Cultural Books
Related Subjects: Latino Native American
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We Borrow the Earth...A Rom Gypsy storyReview Date: 2001-12-29
Must-read for gypsy and shamanic interestsReview Date: 2001-08-11
Believe in the reality of your imagination!Review Date: 2000-11-07
Writing and publishing this book required courage, honesty, and trust in the guidance of his Ancestors for Jasper Lee faced opposition and obstacles to sharing the Romani inner world. Having found the book even more enriching on a second reading, I thank him for facing these obstacles and not allowing his culture to be lost.
A Review from a RomanyReview Date: 2000-10-07
We Borrow the EarthReview Date: 2000-09-27

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Terrific historical study of a fun place to visit!Review Date: 2008-04-25
Wonderful BookReview Date: 2008-01-21
Weeki Wachee - City of MermaidsReview Date: 2008-01-13
Weeki Wachee memoriesReview Date: 2007-09-06
A Lovingly Written Tribute to a Unique Florida Icon.Review Date: 2007-07-15
~Marina~MeduSirena~

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The definitive textbook for navigating the global economy...Review Date: 2008-03-28
"When Cultures Collide" is more than just a book on doing business internationally; it is guide to communicating effectively with the individuals of these diverse and emerging markets across the global marketplace.
Divided among the "Lewis Model," the author examines and divides cultural types through what he calls "linear-active, multi-active, and reactive variations." For example, the Germans and the Swiss are considered "linear-actives" as they thoughtfully plan, schedule, organize, doing one thing at a time; in contrast, the Chinese, Japanese, and Finns tend to be "reactives" since they value and priortize courtesy and respect, as they listen quietly and react carefully to another's proposal.
The book has been tremendeously helpful to me in negotiating deals foreign clients allowing me to avoid the faux pas we Americans erroneously commit while doing business with our international customers.
In a nutshell, the author examines how the mind--any mind is conditioned even at an early age. As a result, the irreversible nature of this childhood training establishes a relationship between langauge, action and thought.
For anyone who does business internationally, or simply wishes to find out more about the other cultures on this ever-shrinking planet we share and inhabit, Lewis's book is a must read.
When in RomeReview Date: 2008-03-14
Author Richard D. Lewis believes that graduates of liberal studies are often better equipped to deal with foreign nationals in a more meaningful way than graduates of programs from which business persons typically come, such as the social sciences, and observes that liberal studies graduates rarely end up with careers in international business. That was music to the ears of this reader, a lawyer whose BA was in English and History and who is eager for an opportunity to exercise his professional skills in an international setting.
I only read the Parts I and II; I didn't get to Part III, which provides detailed analyses for individual nations and regions. But when I have the opportunity to do business or travel abroad, I will certainly come back to this wonderful book.
jeffbrownlegal@gmail.com
Great resource for international businessReview Date: 2008-01-04
Working only in the USA? Well this is a good resource to understand some of the folks you'll manage or work with from other cultures.
Everybody is foreign to somebody but we can all work togetherReview Date: 2006-10-24
The first half of the book covers different concepts (e.g. time, communication, life outlook) for a variety of countries. The second half is an encyclopedia of short chapters on different specific countries.
While being expert at working in another culture comes only with time, it's certainly worth reading parts of this book (the general chapters plus a specific country's chapter) before your first working meeting on a multi-cultural project.
ExcellentReview Date: 2005-07-30

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great racial historyReview Date: 2005-01-04
An excellent piece of scholarly workReview Date: 1999-08-20
Are "white" Americans "passing" as white?Review Date: 2003-11-25
In other words, people who came from Ireland, Poland, Germany, Italy, Greece, and Jews from Russia and other Slavic nations all became, by virtue of the "melting pot" ethic, "Caucasian" whites. But, the creation of whiteness was - and still is - by no means an easy, continuous process. The Celtic, Nordic, Alpine and Mediterranean "races" were abolished in favor of the myth of one homogenous "white" race (with the adoption of the "scientific" term "Caucasian" providing a new legitimacy to the honorific "racial" term "white."
Jacobson contends that traditional historians have deliberately dismissed the "racial" distinctions of the 19th century and before as "misuses" of the word "race." Of course they didn't mean that Irish, Germans, Bohemians, Nordics, etc. were separate races; they just didn't know what they were saying. This is a courtesy not given to mulattoes. Jacobson, however, shows that there was no "misuse." "Patterns in literary, legal, political and graphic evidence" show that the perception of race was very different from the standard rhetoric promoted in today's U.S. I have a sense of deja vu here. As stated in Lawrence R. Tenzer's The Forgotten Cause of the Civil War, mainstream historians' inability to acknowledge the fact that 19th century Northern "whites" saw predominately European slaves as "white," makes them deliberately blind to the role "white slavery" played as a cause of the Civil War. Few historians wish to deal with the fact that, while "white" privilege in various forms has been a constant in American political culture since colonial times, whiteness itself has been subject to all kinds of contests and has gone through a series of historical vicissitudes.
Jacobson divides the history of whiteness in the United States into three great epochs:
The nation's first naturalization law in 1790 (limited naturalized citizenship to "free white persons") demonstrates the republican convergence of race and "fitness for self-government"; the law's wording denotes an unconflicted view of the presumed character and unambiguous boundaries of whiteness.
Fifty years later, however, beginning with the massive influx of highly undesirable but nonetheless "white" persons from Ireland, whiteness was subject to new interpretations. The period of mass European immigration, from the 1840s to the restrictive legislation of 1924, witnessed a fracturing of whiteness into a hierarchy of plural and scientifically determined white races. Vigorous debate ensued over which of these was truly "fit for self-government" in the old Anglo- Saxon sense.
Finally, in the 1920s and after, partly because the crisis of over-inclusive whiteness had been solved by restrictive legislation and partly in response to a new racial alchemy generated by African-American migrations to the North and West, whiteness was reconsolidated: the late nineteenth century's probationary white groups were now remade and granted the scientific stamp of authenticity as the unitary Caucasian race - an earlier era's Celts, Slavs, Hebrews, Iberics, and Saracens, among others, had become Caucasians so familiar to our own visual economy and racial lexicon.Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise And Triumph of the One-drop Rule
Contemporary scholarship at its finest.Review Date: 2000-05-02
In the 19th century, "whitness" was reserved for Anglo-Saxons, and descendants of immigrants from the British Isles. Slowly, the concept of whiteness evolved to include Northern Europeans and Scandanavians, then other white gentiles, then Jews. Jacobson traces two major influences for this change -- assimilation into the American mainstream and the need to rectuit other "whites" to help polarize the nation between white and black. The previous was common in northern industrial centers and large cities, while the latter was especially prevalent in the Jim Crowe south.
This is a modern study because it takes unconventional themes such as the arbitrary construction of "whiteness" and explores it, as opposed to the more traditional form of research, which would include choosing an historical event and studying the facts. "Whiteness of a Different Color" is about people's conceptions, and misconceptions, rather than specific facts. Reflecting on that subject, I wonder if that isn't what's most important.
Excellent content analysis of a social construct....Review Date: 2002-04-30
Jacobson uses a variety of written sources to make his case --that "non-Anglo-Saxon immigrants and their children were perhaps the first beneficiaries of the modern civil rights movement." He has compiled evidence from many historical legal cases involving various individuals who attempted to establish evidence of "whiteness" in order to obtain U.S. citizenship or some other perq reserved for the "native white race." He points out that the legal evidence is conflicted. Are Armenians white or aren't they? How can Japanese with a white skin be nonwhite and Italians with a dark skin be white in one set of court proceedings and the reverse found in different courts on different days?
Jacobson includes information from literature, news journals, and other written sources to illustrate that authors as diverse as Mark Twain and Joseph Conrad and Mr. Hearst of newspaper fame all offered an opinion about race at one time or another, and that while everyone started out assuming they knew what it meant to be white, most soon discovered the operational definition was another matter. There is not now nor ever has been a consensus on what it means to be white.
I enjoyed Jacobson's book very much and I think it is an excellent qualitative analysis. However, I have a few concerns: 1) Race is a contentious topic, but mixed race is even more troublesome. In 2000, the U.S. Census Bureau identified more than 60 race groups in the U.S.; While Jacobson alludes to this issue, he might have discussed it a bit more as it supports his idea that race is a nebulous notion; 2) In discussing the acquisition of civil rights, Jacobson makes the mistake many men make--Black men had the vote and basic rights many years before women of any color; 3) Jacobson begins his history with 1790 and assumes (as did many) that the so-called Anglo-Saxons were a monolithic group--they were not. The early settlers were a diverse lot from many nations and included landed gentry, endentured servents, and prisoners who worked side by side with slaves in Georgia and other colonial penal colonies until the Revolution. I have read that Jews funded the Revolotion, Poles and French trained the military (a highway in VA is named for general Pulaski); and that the first person to die in the Revolution was a free Black man named Crispus Attucks. 4) Jacobson starts the civil rights movement with the acceptance of "non-white" immigrants to "white" privilege, but evidence suggests that the U.S. Revolution was about the rights of the property owners or Aristocracy. Not until Andrew Jackson did the "common" man get the vote. Black men got the vote 30 years later and women got the vote in the 1920s although many rights were not accorded them until recently. The history of the U.S. is the history of the Civil Rights Movement for all human beings and as Americans we should be grateful for our rights.

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Easy Reading - Historical Perspective Review Date: 2008-03-03
An Historically Significant BookReview Date: 2005-04-11
It is unbelievable how steadfast John Scott and others were in fighting simply to be able to vote. Equally unbelievable are all of the atrocities perpetuated against them. But they persevered, and the story is very well told.
At a recent book signing in Charleston, SC, Ms. Scott told me that she is writing another book. I look forward to it.
Compelling history lesson that reads like a novel...Review Date: 2004-11-07
A great startReview Date: 2003-10-01
Thank You Cleo...Review Date: 2005-09-13
My great uncle is Francis Joseph Atlas, Sr., the other man who testified with Reverend Scott as well as the one who endured financial hardship just because he wanted to vote. My family has been in East Carroll Parish for centuries, and through this book, I have learned a ton of information that I did not have available to me. It also helps me a lot with my genealogical project.
This book was written wonderfully; there were many times I couldn't put it down because I just had to know what was going to happen next! I also enjoyed the perspective from which the story was told, and the righteous spirit that Reverend Scott held onto, even when it was extremely hard to do so.
Every African American owes it to themselves to read this.

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Great Layout, very up-to-date with today's top Ad firmsReview Date: 2002-03-25
The CurmudgeonReview Date: 2001-11-03
However, the most dramatic ommision was that there was absolutely no mention of Jack Tinker Associates, the InterPublic think tank that kick started Mary Wells into Wells Green Inc.
Otherwise, a great book.
Warren, email me, Ive lost your phone number.
George Parker
Got advertising?Review Date: 2002-10-02
You get a lot of book for your moneyReview Date: 2001-11-29
rave reviews for this bookReview Date: 2001-12-28
"An amazing book," says Esquire magazine; a 4-star rating from Maxim magazine; Village Voice says "media archaelogists will pore over it for decades to come"; praised on ABC World News; on her radio show, Joan Rivers called it "fabulous" & the hot new coffee table book; J. Walter Thompson pres. Bob Jeffrey says, "Never has a book captured the heart and soul of advertising as much as Advertising Today."


An Academic Black Man's Take on the Angry Black Man's GuideReview Date: 2008-04-12
Finally!Review Date: 2008-01-19
Nita Field
Excellent BookReview Date: 2008-01-30
Super Review Date: 2008-01-16
What An Important Book!!Review Date: 2008-01-14

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The original edition!Review Date: 2002-10-23
The original edition!Review Date: 2002-10-23
Factual, very informative.Review Date: 1999-03-12
A great book for anybody proposing a trip to Egypt or having been to Egypt to re-inforce where they have been and what they have seen.
Highly recommended.
An essential addition to your library on ancient Egypt.Review Date: 1999-12-12
*the* atlas to own on Ancient EgyptReview Date: 2000-06-14

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Review of Vietnam, Preview of IraqReview Date: 2008-04-15
I'll list just one example: the myth that technology is a panacea, and a substitute for troops on the ground. Donald Rumsfeld appeared to believe that he had discovered a revolutionary breakthrough that would allow for an easy victory in Iraq, one no one had ever thought of before. In fact, he'd just fallen for the same exact myth as the planners of the Vietnam War, for the same reasons.
Numerous other comparisons can be made reading this book. It's not a moral critique of the war, but rather a chronicle of bureaucratic disaster, and a blueprint for what was to come.
Plus ca change . . . .Americans just don't get itReview Date: 2008-01-16
Loren Baritz describes the complete ignorance of foreign cultures, the complete inability to predict consequences, of the presidents, politicians, and military commanders who dragged us into a no-win war with "north" Vietnam. In his preface Baritz says:
"The war presidents beieved in what they were doing. I have no doubt they were sincere. Victims of Cold War jitters, they meant to curtail the spread of communism. With deep-seated American idealism, they intended to engineer a more sanitary and more democratic Vietnam. LBJ desperately wanted to "win their hearts and minds," and Nixon described the war as a "noble cause." They wanted to save the Vietnamese, sometimes from themselves, always from their ideologically crazed brothers. Our sense of moral superiority to the rest of the world, our missionary compulsion, is a story as old as the settlement of America. . . Our commanders lusted for a massive conventional battle . . . [but] There was never a front line -- never any line at all -- and no territory to be won and held. The Vietcong looked exactly like our allies in South Vietnam, never appearing in uniform and easily blending into the village life of the countryside. . . . For the GI grunts in the field, it was a grisly nightmare. Think of the soldier "lucky" enough to have his laundry done by a sweet old woman who, after dark, changed into a Vietcong guerrilla, laying mines on the path to the mess hall."
Nothing has changed. We are still putting our GI's at unnecessary risk due to presidential delusions. We are still labeling our real enemies (Iraqi's, Saudi's, Pakistani's) as friends -- just to keep that oil flowing. And soon we will be importing thousands of so-called Green Zone Iraqi "friends" into the US when we cut and run.
It's fifty years after the Vietnam debacle, and Repubs and Dems are just as clueless as they ever were about the dangers implicit in anti-Western, anti-rule-of-law, cultures and value systems. Now our democracy-sloganeering president has put our soldiers into Iraq, as Nixon said about Vietnam, to "win their hearts and minds." But for the GI grunts, it's a nightmare even more surreal than Vietnam was: This time our clueless military commanders are not only inviting the enemy Shia into the Green Zone to do the GI's laundry and translation, this time they are forcing the naive, young GI's go on patrol with Shia gunmen, who could easily shoot them -- the infidels -- in the back at any moment and in good Islamic conscience. This time the oil-blinded leadership is TRAINING the enemy.
Too bad it didn't get read by our leadersReview Date: 2004-11-10
BackfireReview Date: 2006-01-21
Book review #3
Baritz, Loren. Back Fire: A History of How American Culture Led Us into Vietnam and Made Us Fight the Way We Did. Baltimore: The John's Hopkins University Press, 1985.
Loren Baritz takes a look at the Vietnam War in a way that lets us understand why we decided to fight and why we fought the way we did. Unlike most surveys of the war that focus on the logistical elements and command decisions which explain what the war was Baritz explains why it was. "To understand our present role in the world" Baritz explains, "we must understand the Vietnam debacle." (p.9) Indeed, if we are to learn anything from our mistakes, and virtually everyone now agrees that Vietnam was a mistake, it is essential to know why something happened and not just what happened. To explain why Vietnam happened the way it did Baritz proposes that there is "an inherent connection between war and culture [that is] present in all nations." In our case, Vietnam was fought the way it was because our culture left us no other way to fight it.
Baritz divides the book up into three parts. The first part, Tinder, explains why America decided to fight in Vietnam and the myths that forced us to make war half way around the globe with a people that we did not understand. The second part, Fire, explains how we fell into an ever deeper war in Vietnam and how our means of fighting determined how we fought and why we were unable to effectively combat a vastly inferior military force. The third part, Backfire, is the most telling part of the book for it presents an explanation of how our culture forced us to fight the way we did, why we ultimately lost, and why we are still making the same mistakes today.
In Tinder, Baritz convinces us that Americans firmly believe that we are the best. We are a "chosen people" inhabiting a "city on a hill" doing "Gods work" bringing a "Great Society to Asia." Such blatant solipsism is part of our entrenched American dogma. So ingrained is this self righteousness that we truly can not comprehend someone who does not wish to be like us. One GI put it simply "The Vietnamese are so stupid that they can't understand a great people were trying to help a weak people." So it was, as Baritz explains, that Gods Country went to Vietnam to save them.
Our almost total ignorance of the Vietnamese culture is now legendary but at the time it did not seem important. Our sense of righteousness and invincibility was so complete that we never even considered the possibility that we were the real enemy to the South Vietnamese. One of the greatest blunders of the Vietnam War was the refusal to see the indigenous forces of the South as the main target. Instead, we assumed that the North was behind our failures to win the hearts and minds of the "backwards" South Vietnamese. Baritz is careful to explain that all nations have myths about their own greatness, but it is when these myths of inherent superiority are combined with power that terrible things happen. As was the case for us in Vietnam. Indeed, Baritz's book is now routinely quoted to expose the similarities between Vietnam and Iraq in an attempt to put the brakes on what is turning out to be a similar debacle.
Our moral superiority has often been derived by our technical superiority according to Baritz. Our obsession with the power of technology is absolute. It has been, and is today, the firm belief of most Americans that technology is the answer for most problems. This dependency on technological solutions, according to Baritz, blinded us to the proper response in Vietnam which was counterinsurgency. To truly win the hearts and minds of the South Vietnamese, intelligence and human interaction, practiced on a national scale might have handed the US a victory. But such a strategy offered no stage to display our superior technology. Even when our use of technology was obviously not working the Army responded in a typically American way. "When something failed to work we did more of it."(p.233) While such insanity is self-evident today, at the time it was perversely logical to the American generals who were so caught up in their own myths that to do otherwise would be tantamount to admitting the entire American way of life was wrong. After reading Backfire the belief in American military strategy as an extension of what is essential about America is not such a slippery slope. Baritz is very convincing connecting American culture to the way we fight. We are a technological nation and, more than anyone, dream of winning wars by the push of a button. "Shock and Awe," "smart bombs," and "stealth" are all extensions of our desire to separate us from harm and have the wonders of American ingenuity save the day. In Vietnam, as well as in the war on terror, where there is no front line intelligence gained from good foot soldiers and not bigger and better missiles are the deciding factors in achieving victory.
If all of this is so clear now why do we continue to make the same mistakes? In the third part, Backfire, Baritz explains that we have no choice. We fight the way we do because our culture defines who we are and how we fight. As long as our culture remains the same we will continue to be more efficient in our fighting but no more effective. This is because we are prisoners of our faith in technology. In order to maintain a high tech society the functioning of government, business, and the military must reside in a bureaucracy. As Baritz explains "when the technological mind is turned to the problem of organizing human activity, the result is bureaucracy." (p.48)
Baritz demonetization of the effects of bureaucracy on the military is total. With clarity and logic he explains how the fighting of such a technological war necessitated the bureaucisation of the military and its tragic consequences. The most damning of the outcomes is the development of careerism within the officer corps. The shift of officers from "leaders to managers" created such hazards as a drop in morale, insubordination, lack of responsibility, lack of experience, and unimaginative tactics. When officers are working to "get ahead" the job takes precedence over the mission and the mission suffers as it did in Vietnam.
The combination of bureaucracy and technology in Vietnam led to the eventual, extreme conclusion in strategy, that of having no strategy; the body count. When killing becomes and end unto itself the morality of war breaks down quickly. War becomes cold and passionless. Baritz correctly finds fault with such thinking claiming that "passion is an appropriate response to war." Without passion and debate the bureaucratic ship will be on autopilot. Incidences such as My Lai are the tragic results.
Did we learn from Vietnam? Baritz claims that "one antidote for folly is experience" and the experiences of Vietnam should have cast our invincibility myth into the ashcan as well as our reliance on technology as a panacea. Yet, it seems that the lessons of history are nothing in comparison to the American Myth that we are a city on a hill. Ronald Reagan against the Soviets, Clinton against the third world and the Bush Doctrine of preventive strikes and the forced spread of democracy all have repeated some of the mistakes that we made in Vietnam.
Baritz concludes that "our power, complacency, rigidity, and ignorance have kept us from incorporating our Vietnam experience into the way we think about ourselves and the world." (p.349) To fight a different, more humane, more effective war, will require more than a change in the military structure but a change in American cultural thinking. Looking at the current global policy of the United States, this does seem likely to happen any time soon and so we will continue to fight the way we do: with a national myth that shows us that we are good, with technology that makes us strong, and a bureaucracy that gives us standard operating procedures. Unfortunately, it has proven not to be a winning combination.
Hard book to put downReview Date: 2004-01-27
It is difficult to find fault with the author's contentions that we fought the wrong war. Our enemy fought a political and psychological war, a war against American culture; whereas we fought a conventional war and were trapped by our own cultural assumptions of American invincibility. It is the author premise that American foreign policy was, and is, driven by our cultural myth of America as the City on a Hill. Baritz observes that as Americans we see ourselves as the new Israel, God's chosen people. The author contends that because of this myth the American people see themselves as a moral example to the world, Baritz wrote: It means that we are a Chosen People, each of whom, because of Gods favor and presence, can smite one hundred of our heathen enemies hip and thigh. . . . We believe that the people of the world really want to be like us, regardless of what they or their political leaders say. So Baritz takes the Ugly American approach to our foreign policy.
In a sense, he is right. Our belief in our own invincibility, and that the Vietnamese people wanted to be like us and welcome us drove the war. It was inconceivable to us that they would not share our values, applaud our intentions or embrace our presence. It led us to trust in our guns and to our failure to state our national objectives for this war.
Here are a few of the remarkable insights the author gives us:
There was a tendency for American war planners and policy makers to think the job was done when their plans and policies were approved, leaving no one to monitor whether or not what they decided was effective. He points out that we supported a regime that had little popular support and our conventional military tactics made the problem worse because bombing, artillery, napalm and Agent Orange would wound and kill the very people whose support we needed. After Tet, the Viet Cong insurgency was defeated and the Phoenix program of the assassination of Viet Cong leaders had decimated the leadership of the Viet Cong. By 1970 General Giap had concluded the only way the North could win the war was through regular war, the very kind of big-unit engagement American Generals had hoped for. But by this time, the political war at home was lost. Yes, the press was partially to blame for our defeat. The constant stream of defeatism by the Press, especially during and after the Tet offensive cannot be underestimated in turning American opinion against the war.
Baritz takes issue with the claim that the war could have been won if the military had been allowed to fight it differently. Not because we could not win, but because the American culture at the time precluded such a victory. Vietnam was not perceived as a threat to American, there was no anger in the American public to support such a war. In the end, the North Vietnamese understood American culture, they believed they could win if they did not lose. All they had to do was to outlast American patience. The Americans war leaders believed that they would lose if they did not win. The failure to achieve quick and decisive victory doomed the American war effort.
Has the America changed? Are we now willing to do what we were incapable of doing in the 1960's? that is to wage an effective war? Or has the American public, like that of ancient Rome as the barbarians gathered on their frontiers, grown tired of defending its freedom? Only time will tell.

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Great Historical FictionReview Date: 2007-04-02
Powerful StoryReview Date: 2004-04-09
A great introduction for childrenReview Date: 2000-04-26
NPR should feature more children's books like thisReview Date: 1999-03-07
JubileeReview Date: 2003-03-13
A Band of Angels is a book that provides a colorful way to share a proud part of African American heritage with your children. Colon's illustrations add greater depth to the story and will help children better visualize the events that take place. While this is a work of fiction, the story is based on real people who selflessly used their talents to keep Fisk's doors open. The book also provides a good introduction to Negro Spirituals, which were kept alive through the voices of the Jubilee Singers. In addition, readers will see how this brave group of singers would not let racism quiet their talented voices. Above all, the story will help inspire children to hold fast to their dreams in spite of the hurdles or difficulties they may encounter along the way.
Reviewed by Stacey Seay
The RAWSISTAZ Reviewers
Related Subjects: Latino Native American
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