U Books

It's the greates visual experiens in body's beaty. As a dancer I want to thanks Howard's work.

...The embodiment of perfect human physical condition captured in a way that could not be imagined. OUTSTANDING!

Amazing beauty. This book makes me want to practice all aspects of photography. Waterdance was boring, but this one is true black-and-white tangible vision in print.

Any serious artist should have this text on their shelf. The simple anantomy of the human body is not enough as found in other similar texts, but this text offers not only dancers in motion but still poised with lighting that shows the muscles we completely miss in full light. The silver gelatin prints darken the skin enough to show each nuance. A must have.

It's art for artists.

Passion and Line is one of my very favorite books and I have thousands of books. It inspires me. It motivates me. It is the zenith of what the human body can be. I get chills each time I view this thrilling book. The hard work, the incredible discipline of the dancers is exquisitly captured by Howard Schultz. Bravo to the Artist Schultz and bravo to his subject dancers.

This book was amazing! There was so much information inlcuding speech from a survivor Virgina Reed. I really enjoyed it. I couldn't put it down. The detail and everything was incredible and it made me want to learn more! A great 'reed'!

This book is a brief account of the families who moved west to claim land in California, only to be rebuffed at the last few hundred miles by topography, thirty (plus) feet of snow, and careless timing. The book reads very easily, and is amply speckled with colloquial diologue of the day, as copied from letters and notes written by those of the Reed/Donner Party who were stranded in the Sierra Nevada snows that winter. That original dialogue is compelling, and evokes a feeling of despair for what those writers must have been witnessing. The account could have included a bit more of the beginning miles of the venture, which may have been better background for the story. Missing particularly was background depth of those who joined the convoy of wagons, livestock and people on foot. Those add-on people became very important players in the final tragedy at Donner Lake, and I was left wondering about them, and why they were taken in by the Reed and Donner travelers. This book is not gruesome, nor as horrifying as some published accounts I have heard about. It is straight forward, and does not over-do nor sensationalize the terrible acts of survival that became the only choice for these pioneers.

Having lived near the Donner area and driven over Donner pass countless times this book was very interesting and enjoyable to read to find out about the lives of the people who risked it all to move west. I highly recomend this book!

I think this book is very good. I only knew that The Donner Party could not get to California. I learned soooooo much from reading this book. Now I want to find out more about the Donner Party.I would Highly recomend This book. It was very interesting,and I really enjoyed it.

I thought that the Donner Party was a very interesting book. It's one of those books that you can't put down because you keep wanting to see what is going to happen next. The author, Marian Calabro, was very descriptive and made the book which could have been very boring, was actually very interesting and exciting to read. I know that when I read it I felt like I was there with Virgina Reed and the rest of the Donner Party. I believe that even if you aren't that interested in pioneers and such you will enjoy this book. However I will have to admit it was depressing in parts and it is definetly not an uplifting book. How ever it also will make you admire the strenght the Donner Party had to get throught there hardships and struggles they had to endure. The book also has lots of extra information in the back and it has special features like Virgina Reed's diary and The chronilogical order of how the events took place.
Rebecca P.

I loved it. It's packed with explicit information on the tight relationship and revolving door between war profiteers and government officials--they're often one and the same--naming names and providing dollar amounts and sources of information. When you study this book, you will gain an understanding of what motivates the neocons to start wars. Money makes the world go around: you will learn a great deal about why the current US administration bombed Afghanistan, then Iraq, and now appears to be aimed at Iran. Why would anyone want never-ending war?

Hossein-zadeh points out that it is the industrial part of the military-industrial complex that is most problematic because it is driven by the profit motive.

I happen to disagree with Hossein-zadeh in that I think the oil transnationals also want wars in the Middle East. (He says these entities prefer stability.) This difference in views detracts nothing, however, from his analysis of the military-industrial aspect of these conflicts.

I'm a writer and use this book as a reference.

I hope it comes out in paperback so more people can afford it.

Ismael Hossein-Zadeh's The Political Economy of U.S. Militarism will greatly surprise readers who imagine that what lies between its covers is an abstruse economics argument or a rant against the war in Iraq. This accessible, lucid, and generously documented approach to the history of military engagement by the United States since World War II clearly is written with a mainstream audience in mind although its hardcover price of $80 is out of the average reader's ballpark. Hopefully libraries will pick up the title since every taxpayer deserves the chance to consider Hossein-Zadeh's thesis. In short, he demonstrates that although the economic gains of imperialism might have supported required military outlays for a period, there comes a time in every empire's life when further expansion no longer is cost-effective for the metropole and becomes a drain on the national economy. At this point, the war industry becomes "parasitic" as the dividends of empire fall more and more disproportionately into the laps of those associated with military efforts. Hossein-Zadeh considers the current period in U.S. history such a time.

Readers may have heard this claim before. But few if any will have met such a persuasive presentation of it. The book is extremely helpful in how it identifies and then dismantles what Hossein-Zadeh considers weak explanations for why the United States continues to engage in military intervention and expansion abroad. The first is the widespread theory among liberals that the neoconservative element of the U.S. political scene is attempting to take advantage of the absence of a comparable world power in order to spread American values and free market economics. The second is that George Bush is spearheading military adventurism as a result of the need to pose as a "war president" so as to mask the failings of his administration. The third is that America's Zionist lobbyists are championing the war on Iraq in order to shore up U.S. support of Israel. The fourth (and Hossein-Zadeh considers this the most widespread assumption of all) is that the United States is engaging, in the case of Iraq and other Middle Eastern adventures, in military action in order to better control the world's oil resources. Hossein-Zadeh acknowledges and discusses each of these theories, ultimately discarding them as the driving force behind continued U.S. military imperialism.

Instead, he suggests that the military imperialism we are witnessing today "can be seen largely as reflections of the metaphorical fights over allocation of the public finance at home, of a subtle or insidious strategy to redistribute national resources in favor of the wealthy, to cut public spending on socioeconomic infrastructures, and to reverse the New Deal reforms by expanding military spending." Survival of the working man and woman aside, also at stake is the question of which cabal of capitalists will come out on top--the neoliberal multilateralists who favor globalization--that is, the expansion of free markets throughout the world in order to make way for the products of multinationals largely unconnected with war, or the unilateralists, who tend to be linked to the military industry and to other industries that are not competitive in the international marketplace.

In addition to providing engaging economic explanations and political commentary such as those already mentioned, Hossein-Zadeh offers a number of other helpful analyses. He makes a distinction between the military bureaucracies of past empires--e.g., Rome--and America's present-day military industry, which reflects the imperatives of an advanced capitalist economy. Bearing in mind this distinction, he suggests, unlike many who see the United States as declining in the mode of Rome, that decline of the United States more likely would follow that of the British Empire. He points out that multilateralists have in no way been eliminated by unilateralists; rather, leading capitalist countries tend to experience alternating periods characterized by resurgence and diminution of the importance of these two poles. He also acknowledges the benefits of the military industry on an economy such as that of the United States. Finally, as an Iranian-American he offers a unique perspective in terms of political economy on the issue of religious fundamentalism and the fraught relations between the West and the Muslim world. Ismael Hossein-Zadeh's The Political Economy of U.S. Militarism is a fascinating text and one that deserves to be as accessible to the average pocketbook as it is to the average reader.

Professor Hossein-zadeh takes over where the late Seymour Melman left off, showing the absurdity & perils of military spending. Those of you familar with Melman, who was a professor of industrial engineering at Columbia University know that time & time again in his many books, he demonstrated how ludicrous defense spending had become through numerous examples. The money spent on "overkill", the cost overuns, the many uneeded military projects, expensive quality control problems coupled with system & hardware failures are just several he often reiterated.
Dr. Hossein-zadeh takes the subject a bit further & in a new direction. He is backed by irrefutable statistics, documents & history itself to prove his case against excessive & unwarrented military spending. All of it very comprehensible, even to someone with no background in economics & a minute knowledge post WW2 history. By reading this book, one can gain some insight into the modus operandi of the military-industrial complex & its the effect it has on the economy,political establishment & both domestic & foreign policy.

This book brings together lots of individual facts, statistics, and citations that those with a concern about US militarism who attentively follow current events and recent US history will have come upon in disparate locations.

The genius of the book is that it puts all of this information in one place and presents it in a coherent structure. It is also very clearly written. The citations and bibliography are useful starting points for those wishing to delve more deeply into the economic underpinnings of the military-industrial complex.

most comprehencive ,well documented,well researched book exposing the essence of our heartless government subserviant to the demands of giant corporations sacrificing the ones it is elected to protect.

The Publisher's Weekly does a dis-service to this book. Better read the review in the Jan 2005 Futurist (http://www.wfs.org/revsatinjf05.htm)
This book is an outstanding and insightful description of ways in which the left and right can think together about our society's, and the world's, enormous problems, and then begin to work to solve them. Much more useful than shooting at each other. Only by finding the common ground will it be possible to break through the morass we find ourselves in. Remember the advice to both right and left, "Put your hand on your knees--they're jerking!"

I like this book very much. It is a cry from the heart--from a very informed heart--and it captures much that needs to be understood. It is not, however, the first effort in this direction. This book was published in 2004. Paul Ray and Sherry Ruth Anderson published "The Cultural Creatives: How 50 Million People are Changing the World" in 2000, coincident with the appearance of Marianne Williamson's extraordinary edited work, "IMAGINE: What American Could be in the 21st Century." Ted Halstead and Michael Lind published "The Radical Center: The Future of American Politics," in 2001. In 2002 Ralph Nader capped off decades of activism along these lines with "Crashing the Party: How to Tell the Truth and Run for President." In 2003 we had Matthew Miller's "The 2% Solution: Fixing America's Problem in Ways Liberals and Conservatives Can Love." See my reviews of all of those, and my list on democracy, to appreciate this book by this author, in a larger context.

The most important meme to come out to me--an aggressive iconoclast if ever there was one--dealt with the importance of turning away from rebellion for the sake of rebellion, and focusing instead of being a player, on bringing corporations to the table as Paul Hawken and others suggest in "Natural Capitalism" (which the author cites).

Early messages from this book include: Ignore the noise including Moore and Franken; Creative borrowing from all points of view to achieve public policy; Radical middle provides concrete answers instead of platitudes; Work with corporations instead of attacking them blindly; Idealism without the illusions. Four on key values: maximize choices, fair start for all, maximize human potential, help the developing world. The author then gives us four sections, with the highlights listed below.

Maximizing choices:
1) Universal health care that is also preventive and integrative
2) Law reform--affordable, meaningful
3) End oil dependency--parallel energies, seven paths (conservation, renewables, fossil fuels, hydrogen, nuclear, biobased, and values-change path

Fair start
1) great teachers (overlooks two-parent family, serious games, total change to curriculum)
2) affirmative action with teeth, not just letting in black-skinned white minds
3) Job for everyone and a financial next egg as well

Maximize human potential
1) corporations we can be proud of
2) biotech with adult supervision
3) bring back the draft--for EVERYONE (one of the best pieces)

Help the developed world
1) Globalization with savvy and feeling (address poverty, raise standards)
2) Make the WTO transparent
3) Humanitarian intervention in time--no more genocides (great piece)
4) Tough on terrorism and causes of terrorism

Be a player not a rebel
1) professional schools, not radical groups, are our incubators now (compassionate MDs, holistic MBAs, visionary JDs,
2) stay informed
3) join groups that matter and push them to the middle
4) run for office
5) open up the political process (free media, tax credits, proportional representation, instant run-offs, non-partisan redistricting,

Just this morning, a friend in Seattle sent me an email about a new meme that goes beyond the split between "for profit" and "non-profit" to speak of "new profit." That is the distillation of what Paul Hawken and Herman Daly ("Ecological Economics") are trying to capture. The old concept of corporate profit loots the commons. The new concept of profit, what I call Communal Capitalism, others call it Capitalism 3.0 or Natural Capitalism, understands that true profit must be perpetual and distributed.

This author has a following and is part of the solution. I recommend all the books I listed above, and this one.

See also:
A Power Governments Cannot Suppress
Society's Breakthrough!: Releasing Essential Wisdom and Virtue in All the People
The Two Percent Solution: Fixing America's Problems in Ways Liberals and Conservatives Can Love
The Radical Center: The Future of American Politics
The Cultural Creatives: How 50 Million People Are Changing the World

This book is nothing more than 200 pages of smoke and mirrors.All Satin believes that is need to make the failed ideology of Socialism work is to pile on more government and programs and sock the cost to taxpayers.Of course,he doesn't use the word taxpayer,he uses the word government when he talks about who is going to foot the bill.You see,taxpayers are the problem,they've learned to look after themselves.Socialist's clients are those who buy into the concept that they can't or won't look after themselves and hand it over to the government to do it.
Satin has spent decades as a dyed- in- the- wool Leftist and now thinks he's seen the light.His ideas are far to the left of JFK
who believed that it was not the role of government to provide a person with a job but to provide the person with an opportunity to look after himself.Even he was a Liberal;then along came Johnson with his War on Poverty,and after spending 3 trillion dollars on it ;the end result was that even a larger percent of the people were living below the poverty line.What else would you expect from Socialism.
Satin's ideas about proportional representation have already been rejected by another reviewer and all I would like to add is that, it is being pushed for here in Canada;and these proposers are not even Liberals,but Socialists.
Search as you may,for some enlightenment in this book;you will not find ideas like,self-reliance,taking on responsibility,pride in accomplishment,etc.What you will find is a load of ideas like programs,entitlements,assistance,government creating jobs etc.
Figure a way to take care of yourself,and don't fall for the idea that you need these Socialists to do it.They haven't done it anywhere else and you'll be sadly mistaken if you believe they'll start in the USA.
Even the author has come to the point where he went back and learned a skill to better his lot.You don't see John Kerry ,the great caring Liberal giving away anything.And how about Teresa when talking to people gathering up clothes to send to recent hurricane victims---"Let them go naked"was her help.

One of Mark Satin's most engaging charactistics is his honesty about himself. I have followed him from his first newsletter to his first book "New Age Politics" to his current newsletter and the book by the same title ("The Radical Middle"). He clearly has morphed into something new, which comes through well to me in this book. His writing style is engaging and energetic; he has good documentation; he earnestly believes we need to create something new in our society to replace the extreme polarization we are currently experiencing. He is inclusive and optimistic, believing in each citizen to think independently. His writing is not "academic," but well-researched and well-cited. I highly recommend this book for anyone looking for even one glimmer of hope for us as a society with a positive and constructive future!

Edryce Reynolds
Tacoma, Washington

"Radical Middle" is several things: The title of Mark Satin's new book being reviewed here, the title of his newsletter, the title of his web site and the name of an exciting new political concept.

I have followed Mark Satin for a long time, having been a charter subscriber to his previous newsletter, "New Options" and to his current "Radical Middle" newsletter. And I have read two of his previous books in addition to "Radical Middle."

Because of occasional disagreements with some specific content from the current newsletter, I was ready to be skeptical of Mark's new book. But instead, I must admit that I am highly impressed. I believe the book does a thorough job of explaining the Radical Middle concept to readers, regardless of their background, political leanings, or even newsletter subscriber status. In each book chapter, Mark expanded upon past "Radical Middle" newsletter articles and included more nuances and detail, which help to flesh out and explain his positions better.

While there were still a few points where I winced, there were many more knowing smiles and nods. In fact, in some cases I found that my position was not that far away from Mark's after all, once I finally understood his position more fully. And even where there remain points of disagreement, I commend Mark for creating, thoroughly explaining and maintaining his voice and his ground.

I should also state that I had my wife read the education chapter. She is a former full-time teacher, and currently does some substitute teaching. She had not read any of Mark's past books, newsletters, web site, etc., so had a fresh perspective. And she loved the chapter, agreeing with Mark's central thesis that quality teachers are what great education is all about.

The resource lists at each chapter end are also very useful, and I recommend readers to pursue some them to follow up with your own investigations of issues. I am doing so.

Overall, I deeply respect how Mark has utilized all his varied life experiences in coming to a mature, organized synthesis of ideas.

And in our polarized times, the Radical Middle political concept is exactly what we need to grow from concept to full-fledged reality.

A compelling look at a fascinating figure of the modern American civil rights movement whose story continues to be relevant. Particularly interesting is the nuanced and thoughtful treatment of the complex dialogue and tension between "nonviolence" and "self-defense" in the history of the Black freedom struggle in the US.

The period of Williams's life following his exile is only very tersely outlined (as the author himself admits), giving the book a bit of an abrupt end. More analysis of Williams's decision to renounce public life, of his scepticism about the later direction of the "Black Power" movement that had claimed him as one of its icons, and of his decision to seek an "understanding" with the US gov't enabling his return from exile, would probably make for most interesting reading.

highly recommended to anyone who enjoys U.S. history. I wish this book and Williams' life story and struggle were more well-known

Mainstream history seemingly gets real nervous about who is carrying a loaded weapon and who one associates with. Combine the two and it will take an outstanding historian like Timothy B. Tyson to bring to life the tireless work and controversies surrounding civil-rights activist Robert F. Williams.

Williams brought the element of armed self-defense in seeking equal rights, especially in his hometown of Monroe, N.C. Though Williams, a military veteran, stressed that the specter of self-defense was necessary - and proven successful in confronting the KKK and other racists - his stance drew the ire of the NAACP's national office, the FBI and other government agencies & those in the civil rights movement who stressed non-violent actions no matter what the situation.

The book is more than a biography on Williams. It shows how his demands for equal rights meant something different to various individuals and groups, though Williams would not politically "fall in line" with any movement. It was the perceived idealism that drew many to Williams, but it was such a coalition - including Malcolm X and the Socialist Workers Party - that made him particularly dangerous in the eyes of federal officials.

While in exile from the U.S. after being erroneously charged for violating several federal laws, Williams was in Cuba after the revolution, North Viet Nam during the war, China as the Cultural Revolution caught fire and travelled to Africa. His independent thinking got him in trouble in Cuba; a radio show he conducted to the U.S., Radio Free Dixie, along with public comments he made, found Williams facing the wrath of Cuban government officials and ultimately led him to China.

The book also shows how his wife, Mabel and women in Monroe & in other cities not only demanded civil rights, but were willing to defend themselves and their families from violent attacks through the barrel of a gun. Mabel Williams was also an important person in the writing, editing and publishing of a newsletter that gained national and international attention.

Williams was an important catalyst for Huey Newton and the Deacons for Defense in their quests to skillfully confront the haters on the streets. In yet again another example on why we must continue to look past the history as it is written in textbooks, Robert F. Williams showed what can be accomplished when the intimidators become the intimidated while trying to perpetuate the myth of white supremacy.

The civil rights movement was not created by, lead by, or moved forward by the dozen or so media heros whose names we all now know. The civil rights movement succeed because so many ordinary people decided that they could no longer stand to live in the midst of injustice, and decided to step out of their daily lives and do something about it.

Robert Williams did just that. An ordinary working class guy, he used his people skills to form a network of working class black people who did not have the patience of the old line leaders of the local NAACP chapter in his hometown. He got himself elected president of the chapter, and backed by dozens of local people, formed one of the most activist chapters in the country. The national NAACP never was comfortable with Williams or the work of his chapter, and at best held them at arms length.

Inevitably, Williams' hard pressure on local structures of racism lead to a backlash. When he was attacked and his family threatened with death, the local police did nothing. When he and his community defended themselves, by taking up arms to combat the armed violence of the white racists, he was charged with murder, and became the subject of a massive FBI hunt. Escaping to Cuba, he operated a radio station, beaming the "truth" along with progressive jazz and blues which would never be played on corporate radio in the south, to Dixie.

Ultimately, Williams' stance of self-defense was taken up by Stokley Carmichael in the South, and by the Black Panther Party in Oakland, and is now well known as the "Black Power" movement. But at the time, it was simply a slightly more hardline version of the NAACP. Local chapters of the NAACP, building on long traditions of mutual support in black communities throughout the south, supported by thousands of ordinary people, formed the backbone of the civil rights movement. Anyone who thinks otherwise should read the statements by Bob Moses and the other SNCC organizers, who readily admitted that they could never have accomplished anything at all if not for the decades of groundwork done by the local NAACP chapters throughout the south.

Great book, which everyone interested in the history of the Civil Rights movement, or just interested in the way social changes really happen, should read.

Ultimately, the notion of white supremacy and the so-called glory of the Lost Cause always devolved to the use of violence and intimidation against black people and any one who sided with them. Williams' is an amazing story of courage and determination as he challenged the KKK and assorted white rabble of rural North Carolina in the 1940s through the 1960s in his quest for racial justice.

Williams, a soldier during WW2, came back to Monroe, NC after the war and took on the clowns and goons of the KKK and the local and state white government. When they fired on his home, he shot back, upsetting the applecart of segregation.

Tyson's book is a powerful portrayal of a man quite willing to die for his rights, a man fed up with the violence degradation inflicted on him by southern society, and a man willing to kill to protect his property, his person and his family.

Tyson's realistic and entertaining portrayal of the stupid and inane actions of white southern racists in North Carolina is another reason to read this book. The local thuggery is almost comical, until one remembers they are well armed and prone to alcholism and violence. Tyson goes into great detail about a 1958 case where two black boys, 10 and 8 were BEATEN and IMPRISONED for kissing a white girl.

Williams and his wife are not well known heroes of the Civil Rights struggle. This book gave me a greater appreciation of the vicious hatred, violence, and stupidity they were fighting, and how disciplined and determined the Civil Rights struggle had to be in the face of overwhelming white resistance.

Just like in "Deep Politics and the Death of JFK,"
Peter Dale Scott here gives us something so often missed
by focusing exclusively on the surface events:
a stark yet densely detailed map of
the subterranean sewers that are the sources of 9/11.

Scott is that rare thinker-writer whose sustained attention
and audacious inquiry have pursued the ugly truth to its deepest roots:
To read this fearless document is to be denied
the comfort offered by our systemic denial.

So be forewarned:
delusions and simplistic reductionisms die on the very first pages;
for reading the rest of the book, one must at times remind oneself to breath.

One of America's most respected and and cogent sociopolitical scientists, Peter Dale Scott (UC at Berkley) has answered the most important questions about the Neocons and Bush Administration by connecting the hidden, and often times secret, historical facts that culminated with the appointment of George W. Bush as an illegitimate president and his assault on the U.S.Constitution and rush toward America world hegemony - -all in the name of Christianity. For the first time ever in print, Professor Scott has articlulated the events, forces and personalities that came to treasonous birth after WW-II, grew to early childhood shortly after the JFK assassination, enjoyed some control within the Reagan and Bush Senior administrations at adolescence and came to full adulthood within the present Bush administration. In a profusely documented, step by step, easy to read narrative, the author enlightens, astounds and cautions, building a case for his thesis that America is in deep trouble unless the electorate understands the issues and stops the Neocons (radical conservatives) in their tracks in 2008. His method is not conspiratorial, but honest without being apologetic or overly alarmist. If you what to understand what has gone on in this country since WW-II and the forces at battle behind the scenes and beneath the propagandist headlines, this is the book for you - - worth the price of one-hundred books and just as monumentally educational. If not, then go back to sleep and become part of the problem and not the solution. The work is undoubtedly one of the most important books written since 1970, given that it demonstrates how the Neocons do not believe in Democracy, the American voter or sovereign nations entitled to design and implement their own destinies. They do not trust the American people, the world or God - - instead, they are motivated by fear and the lust for greed and power. They have fascism written all over their foreheads - - perhaps the true Mark of the Beast that the religious right believes in and warns about so much. Do not walk, but run to buy this book.

The American author Peter Dale Scott shows how the richest 1% control key covert parts of the US state, including the Pentagon and the CIA. The private power of this military-financial complex has been secretly growing ever since President Truman founded the CIA. The US state serves the class interests of Wall Street's owners, not the national interest.

The US state is becoming more repressive: in 1970, 31% of California's budget went to higher education and 4% to prisons, by 2005, 12% and 20% respectively.

Scott shows how the US state built up fundamentalist Islam. From the 1950s, the CIA, allied with MI6, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, used the mullahs and the Muslim Brotherhood against secular nationalism across the Middle East. Later the CIA outsourced its operations to MI6, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, the Saudis, the Shah, the French intelligence service, Egypt and Morocco. In Latin America, the US state backed the fascist Operation Condor run by the military dictatorships of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Paraguay, funded by South Korea, Taiwan and Saudi Arabia.

Scott describes how the US and British states have fomented wars across Asia. From 1986, the CIA, MI6 and Pakistan's intelligence service launched guerrilla attacks from Afghanistan into Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. In 1988 the US and Pakistani states promised to end military aid to the mujehadin when Soviet forces left Afghanistan; Thatcher and Bush ensured that they broke that promise.

Scott shows how the drive for oil determines much of US foreign policy. For example, in 1997, the Wall Street Journal stated, "The Taliban are the players most capable of achieving peace. Moreover, they are crucial to secure the country as a prime trans-shipment route for the export of Central Asia's vast oil, gas and other natural resources."

In sum, Scott shows how the US state is not a force for peace and progress, as Gordon Brown fondly believes, but backs war and reaction. Its ruling class wants to continue their disastrous attacks on Iraq and Afghanistan: it believes what Kissinger said in 2005, "Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy."

Not a conspiracy book at all, but more a historical analysis of what's happened to US power over the past 50 years: how the "deep state" has swallowed what remained of the Public State. When people wonder why there seems to be a total de-link between what the American people desire and vote for, and what they actually get -- here is the answer. In November 2006, the US voted for the end of the Iraq War, the readjustment of the Bush Vampire tax burden, and for greater accountability(investigations, public hearings, supoenas issued, etc). What they got was the exact opposite. Why? This book is a good place to start to find the answer.

When Professor Scott gets to 9/11/01, he goes into very minute detail over the very strange discrepencies involving Dick Cheney's whereabouts from 9:25 to 9:55 the morning of the attacks. Cheney has just flat out lied about where he was and what he was doing. He tells the 9/11 Commission that he did not enter the security bunker/command post just off the EOB until 9:50. Yet several witnesses swore that he was inside the bunker(including Leon Panetta) as early as 9:25, repeatedly going off to make phone calls in the tunnel which leads from the bunker to the EOB, on secured, untraceable phones. Why lie about this? Who was he talking to and about what?

Even stranger is the testimony of an Air Force Lieutenant who kept asking Cheney the same question over and over: "Do the orders still stand? Do the orders still stand?" Eventually, Cheney got angry and responded: "Have you heard anything different?!"

What were the orders? The assumption is that they were orders to shoot down incoming planes. Yet, this query had already been asked at least once before the plane plowed into the Pentagon. And if they were the logical shoot-down orders, why would the Lt. keep asking for confirmation? Scott theorizes that the orders in fact were STAND DOWN orders.

A magnificent, chilling work by our greatest political historian.

This book is something of a curiosity. Published by the University of California Press, it is likely to have the most prestigious imprint of any book willing to entertain the possibility that Bush administration figures (above all, Cheney) may have in some way been complicit in 9-11. As it happens, Scott's case for this insinuation isn't all that strong. Cheney gave somewhat contradictory explanations of his whereabouts for about a half hour on 9-11. A plausible case can be made that there was a space of about ten minutes during which Cheney, Rumsfeld, and Bush may have had a private phone call on that day. And Cheney earlier approved a change in procedure around hijacked planes that may have slowed response to the 9-11 crisis, although it seems equally possible that this rule change was simply an unwise bureaucratic revision (as most people who've ever worked in an organization are aware, those kinds of things happen all the time, without any dark motives). Scott uses this evidence to suggest (although he is definitely circumspect and cautious in his claims) that Cheney facilitated 9-11 in order to create an opportunity to put into action continuity of government (COG) plans that had been evolving since the Reagan administration to exploit a crisis to deepen authoritarian tendencies of the US state. Ultimately the evidence falls short of that necessary to convince a critical reader, although the idea that the COG plans were around and used after 9-11 to initiate programs like warrantless wiretaps and the partial suspension of habeus corpus isn't particularly unreasonable.

Even if you find the evidence of Cheney's intentionality weak, you might still find The Road to 9-11 an intriguing read. Scott's vision of the world is that extremely powerful people (by virtue of considerable wealth and connections) operate through and often around the US government to achieve their goals. This is the 'deep state/overworld' that only momentarilly becomes visible during crises like the Iran-Contra scandal. Other scandals, like Watergate, may be the result of deep state activities and conflicts without being widely understood as such. Figures in US intelligence agencies have developed ties with their counterparts in Saudi, Pakistani, Israeli agencies and can operate without the explicit consent of their respective executive branches. Although it's not entirely unfamiliar territory, Scott's narrative of the US role in creating jihadists to torment the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and further afield is vividly wrought. Without being too explicit about this, Scott suggests that Democratic presidents like Carter tend to be the victims of these plots, while Republicans like Reagan and Bush empower the deep government figures. Although most conspiratorial thinkers are ultimately pessimists who believe that history is engineered by a handful of all powerful figures, Scott leavens this view with claims that the 'prevailing will' of a country cannot be easily denied (some examples of prevailing will--the desire of Iran to be rid of the Shah, the desire of the Vietnamese to be unified without foreign occupiers, the civil rights movement in the South). In his political assessments, Scott is a judicious left-liberal with some surprising insights. He argues, for example, that the much maligned Helsinki accords may have weakened the Soviet Empire by signaling to Eastern Europe that Western Europe no longer had expansionist designs. He argues for a movement in the US somewhere in between Move-On (which gets so close to the Democratic leadership as to compromise itself) and 'black-flag' anarchists, not bad advice. In describing the needed movement as a 'truth movement', however, I wish he had made more of an effort to distance himself from writers and activists who use that term to advocate blatantly crackpot theories about missiles hitting the pentagon, 'controlled demolition', robot planes, etc.

Russian Tarot of St Petersberg is my first deck.
I believe it is one of the best waite clone decks.
Many people recommend beginners to start with a Rider Waite deck, but I think the artwork of Waite Smith deck is quite poorly done. Beginners who are looking for a good looking version of Waite deck should buy Russian Tarot of St Petersberg.
The artwork is delicate and detailed. Conservative individuals should buy this deck as well as there are nearly no nudities.
I strongly advise those who wish to buy this deck to buy the book written by Cynthia Giles as well. The text is informative and interesting. It would let readers look deeper into the symbolism of the deck.

Ever since my eyes fell on this deck I was drawn to it. I am of Eastern European heriatage and it appeals to me. The artwork is beautiful and makes for great readings. I am one who interprets the cards and the artwork, as well as the meaning, when reading the cards, and this deck is wonderful for doing just that. I also love the feeling I get when I'm reading these cards. I can't quite describe it, but it is special. Perhaps it is reconnecting with my family heriatage.
I love this deck!

This deck has delightful illustrations and is a joy to read. I find this to be a pleasant change of pace from my Universal Dali tarot deck. If you want to learn tarot, but the Rider Waite deck is not your thing, I suggest you take a peek into this one. The size of the cards are pleasant.

I have a number of tarot decks that I actively work with,
more for spell work than reading the future, but this particular
tarot deck, the Russian Tarot of St. Petersburg, is without
doubt the most beautiful tarot set I have ever seen. Each card
is elegantly painted by the very talented Yury Shakov and
really captures the spirit and images of old Russia. But, more
importantly, at least to me it seems that Yury Shakov must have
also been a talented magician, because each card is filled with
mystical and occult symbols that are truly amazing. A wonderful,
beautiful tarot deck, regardless if you wish to read the future,
create spells or simply gaze upon them as artistic masterpieces.

Russian artist Yuri Shakov's miniature art work (he painted them at normal card size) is a crystaline cathedral of 78 stained-glass plates. Mr. Shakov incorporated historical icons where symbolically referential. Example: The rotting skull on the Death card may be that of Ivan The Terrible, and as has been mentioned, Stalin is the Devil. The Two of Clubs is a Russian 'Boyer', an influential man, akin to a 'Burger', to which the word is probably related anyway. The Fool is a rag-tagged 'scomorhoki'. Mr. Shakov passed away during his illustration of The Russian Tarot of St. Petersburg, and so not all of the cards were actually painted by Yuri Shakov.

The accompanying book by Cynthia Giles is not at all childish, but rather sophisticated and scholarly. Some very interesting Russian history is presented, which sets the stage for some of the characters on which the cards are modelled. Especially useful are the "keys", or one-word meaning of the card, written underneath the card name. The court cards and the major arcana do not use these keys, however. Be mindful about nuances of meaning that vary from those traditionally given for the Ryder-Waite deck. The Death card, for instance, can in fact indicate physical death. But these things are always subject to context. The arrangement of the court cards together, breaking them out of the more orthodox habit of listing cards One through King, is a bit difficult, and impedes the ease of looking up cards. For example, if you want to look up the Page of Clubs, you don't start with the One of Clubs and flip through to the Ten of Clubs and then Page of Clubs; oh no, this would be too easy. You have to find the section marked "The Court: Card By Card".

The cards are startlingly beautiful, and capture an essence of psychic experience not unlike that revealed by hallucinogenic mushrooms, where a dark "outer space" background frames illuminated colors and strictly define textures. Mood is precisely captured. In some ways, these cards are cold, dark, isolated and lonely, in contrast to the Ryder-Waite, which can be warm, sunny, and in the company of friends or family. I've imagined that this is what existence may look like if our spirits roamed randomly throughout the spirit world, like the Vietnamese girl in the film Hair, who, after becoming a war casualty, was shown floating through space, aware and melancholy.

The integrity of the elemental significance is not well preserved, I think. Clubs and wands are traditionally assigned to the element of fire, but the clubs of the Russian Tarot of St. Petersburg are simply war maces, as opposed to green staves (Ryder-Waite) or torches. Ryder-Waite uses plenty of hints to indicate the suit of wands as belonging to fire: red-haired knights, kings and pages; green buds issuing from staves (inner flame or life force). Still, each and every card has depth and character. Nothing about this deck is dreary, including rendered meanings.

I rarely open the box, and when I do it is mostly to admire the artwork, rather than conduct a metaphysical assay. Imagine the gilt leaded crystal in your fine china cabinet--that glass set you take out on maybe one dinner party a year, and you will have an idea of what I'm talking about. The backs of the cards are gilt bordered, with fine floral scrolling. You will not be disappointed.

It is a terrific book.... My four girls have all enjoyed it... It's been taped over and over... Other books I wouldn't have gone to the trouble, but this one is just too precious to get rid of!!

I really enjoyed this book considering that it's extremely short. The best part about it is the pop-up. It's a great beggining reading book. This book also teaches numbers and counting. It's all put woderfully together inside this book. Ideally I would get this book for a first grader who was just learning how to read, and count. The last thing about the book that is good is that they try to hide some things to try and make you find them.

I have a three month old daughter and her eyes light up when she sees the pictures of the animals and the bugs! The pictures are so bright and capture her attention! Hope to see more books, perhaps with sea creatures, birds, rain forest animals....! Great job!

As always, this Snappy book is adorable and loved by our 2 year old! This book is the greates number book I've ever seen (as a preschool teacher, I've seen many), because it really encourages kids to count, in a fun manner. Each page coordinates with the number, for example, the page with the number seven has a lion with seven whiskers, but all the other creatures on the page, are pictured in sevens. The book also shows the written out and the numerical form for each number. It was an instant hit in our household!

My daughter received this book when she was a couple months old and she is now 6. She still loves it! The pictures are wonderfully colorful and the pop-ups are amazing. The book is not thick, but big, which lets for big, colorful pictures. Also, the pop-ups do a cute action as you open the page up. This book is vivid and entertaining enough to even capture an adult's attention. A definite buy!

The evolution of American medicine is a fascinating story and it is told very well. The analysis is excellent and this really provides a great perspective about how the US got to the corporate system we are now on. I wish there would be an update that would take us from 1980-2000. The debate over how socialized medicine did not take root is very interesting and well done in the book. If you are getting started or an expert this book has something for everyone. Highly recommend for those who are trying to understand how doctors and hospitals developed in America.

This book traces the evolution of America's disjointed healthcare system, from the horror of the early hospitals to the formation of the medical profession. It also explains how, as the early profession was fighting for the right to exist, it took virtual possession of the rest of the healthcare system. Every Democratic president since FDR has attempted some type of major healthcare reform, only to be opposed by the American Medical Association (AMA) because organized doctorhood thought it had too much to lose.

This book is an effortless read for students of sociology or those that have a great interest in the history of medicine. Published in 1983, it easily predicts some of the current problems in American healthcare, because the powerful interests that determine the delivery of healthcare are still the same. It also predicts some of the circumstances that will finally bring America around to some sort of rational, universal, healthcare coverage.

For anyone interested in the healthcare as a profession or area of study, I can't recommend this book highly enough. Despite the 20 years since its publication, Paul Starr's Pulitzer prize winner is still relevant today and in retrospect his projections made of the future of healthcare in America are surpisingly prescient.

The first book describes the development of the medical profession in early America providing a fascinating look at the social evolution of American society. The second book delineates the rise of doctors, hospitals and medical schools in latter half of the 19th to the early 20th century with the rise of science and a professional authority. The third book shifts the focus from the doctors and to the industry that medicine became as well as the various attempts at healthcare reform in response to rising healthcare costs.

My only criticism is that Starr should have devoted more pages to the root causes behind the rising healthcare costs that drove the reforms of the 1960-70s described in the third book.

I highly recommend this book to anyone in the health care industry or anyone interested in the history of American medicine.
Starr basically explores why/how physicians so powerful politically, socially, and economically. GREAT BOOK!

This is a must read for understanding American medicine. It actually has a straightforward point of view in its focus on the autonomy and status of the medical profession and the distinguishing feature in the evolution of health care institutions. The role of the medical profession in health care is unique in our society and this books historically follows how the profession has used its position to counter capital enterprise and public programs to meet pressing social needs. He makes clear that the development of valid scientific theories and their applicating into effective treatments was critical to affirming the control of physicians. Otherwise the political disputes over licensing and accreditation could not have succeeded. Obviously the emergence of HMO's and other health insurers represent the latest source of conflict. Again this work presents the issues clearly and objectively.

the supreme court is my life, i love it, i am doing a project oon the supreme court and i love it!i bought this cd-rom and i have not put it own since, my computer hasnt bee sut down in like 2 months, all it does is play this CD-ROM, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week! OH I LOVE THE SUPREME COURT, JUSTICE REQUEST IS SOOO FINE!!

Until Jerry Goldman created his innovative Oyez website, the experience of listening to an actual Supreme Court oral argument was available only to the lucky few hundred people who could secure a seat in the Court's formal courtroom (and to those who would travel to Washington, DC and listen to the tapes at the National Archives). Now that experience is available to anyone who has a reasonably good computer with speakers and a CD drive. Drawing on but also adding to material available on the groundbreaking Oyez site, Goldman has created a remarkable resource that makes history come alive. Litigators can listen, and learn from, some of the best appellate advocates in the country. Law students can also gain many lessons here in the craft of argument, as well as insights into some of the Court's most important decisions. This CD should be in the collection of everyone who is interested in the Supreme Court and how it functions. Especially impressive are the "highlights" links that take the listener to key exchanges between the Justices and the lawyers. Often these are points on which the decision turned. A must-have for any serious student of the Court and of appellate advocacy.

I am not a lawyer. My interest in the Supreme Court is that of an interested observer, who has particular interest in certain topics (such as Establishment Clause, Religious Freedom, etc). Even so, or perhaps especially so, I find Goldmans' product wonderful. It has everything that was missing from Peter Irons' audio series "May it Please The Court" (which wasn't much to begin with).

The Supreme Court hears oral arguments on cases, and these arguments have been recorded since the fifties. Goldman's CD contains the full audio arguments for a number of cases, and, for a few of them, also the public announcement of the decision on the case. Each case also includes a summary, which has a brief description of the facts of the case, the final decision, and final vote (which justices voted in the majority, which in the minority). That alone would make this a wonderful addition to anybody interested in the Bill of Rights or the Supreme Court. But this is not all that Goldman brings to the party.

Also included are the full text of the decisions of the cases included (Majority, concurring, and dissenting opinions), which were sorely missed in Peter Irons' book. Also, for each case, a photograph of the Court's justices is provided, with a halo effect identifying majority and minority. By clicking on a particular justice, you can hear a voice clip, to help you identify their voices when, during the arguments, they interrupt or ask questions. There is also a "highlights" option, whereby specific points in the argument are mentioned, with time index stamps, so you can listen only to those points (the presentation of the case, particular questions regarding certain issues and their replies, summary, etc). You can also use this as a sort of abbreviated program when listening to the entire arguments (which can run over 1 hour). As opposed to Peter Irons' _May it Please The Court_, there is no commentary on the arguments, which are presented completely unedited, and also no transcripts. Finally, if there are any cases which were argued or decided together with the one you are looking at, it is so noted and you can take a look at that one as well.

You can look at the cases sorted by name or by date, and also by broad topic ("Religious Freedom", "Commerce", "Sexual Discrimination", etc), by Justices sitting on the Court, or all together. The cases include some of the more important and controversial of the past 50 years: Roe v. Wade (abortion), Abington v. Schemp (school prayer), Nixon v. U.S. (executive power), New York Times v. U.S. (pentagon papers), Johnson v. Texas (flag burning), Bakke v. Regents (reverse discrimination), and many more among its more than 50 cases.

I have no complaints about the final product, and only a few wishes: I hope to see sequels, with more cases, available; although pretty close to my wish list of cases, a couple I would love are still missing (e.g. Edwards v. Aguillard). I would also have liked to be able to look at cases by author of the opinion, but this is such a minor thing that it is hardly worth mentioning. Transcripts of the arguments would be a nice addition. These are such minor quibbles, however, that they cannot mute your enjoyment of this wonderful program.

If you are a lawyer, or a student of the law, you will find this CD-ROM especially illuminating as it illuminates famous Sup. Ct. cases with the actual audio arguments and questions by the judges. The subsequent reasoning and decision of the Court is a lot clearer when viewed in the context of how the oral pleadings went. RealAudio compression allows dozens of hours of listenable audio to be burnt onto a single CD. Well worth it.

Jerry Goldman has brought forth a veritable treasure trove: full-length oral arguments from fifty landmark Supreme Court cases! Words really cannot describe what a remarkable resource SCGH is--the promise of Peter Irons's audio-tape series "May It Please the Court" is here brought to full fruition. Listen to all or only the most salient parts of an argument: nobody acts as a gatekeeper to the material. Hear the verbal inflections of the justices as they ask questions--nuances that do not come across on the written page. A separate image of the particular Court deciding the case is available, along with the opportunity to hear voice samples of each Justice, so to familiarize yourself with who is talking during arguments. A halo effect comes across the members of the majority when the word itself is clicked, and the same thing happens to members of the minority. All this, along with oral announcements of the opinions, biographical data on the justices, and text of the full opinions. That this is contained on one compact disc is mind-boggling; SCGH is essential for those with any interest in Constitutional Law.