working class had developed to a point that the bourgeoisie feared revolution more than anything else because they saw that a revolution, no matter how small in its original leadership's goals, would potentially unleash the power of the working class to carry out a full socialist revolution. Thus the bourgeoisie sided with the old feudal system instead of trying to bring about their own power.
Trotsky explained this phenomenon as compared to the developments in the west, such as the the bourgeois revolution in the United States, through his theory for Russia of Combined and Uneven Development. Simply put, the technological advances of the capitalist west had become part of Russian society and had created a working class capable of overstepping the bounds of the bourgeois revolution against Czarism, making the bourgeoisie uninterested in any kind of revolution.
In Russia the Menshevik's ridiculous attempts at establishing a bourgeois government confirmed this with the bourgeois representatives they appointed trying to impose military dictatorship and hand power back to the old feudal system. Later Stalin repeated this same sort of mistake carried out by the Mensheviks in his support for the corrupt and murderous bourgeois Kuomintang in China. In fact, in Russia, Stalin had been negotiating the unity of the Menshevik and Bolshevik Parties before Lenin's arrival from exile in April.
As Stalin took the reigns of power in the Soviet Union he also exerted his influence within the Chinese Communist Party to remove P'eng Shu'tse and other like minded leaders that opposed Moscow's position of dissolving much of the CCP's work into the corrupt and brutal Kuomintang. Despite the Koumintang carrying out numerous massacres of the CCP and their worker peasant supporters, the CCP maintained this position of subjegation to the leadership of the Kuomintang from for much of the time from the late 1920's up until not long before the 1949 revolution when Chaing Kai-sheck's attacks finally forced Mao onto the road of leading the struggle for power.
Due to P'eng Shu'tse's opposition to any kind of support for the Koumintang and his defense of Trotsky and Permanent Revolution he was first stripped of his leadership position in the CCP and later completely purged with other fellow travelers. They set up their own political organization and publications. These positions in light of Chaing Kai-sheck's massacres, including his butchering of the workers of Shanghai in 1927, and Chaing Kai-sheck's failure to fight the Japanese, attracted recruits to their Trotskyist organization, but also attracted the oppression of the Kuomintang themselves.
Many of P'eng Shu'tse's comrades were jailed or executed by Chaing Kai-sheck. P'eng Shu'tse spent a number of years in prison under Chaing Kai-sheck himself and was only released after a Japanese bomber destroyed the prison he was in.
Yet while Mao and the CCP had the luxery of Soviet aid to bolster their movement by paying their full time party cadre and writers for much of the time from the 1920s to the 1949 revolution, the Trotskyist movement always stayed a lesser party despite their superior program, because they never had foreign aid. Mao was even able to make gains during the Japanese occupation while he was capitulating to the hated leadership of Chaing Kai-sheck, while at the same time the Trotskyist movement that had been mostly jailed before the Japanese invasion was paralyzed by their small size and Japanese oppression during the occupation.
After the defeat of Japan the Chinese Trotskyist group once again grew in size and was about 350 people at the time that Mao was on the verge of seizing power. Knowing they were not large enough to do much in the coming revolution, and knowing what kind of oppression other Stalinist regimes had carried out against Trotskyists in eastern Europe, the party's last meeting before the 1949 revolution made a decision that all prominent Trotskyists should leave the country and that those that the CCP members did not know should join the CCP.
P'eng Shu'tse and Ch'en Pi-lan moved to Hong Kong where the Trotskyist movement was also being hunted and persecuted by the British. The oppression they faced there forced them to then immigrate to Vietnam. In Vietnam comrades of theirs were under attack from the Vietnamese communists so P'eng Shu'tse and Ch'en Pi-lan were then forced to immigrate to Europe where they continued to be active around the issues of China in the Trotskyist Fourth International.
Some members who stayed behind in China were rounded up in the night by the PRC government with their entire families. Many were never seen again. Others were released from prison in 1976.
The Chinese Communist Party in Power
From exile P'eng Shu'tse continued to speak and organize on the issue of China. He held the position that an undemocratic Stalinist government had taken power in China with the 1949 revolution, and while he saw many improvements for the Chinese people come from that regime, he was highly critical of the leadership of Mao Tse-tung.
In the early years, among other things, P'eng Shu'tse criticized Mao for not holding real elections, for suppressing the freedom unleashed by his earlier slogan of "Let a Hundred Flowers Bloom", for the horrible and predictable failure of the "Great Leap Forward" and its attempts modernize China by producing useless steel in backyard furnaces, for the forced collectivizations that he saw as copying the methods of Stalin's same project with both causing unecessary hardship amongst the peasants as well as having a horrible impact on food production.
In his analysis of these events P'eng Shu'tse saw an opposition open up within the CCP to Mao's ultra-left adventurist failures that forced Mao's resignation in 1958. The leadership Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun, Peng Zhen, Bo Yibo were then forced to deal with correcting Mao's mistakes. They ended the production of backyard steel, restored private plots of land in the countryside, personal ownership of livestock, and the free market in the countryside. Even where collective farming can be more efficient, it will never be unless it done on terms that the peasants enjoy. The peasants greeted these reforms with enthusiasm and production increased. By 1963 food production had risen to levels that ended the famine caused by Mao's policies.
In the international arena P'eng Shu'tse also felt that Mao was also discredited in 1965 with a U.S. backed coup d'etat in Indonesia that left half a million Communists dead. The Communists were close allies of Mao and P'eng Shu'tse saw this as a repeat on a larger scale of Mao's policy of subordinating the national, worker, and peasants struggle to the bourgeoisie just as Mao had done with the Koumintang. Some party members also blamed this defeat on the CCP's influence, with P'eng Chen stating, "Everyone is equal before the truth, and if Chairman Mao has made some mistakes he should be criticized."
After this further setback for the prestige of Mao, Mao proceeded to organize the so-called "Cultural Revolution" to regain power. Mao used sections of the military as well as highschool aged youth organized as "Red Guards" to launch a civil war against intellectuals that had criticized Mao as well as large sections of the leadership of the CCP that were fed-up with the leadership of Mao. This was a coup d'etat carried out by Mao against the collective leadership of the CCP that was supposed to be the proper channel of discussion. Mao did not feel he could get his way through the CCP.
In response to Mao's coup, many local leaders organized their own youth groups to fight back against the Red Guards, as well as turning to military units loyal to them, and even mobilizing workers on their behalf. Ultimately, however, Mao was successful in his power grab through violence that ushered in the reign of terror of the gang of four. In 1976 Mao died and the Gang of Four went on trial. Like his mentor Stalin, Mao had managed to silence his opposition and get rid of all of the leaders that had fought beside him to make the 1949 Revolution.
The 1949 revolution, among other things, made major advances in women's rights, healthcare, and education for the people of China. Yet the legacy of the gains made by the Chinese people through the 1949 revolution must always be tempered by a knowledge of the crimes of Mao.
I think that P'eng Shu'tse would have given up a long time ago if he didn't have a strong love for the truth and for the people combined with an overwhelming optimism. As a revolutionary socialist he did not feel that the Stalinist system was an inevitable product of socialist revolution, but that the money and popular influence of Stalinism at a certain point in history caused China and Eastern Europe to repeat the mistakes of the Soviet Union. There is no reason for future revolutions to repeat those same mistakes.
Today P'eng Shu'tse would also oppose the headlong jump of China into capitalism under the continued brutal rule of the CCP and instead advocate the road to democratic socialism in China and around the world.
Liberation News
http://lists.riseup.net/www/info/liberation_news
A Chinese Marxist explains how Mao came to powerReview Date: 2003-05-10
In the 1925-27 revolutionary upheaval, the Communist Party achieved a decisive leadership position among the masses of urban workers in China. But the party, under Mao's leadership, and working along the lines of Comintern policy, attempted to build an alliance with Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang. The Kuomintang was a nationalist party increasingly coming under the control of China's tyrannical landlords. This mistaken policy resulted in a massacre of the Communist-led workers in Shanghai carried out by Chiang's troops. Chen and his followers opposed this disastrous course.
A large portion of this 580-page book deals with the explanation of how the Stalinized Chinese Communist Party came to power in 1949. In the post-WWII chaos the peasant masses surged forward repeatedly demanding control of the land and its resources and an end to landlord parasitism. The weakened Kuomintang was like a rotting wooden raft in this stormy revolutionary sea which served as the only hope of salvation for the wealthy and privileged elements in China, and they found themselves desparately clinging to it.
The Communist Party, having retreated to Yenan in 1934 after a series of defeats, found itself bolstered by the massive influx of worker and peasant fighters who saw this party as the starting point of opposition to the decaying Kuomintang regime. In the years leading to the insurrection of 1949, Chen explains, the CCP (a non-revolutionary, Stalinist party) repeatedly sought to dampen the rising struggles of the oppressed masses, to limit their gains, and to come to terms with Chiang in the formation of a coalition government. The Kuomintang was too weak, however, and the outcome of the struggle was determined by its own inner logic, not the aims of the CCP.
Forced to flee to Hong Kong in 1948 Chen continued to guide the Chinese Trotskyist movement as well as to participate in discussion and debates among revolutionary Marxist leaders worldwide. He supported the 1949 victory of the Chinese revolution, which was a giant gain for the masses of workers and peasants in spite of the Stalinist leadership. A workers state was formed. But he stressed that the accession to power of Mao's party did not change its essentially counterrevolutionary character. In order for the masses of Chinese people to achieve their liberation from all forms of exploitation they would need to effect a political revolution to bring to power a genuine Marxist party. This party would then serve as the vehicle for bringing the weight of the Chinese masses to bear in the worldwide struggle for socialism.
When China Shook The World ( it will again )Review Date: 2003-05-08
The Reality of Chinese Stalinism, by a Chinese LeninistReview Date: 2002-12-27
A revolutionary looks at the Chinese RevolutionReview Date: 2002-05-19
P'eng Shu-tse's was an early member and central leader of the Chinese Communist Party-- one of the many young rebels won to revolutionary struggle inspired and educated by the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia and the leadership led Lenin and Trotsky. Although imprisoned by the U.S.-backed Chiang Kai-shek dictatorship and later forced into exile by the Maoist regime, P'eng remained true to the course of working class struggle, leading small revolutionary forces in China, Vietnam and later in exile in Europe. H writes to explain and to encourage others to join the struggle.
I also found very useful the lively article and interview by Ch'en Pi-lan, P'eng's companion and fellow revolutionary, on the course of the workers movement in China and on the "Cultural Revolution."

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Genuine ChineseReview Date: 2008-02-21
Delicious!Review Date: 2008-01-17
Fabulous and EasyReview Date: 2007-08-23
One of the best cookbooks I haveReview Date: 2007-05-29
I was a bit disappointed with the dessert section as it only contain 10 recipes and we already knew how to cook most of them.
AMAZINGReview Date: 2007-05-03
I could not do without this book in my kitchen, I use it every day. This book is amazing!

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What a Great Reference!Review Date: 2001-11-21
excellent book for all audiencesReview Date: 2002-02-18
All four volumes are needed to identify pieces, although Ms. Gaston provides a shape guide to help date pieces not pictured.
What I'd like to see in the next book is 1) clarification on how the marks were made, i.e., printed over or under glaze, 2) the types of glazes used (and were pieces refired) 3)repeat of history with changes incorporated, verses the new and updated info section. The history only appears fully in the ist volume.
A reviewer from OhioReview Date: 2000-03-11
terrific book, clear beautiful pictures on every pageReview Date: 1999-07-23
Excellent ReferenceReview Date: 2000-03-03

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A fun book for everybodyReview Date: 2008-01-26
WonderfulReview Date: 1999-06-21
Powerful and EmpoweringReview Date: 1998-04-09
Can't find the bookReview Date: 2000-09-06
A Must-Have for Women and for Men Who Appreciate ThemReview Date: 1999-07-19

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Hungry for more Ruth Paget!Review Date: 2005-06-18
Loving the TaoReview Date: 2004-08-26
This book will carry you past the introductions, but be forwarned: reading "the Edible Tao" on an empty stomach may cause insatiable cravings.
Let's do lunch!Review Date: 2004-04-16
Gave her book as gifts and everyone loved it.
The Edible TaoReview Date: 2003-10-29
The Edible TaoReview Date: 2003-10-18
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"Seriousness and a sense of humor do not exclude each other; on the contrary, they constitute and indicate the fullness and completeness of human experience and the capacity to see the relativity of all things and all `truths' and especially of our own position. The Buddha's sense of humor--which is so evident in many of his discourses--is closely bound up with his sense of compassion: both are born from an understanding of greater connections from an insight into the interrelatedness of all things and all beings and the chain reactions of cause and effect. His smile is the expression of one who can see the wondrous play of ignorance and knowledge against the universal background and its deeper meaning. Only thus is it possible not to be overpowered by the misery of the world or by our own sense of righteousness that judges and condemns what is not in accordance with our own understanding and divides the world into good and bad. A man with a sense of humour cannot but be compassionate in his heart, because his sense of proportion allows him to see things in their proper perspective. pp. 176-7.
"Events and facts become meaningful only if seen against the back¬ground of inner experience." 1970 p. xiv
"Personality consists in the power to influence others, and this power is due to consistency, harmony, and one-pointedness of character. If these qualities are present in an individual, in their highest perfection, then this individual is a fit leader of humanity, either as a ruler, a thinker, or a saint, and we recognize him as a vessel of divine power." p.297