Naomi Klein Books

With this work, Tom Mertes has provided the progressive community with a concise and insightful overview of both the challenges facing the myriad rivers of struggle against globalization as they seek to join in any kind of unity against G8 hegemony, and in turn the various approaches to overcoming these obstacles. The title of the book poses the question of the possibility of another, implicitly better, world; the various papers and interviews within, provided by the brightest lights of today's left, offer that hope. The publication and distribution of this book in and of itself stands as a victory over the ideological tyranny of U.S. neoliberalism, especially now, and as such will certainly inspire anyone who cares at all about the fate of our world.

Covering a wide range of interlocking social struggles -- from the Zapatista movement in Chiapas to the Indian Narmada Valley dam protests to the Soweto anti-privatization campaign -- "A Movement of Movements" is a thought-provoking introduction to the radical idealism, critical anaylsis, and political imagination shaping the global justice movement(s). While unabashedly internationalist, this movement of movements nevertheless prioritizes localism over empire, direct democracy over hegemony, diversity over monoculture, and communities over leaders. Read this book to better understand the diverse concerns that are uniting an international coalition of students, workers, and environmentalists in a passionate desire for a better world.

This is a great book, if you really want to know the truth and everything that is happening in southern mexico, this is the book to buy. Its a very detailed book, so its a bit long. It has reading of Sub Comandante Marcos and other great leaders. Great book, really recomend it.
EZLN!!!

This book is an amazing collection of one of Latin America's greatest living writers and activists, Subcomandante Marcos (who I, incidentally, think is one of the sexiest men in the world!!! Apparently, I'm not the only one who shares this opinion. According to the book, "First World, Ha Ha Ha!", Marcos has become somewhat of a sex symbol in the gay community in Mexico. There's even a condom named after him). My fantasies aside, "Ya Basta" is an essential anthology for anyone wanting to learn about Chiapas, Zapatismo and Third World resistance to corporate globalization. I especially enjoyed his stories about Durito and the cool photos. It's a hefty volume, well worth its price.

This book takes no particular ideological stands, but presents a phenomenon unique to Argentina(for now, I hope) which presents a promise
to be an antidote to "free"-market globalism.

Like the bullet hole on the cover of The Shock Doctrine the latest book by Naomi Klein, the author of 2000's No Logo, capitalism is a deadly rupture to our respective societies and economies. The book details how the best tool employed by modern practitioners of corporatism are natural or unnatural disasters that momentarily divert the population's focus and concentration. With deliberate and pre-arranged strategy the architects of what the author terms 'disaster capitalism' step into everywhere from Chile to New Orleans and Sri Lanka to South Africa to degrade and humiliate local populations through a series of shock therapies, which include enriching multi-national corporations, privatization and the suspension of freedoms and human rights. It is this last point - which capitalism is incompatible with a free and informed citizenry - that is dealt with in detail and is heavily explained in a far-reaching manner. The lines connecting capitalism instilled only when the population was looking the other way and the death of both political and economic control are staggering.

Naomi Klein retells the story of country after country in contemporary settings where right-wing policies of the infamous Chicago School translate into methodical torture (with a literal Canadian background no less), war and betrayal just as disaster and calamity visits a disoriented populace. Taking the last forty years into context and correlating Milton Friedman's economic theories, Klein manages to show a direct link between death and the dollar, coups and corporations and war and wage freezes for you and wage increase for the henchmen. The neo-liberals/conservatives/Reaganomists or fanatics of globalization advance the dangerous notions of the elimination of the public sector and freedom for corporations through "the full force of the US military machine." Quoting an oft openly sadistic Milton Friedman, Klein exposes the Shock Doctrine as a Machiavellian philosophy disdainful of government, communities and the grassroots in open warfare with a democratic state. A market opportunity, based on this model, is predicated on a disaster.

The book illustrates an inherent connection between repression and market economics through case studies of Chile (Pinochet's US-sponsored coup and his connections to Friedmanites), Brazil's dictatorships (disappearing thousands), Chinese 'reforms' (in the face of public protests and entailing the lifting of price controls and other impoverishing tactics), South Asia's tsunami (and the subsequent removal of indigenous villages and businesses to be replaced by tourist centres on the oceanfront), ANC's betrayal of South Africans (in response to the demands of the crashing local stock market and mining giants like DeBeers which moved its headquarters to Switzerland upon Nelson Mandela's release), the US invasion of Iraq (no-bid contracts and cost-plus darling deals) and ultimately hurricane Katrina (the closure of public schools in favour of Charter schools which quickly hired the former school system's teachers, albeit at a lower wage) and the events of 9/11 in the USA. Quoting from a Brazilian report on human rights violations called Brasil: Nunca Mais, "Since the economic policy was extremely unpopular among the most numerous sectors of the population, it had to be implemented by force."

Capitalism and improvements for the vast majority of peoples are incompatible. Unfortunately, as shock therapist economist Anders Åslund would say, "the miraculous temptations of capitalism conquer more or less anything." Absent from this rant is the qualification that miracles and temptations are illusory and everything, by definition, necessitates a population.
Shock And Awe, which was initially articulated by a US Navy strategist as a warfare manual would go on to better describe America and the Western world's larger declaration of war on all things not under its control.


The book is finally another widely circulated success for the Canadian author, albeit with its own flaws. Decrying the fanaticism of the market should have given the author pause to not quote from the bible. The book has shaped much of modern thought and been the ultimate enabler for the elite to rule over the population. On page 396, Klein commits a mistake better associated with the ignorant sectors of the market place by placing Iran on the list as "an Arab country." Moreover, Klein (very much like No Logo: No Space, No Choice, No Jobs) cannot help herself and has given credence to business-as-usual multi-national monopolim by publishing the book through just such a firm. That type of fallacy is more troubling than single instance geographical mistakes.

The Shock Doctrine: The Rise Of Disaster Capitalism is modern history in motion and the perfect repudiation and retort to the apostles of liberalism, conservatism, capitalism and the unfettered arrogance of the so-called market. If only right-wingers could and would read it without prejudice. Implicated in the web of disaster capitalism are many lesser-known persons in The World bank, International Monetary Fund, military dictators and industry captains, as well as public personalities like Reagan, Bush, Wolfowitz, Rumsfeld, Cheney and Kissinger. Not so odd then that every cataclysmic event would be utilized by the aforenamed as a market opportunity to be exploited with the might of US' dollar and firepower.

The book quotes political scientist Alan Wolfe (calling him mistakenly Michael Wolfe) as written in Washington Monthly as saying: "Conservatives cannot govern well for the same reason that vegetarians cannot prepare a world-class boeuf bourguignon: If you believe that what you are called upon to do is wrong, you are unlikely to do it very well." Conservatism in government, politics and economics is a disaster as he so accurately explains. The Shock Doctrine explains how and why.

the most relevent book in our modern economic and political history. read this and you will understand everything in yesterday, today and tomorrows headlines.

I was just finishing this book as the republican candidate for president was announcing his plan to solve the gasoline tax crisis with a repeal of the gas tax for the summer. This tax is dedicated to transportation infrastructure. He is on record for making the Bush tax cuts to the wealthy permanent while the costs of the Iraq war are estimated at three
trillion and the paper held by Japan and China. His solution for all this deficit is to cut spending elsewhere rather than to pay for war as we go.
This is the same game plan explained in this book used from Chile to
Katrina. Manufacture or exploit a crisis and privatize legitimate government functions as a government is weakened.

This book is important, excellent and deeply moving. I think it's best read as an account of the origins of neoliberalism plus an inventory of the ways that neoliberal governments have undemocratically imposed unpopular, harmful economic "reforms" over the angry objections of their populations. Since almost all our politicians are neoliberals now, and since most Americans don't know what neoliberalism is (amazon.com's spell checker claims it's not even a word), this book should be widely read, though it may not be. It tells the story of the rise of the world's reigning economic ideology, and Klein zeroes in on what is perhaps that ideology's greatest contradiction: while neoliberals extol freedom of choice, populations that are free to choose reject neoliberalism. Thus, in a succinct, poignant and accurate formulation of Eduardo Galeano's that Klein repeatedly quotes, "People were in prison so that prices could be free." However, I found Klein's thesis-type thing, the parallels she draws between electroshock therapy and economic shock therapy, shocks to the body and shocks to the body politic, to be shallow and unconvincing. It's an analogy, not an analysis. With that said, Klein gave me a clearer understanding of the ANC's sellout than I had after studying abroad in South Africa, and her first 128 pages is the most powerful and moving passage of political writing I've ever read. So get it, read it and think about it: this is the history of the present.

Naomi Klein's frightening and dead honest and impecible researched explains the past and the current of the incredible unethical and immoral behavior of those in power in the Administration today and linking it with the situations, that I have first hand knowledge of in Chile, where the engineered kidnapping, slaughter, torturer of Chilean citizens was done by Kissinger and Nixon, following the outlandishly immoral and unethical and always failed, sick thoughts of Milton Freidman. The scariest part is the Bush/Cheney and his band of Anti-American, Pro-terrorist actions are doing to the U.S. what they aer doing to Iraq and have to do many countries in South America. Fortunately Chile through out Pinochet and Chicago boys and restored a democracy with the last two remarkable Presidents were people who were tortured by the U.S. trained Chilian military of Pinochet.
Thr torture and bombing with "shock and awe" in Iraq, is the same thing that was done in Chile and in Argentina, Brazil and for the first time, in t he U.S. by ouor own administration. The intention economy rotting deficit spending, offshoring of all of ouor manufacturing, the expanding gap between the haves and have nots, destruction of the middle class, 20 bilion a month on Iraq and privitizing the military (180,000 mercenaries), the recovery effort for profit by Haliburton (who still have Cheney on its payroll). They did NOT expect Iraquis to fight back.
We are getting the same "shock and awe" treatment by destroying the economy, the illegal spying on U.S. citizen, BY THE U.S, itself, the creation of a fascist Corpocracy. Destruction of public education. Listen to the neo com/neoliberal mombling of old man McCain about cutting social prograns, which we need more of, BUT to never cut feeding of our taxpayer money to war contractors. The worthlessness of the dollar.
Same, same, same. It has failed horrible every place else, and will keep failing as pure unadulterated evil should fail.

Incredible book. Heck, you can just look at the declassified documents at the library of Congress to see about Nixon/Kissinger's intent for the Corporate takeover of a long time democracy in Chile.

Jon

Like the bullet hole on the cover of The Shock Doctrine the latest book by Naomi Klein, the author of 2000's No Logo, capitalism is a deadly rupture to our respective societies and economies. The book details how the best tool employed by modern practitioners of corporatism are natural or unnatural disasters that momentarily divert the population's focus and concentration. With deliberate and pre-arranged strategy the architects of what the author terms 'disaster capitalism' step into everywhere from Chile to New Orleans and Sri Lanka to South Africa to degrade and humiliate local populations through a series of shock therapies, which include enriching multi-national corporations, privatization and the suspension of freedoms and human rights. It is this last point - which capitalism is incompatible with a free and informed citizenry - that is dealt with in detail and is heavily explained in a far-reaching manner. The lines connecting capitalism instilled only when the population was looking the other way and the death of both political and economic control are staggering.

Naomi Klein retells the story of country after country in contemporary settings where right-wing policies of the infamous Chicago School translate into methodical torture (with a literal Canadian background no less), war and betrayal just as disaster and calamity visits a disoriented populace. Taking the last forty years into context and correlating Milton Friedman's economic theories, Klein manages to show a direct link between death and the dollar, coups and corporations and war and wage freezes for you and wage increase for the henchmen. The neo-liberals/conservatives/Reaganomists or fanatics of globalization advance the dangerous notions of the elimination of the public sector and freedom for corporations through "the full force of the US military machine." Quoting an oft openly sadistic Milton Friedman, Klein exposes the Shock Doctrine as a Machiavellian philosophy disdainful of government, communities and the grassroots in open warfare with a democratic state. A market opportunity, based on this model, is predicated on a disaster.

The book illustrates an inherent connection between repression and market economics through case studies of Chile (Pinochet's US-sponsored coup and his connections to Friedmanites), Brazil's dictatorships (disappearing thousands), Chinese 'reforms' (in the face of public protests and entailing the lifting of price controls and other impoverishing tactics), South Asia's tsunami (and the subsequent removal of indigenous villages and businesses to be replaced by tourist centres on the oceanfront), ANC's betrayal of South Africans (in response to the demands of the crashing local stock market and mining giants like DeBeers which moved its headquarters to Switzerland upon Nelson Mandela's release), the US invasion of Iraq (no-bid contracts and cost-plus darling deals) and ultimately hurricane Katrina (the closure of public schools in favour of Charter schools which quickly hired the former school system's teachers, albeit at a lower wage) and the events of 9/11 in the USA. Quoting from a Brazilian report on human rights violations called Brasil: Nunca Mais, "Since the economic policy was extremely unpopular among the most numerous sectors of the population, it had to be implemented by force."

Capitalism and improvements for the vast majority of peoples are incompatible. Unfortunately, as shock therapist economist Anders Åslund would say, "the miraculous temptations of capitalism conquer more or less anything." Absent from this rant is the qualification that miracles and temptations are illusory and everything, by definition, necessitates a population.
Shock And Awe, which was initially articulated by a US Navy strategist as a warfare manual would go on to better describe America and the Western world's larger declaration of war on all things not under its control.


The book is finally another widely circulated success for the Canadian author, albeit with its own flaws. Decrying the fanaticism of the market should have given the author pause to not quote from the bible. The book has shaped much of modern thought and been the ultimate enabler for the elite to rule over the population. On page 396, Klein commits a mistake better associated with the ignorant sectors of the market place by placing Iran on the list as "an Arab country." Moreover, Klein (very much like No Logo: No Space, No Choice, No Jobs) cannot help herself and has given credence to business-as-usual multi-national monopolim by publishing the book through just such a firm. That type of fallacy is more troubling than single instance geographical mistakes.

The Shock Doctrine: The Rise Of Disaster Capitalism is modern history in motion and the perfect repudiation and retort to the apostles of liberalism, conservatism, capitalism and the unfettered arrogance of the so-called market. If only right-wingers could and would read it without prejudice. Implicated in the web of disaster capitalism are many lesser-known persons in The World bank, International Monetary Fund, military dictators and industry captains, as well as public personalities like Reagan, Bush, Wolfowitz, Rumsfeld, Cheney and Kissinger. Not so odd then that every cataclysmic event would be utilized by the aforenamed as a market opportunity to be exploited with the might of US' dollar and firepower.

The book quotes political scientist Alan Wolfe (calling him mistakenly Michael Wolfe) as written in Washington Monthly as saying: "Conservatives cannot govern well for the same reason that vegetarians cannot prepare a world-class boeuf bourguignon: If you believe that what you are called upon to do is wrong, you are unlikely to do it very well." Conservatism in government, politics and economics is a disaster as he so accurately explains. The Shock Doctrine explains how and why.

the most relevent book in our modern economic and political history. read this and you will understand everything in yesterday, today and tomorrows headlines.

I was just finishing this book as the republican candidate for president was announcing his plan to solve the gasoline tax crisis with a repeal of the gas tax for the summer. This tax is dedicated to transportation infrastructure. He is on record for making the Bush tax cuts to the wealthy permanent while the costs of the Iraq war are estimated at three
trillion and the paper held by Japan and China. His solution for all this deficit is to cut spending elsewhere rather than to pay for war as we go.
This is the same game plan explained in this book used from Chile to
Katrina. Manufacture or exploit a crisis and privatize legitimate government functions as a government is weakened.

This book is important, excellent and deeply moving. I think it's best read as an account of the origins of neoliberalism plus an inventory of the ways that neoliberal governments have undemocratically imposed unpopular, harmful economic "reforms" over the angry objections of their populations. Since almost all our politicians are neoliberals now, and since most Americans don't know what neoliberalism is (amazon.com's spell checker claims it's not even a word), this book should be widely read, though it may not be. It tells the story of the rise of the world's reigning economic ideology, and Klein zeroes in on what is perhaps that ideology's greatest contradiction: while neoliberals extol freedom of choice, populations that are free to choose reject neoliberalism. Thus, in a succinct, poignant and accurate formulation of Eduardo Galeano's that Klein repeatedly quotes, "People were in prison so that prices could be free." However, I found Klein's thesis-type thing, the parallels she draws between electroshock therapy and economic shock therapy, shocks to the body and shocks to the body politic, to be shallow and unconvincing. It's an analogy, not an analysis. With that said, Klein gave me a clearer understanding of the ANC's sellout than I had after studying abroad in South Africa, and her first 128 pages is the most powerful and moving passage of political writing I've ever read. So get it, read it and think about it: this is the history of the present.

Naomi Klein's frightening and dead honest and impecible researched explains the past and the current of the incredible unethical and immoral behavior of those in power in the Administration today and linking it with the situations, that I have first hand knowledge of in Chile, where the engineered kidnapping, slaughter, torturer of Chilean citizens was done by Kissinger and Nixon, following the outlandishly immoral and unethical and always failed, sick thoughts of Milton Freidman. The scariest part is the Bush/Cheney and his band of Anti-American, Pro-terrorist actions are doing to the U.S. what they aer doing to Iraq and have to do many countries in South America. Fortunately Chile through out Pinochet and Chicago boys and restored a democracy with the last two remarkable Presidents were people who were tortured by the U.S. trained Chilian military of Pinochet.
Thr torture and bombing with "shock and awe" in Iraq, is the same thing that was done in Chile and in Argentina, Brazil and for the first time, in t he U.S. by ouor own administration. The intention economy rotting deficit spending, offshoring of all of ouor manufacturing, the expanding gap between the haves and have nots, destruction of the middle class, 20 bilion a month on Iraq and privitizing the military (180,000 mercenaries), the recovery effort for profit by Haliburton (who still have Cheney on its payroll). They did NOT expect Iraquis to fight back.
We are getting the same "shock and awe" treatment by destroying the economy, the illegal spying on U.S. citizen, BY THE U.S, itself, the creation of a fascist Corpocracy. Destruction of public education. Listen to the neo com/neoliberal mombling of old man McCain about cutting social prograns, which we need more of, BUT to never cut feeding of our taxpayer money to war contractors. The worthlessness of the dollar.
Same, same, same. It has failed horrible every place else, and will keep failing as pure unadulterated evil should fail.

Incredible book. Heck, you can just look at the declassified documents at the library of Congress to see about Nixon/Kissinger's intent for the Corporate takeover of a long time democracy in Chile.

Jon

Laura has made a career of spotlighting and supporting the people. She not only reminds her readers (and listeners) the power lies with us, but more importantly, politics is not just for the politicians. Blue Grit is a guidebook for anyone wanting to get involved in changing the Democratic party from a beltway Republican-Light party into one where the power flows from the bottom up and the party leaders recognize it. The stakes have never been higher, thanfully Laura is here to help show the way.

I just finished reading this book, and my take-away impression is that half the book is about brave individuals working alone or together in little three-or-four-letter-acronym political activist groups to advance "progressive" causes, and the other half is about what is wrong with the Democratic Party.

The book is half blue grit, and half blue snit. It seems there's a split in the Democratic Party these days, and in this book Laura Flanders explains in detail why and how this came about. This would be interesting reading, I would think, to anyone who's into politics, be they on the right or the left.

I don't consider myself a "progressive", but I enjoyed this book mainly due to the detailed accounts of the inner workings of politics, at least on the Democrat side. I also enjoyed Laura's fun, upbeat, not preachy and not mean writing style. I don't agree much with her politics, but I'm reviewing her book not her politics, and it's fun to read.

My one major criticism of the book in general has to do with the order in which material is presented. We start out with detailed accounts of people and activist groups I've never heard of in states where I don't live (Utah, Nevada and Montana) and the one-little-story-after-another just got quite tedious after a while. I almost stopped reading the book after the first two chapters. I suppose a "progressive" would just love this stuff but not being one I found it boring after a while. It would have worked better for me to start with the national stuff that I've been watching in the news for the past few years and then work into the local stories.

One thing this book did for me is confirm what a "progressive" is for me. According to Laura on page 9, "Those on the Left, to a greater or lesser degree, hold to a belief that this whole society is set up to serve those with power and wealth, and oppress all those without." And that's why I don't call myself a "progressive" because this sounds like good old-fashioned 19th century Marxism. Are we still in the South before the Civil War? Do we live in Russia in 1916? How cynical can you get? I would never be confused with someone wealthy or powerful, but a lot of the way our society is set up does serve me, and I don't feel particularly oppressed by anyone or anything. Perhaps I'm just not enlightened enough.

Another thing I would have appreciated is a real bibliography. There are "notes" in the back, and just enough for me to realize that someone who worked on this book understood the concept, and then did just little enough so that it looked like they didn't care.

Then there's the stuff I found downright funny.

On page 178, Ms. Flanders writes, "Much as I love my listeners on Air America Radio, for example, it worries me how little they like to hear from anyone with an opposing point of view." That kind of honesty is as unusual as it is refreshing.

On page 158, she writes about the Fairness Doctrine and says, "The elimination of the doctrine, by the Federal Communications Commission under Reagan, opened the door for Rush Limbaugh and around-the-clock, one-note, wingnut talk radio." The irony of that coming from an Air America personality is beyond words.

On page 186, Ms. Flanders is writing about why the rich out vote the poor. She writes, "In contrast to most advanced democracies, the right to vote in the United States isn't conveyed automatically with citizenship and coming of age. Voters have to prove themselves and always have, and the challenges related to registering, qualifying, and having one's vote be counted have always worked to help manipulate or suppress votes." Really? I can't even remember what, if anything, I had to do to get my voters' registration card. I haven't had to do anything since. My biggest problem with voting is forgetting to do it.

Anyway, this is a fun book to read regardless of the author's politics. And, unlike preachy pundit books, even someone on the other political side from the author can learn something.

I loved this book, I simply didn't want it to end. Another volume maybe, Laura?

Flanders is a top-notch storyteller, social observer and enthusiastic cheerleader for progressive social change. Her style is refreshing and human; she's tough on all the right assholes, gentle with the good guys and emphatic as she bursts many a bubble of disinformation, misinformation and outright deception. But more than anything, her stories of the courage and committment of small "d" democratic activists across the country make you want to jump into the fray and make a difference in the ways her heroes did.

It's easy living in a progressive city (Flanders reminds us that every metropolis with a population above 500k went for Kerry--take note DNC) to feel defeated by the inability to make real change that matters. For a year following the disastrous 2004 election, Flanders crossed the country, from New Orleans to Utah, from Montana to the Vegas Strip. And while the post-election pundits chastised the Democrats for not being mainstream and centrist enough, Flanders tells us the real decisive victories happened on the progressive left. In union halls. On Indian reservations. With young people. All of whom pounded the pavement to wrack up historic numbers in terms of voter registration and Democratic votes. And yet the Democratic Party infrastructure, ever the gang that couldn't shoot straight, under-appreciated, misunderstood and outright negated these victories time and time again. Flanders talks about the union rep who remarked that "Republicans reward their friends, Democrats reward their enemies."

Flanders' frontline reportage is biting and witty, acerbic and generous. Here she is on the lack of grassroots infrastructure to support change long term: "What the [Democrats] built was a Penthouse Party: all top-floor suites, no load bearing walls, no foundations, no functioning stairway to the street." Time and time again she nails it. What I loved is that like Ira Glass on an episode of This American Life, you find the dramatic, detailed account of regular folks fighting the good fight inspiring and memorable. More, more, more.

The title of the book tells all: another oxymoron not worthy of a rebutal.

Why some people think the Democratic (or for that matter, the Republican Party) can be changed from within is beyond the scope common sense. Flanders will jump on the Democratic nominee's bandwagon regardless of the candidate. Like the Republicans, the Democrats represent corporatations; those who pour billions into their campaigns. These are not donations at all, but rather 'investments' and corporations expect a return for those investments by way of legislation favorable to their agendas.

If you really want to read something insightful about politics in America, try A Peoples History of the Unites States by Howard Zinn.

Blue Grit is what the Democratic Party needs. It's a little bit like soul it's a lot like grits. Whether they get it or whether they will ever get it is another story.

The story that Laura Flanders tells in her prescient book is one that the fourth estate--fawning over Barack Obama's rout in Iowa--would have been well advised to read. They might have learned a thing or two: That progressive movements are not built over night and that they are not built on the backs of candidates, no matter how inspiring they are. Flanders is not a conventional campaign correspondent--conventional campaign correspondents don't actually cover campaigns; they cover candidates--and that is why Blue Grit, which chronicles progressive change in unlikely places, is much more valuable than the daily dose (often mind numbing) of political reportage. For a good example, see Flanders' recent stories in the Nation magazine on why the current campaign is not about Obama and why the real battle is not between Obama and Clinton but between the suites (the penthouse party) and the streets.

Flanders is more attuned to the people who make political change, often against great odds, than anyone else writing today. Thus her book is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the current moment, a field guide to a more promising political future.

What is happening and what will happen in '08? As Flanders points out, the Democratic gains in '06 "didn't usher in new power for a new agenda." But the political shift is taking place at a different level. "The top of the ticket is not where the action is. Political change, as opposed to personnel change, works from the bottom up..." Will we see political change in the next election or just another changing of the guards?

Just an all around amazing book! Buy it, and change the world

How can community leaders and activists organize campaigns for social change when protesters have cause to fear for their safety? The Global Activist's Manual gathers success stories of organizers and organizations around the world who have battled against the odds to improve conditions for workers, address social issues, or improve community quality. Most important are step-by-step guides to different strategies for making community connections, connecting movements, and obtaining media coverage and support.

Collaboratively edited by community activists Mike Prokosch and Laura Raymond, The Global Activist's Manual: Local Ways To Change The World is an invigorating, practical, "hands on" and user friendly guide to making a difference and fighting back against the worst excesses of corporate globalization. Individual chapters cogently address methods for building local, national, and international coalitions; confronting explicit and implicit white supremacy; informing consumers and organizing boycotts; working with elected officials to effect change; getting media coverage, and a great deal more. The Global Activist's Manual is very highly recommended for anyone, anywhere, who wants to put forth a genuine and effective effort to make the world a better place.

I salute the efforts of these authors, but the book did not do what the title suggests - provide a blueprint as to how the reader could become an activist.
The book primarily consists of brief stories of activism which, while interesting, do not provide enough detail or direction such that someone who wants to become more of an activist will know how to do it.
There's a section of practical tips that begins on page 242. These seem to be aimed mostly toward causes addressed by a group, and some are helpful (such as the suggestion that one call members who did not attend the previous meeting, so the members do not lapse into complete inactivity).
Some suggestions are perhaps not as useful. As a former newspaper employee, I would disagree with the author's advice that an activist send a press release to the media on the morning of or the day before the event -- the morning of is too late. Also, the authors suggest that an activist put 75% of their energy into writing the headline and first paragraph of a press release. But newspapers almost always write their own headlines, so I would suggest simply writing a clear headline that indicates what the content of the article is. Then move on. There are some useful websites and organizations listed toward the end of the book.
It is not that this book is without merit, since the stories of other campaigns are interesting, if not explored in great detail. They are written in an interesting way. But it isn't really clear how the reader could become an activist.

It is a great and very easy book to read. I respect the Authors and what they have written.

This useful anthology gives some idea of the vast range and depth of the US and British anti-war movements. It explores the impact of the `war on terror' from Palestine to Iraq, and looks at the US and British states' attacks on civil liberties and on public opinion.

In her excellent contribution, Arundhati Roy claims that capitalism undermines not national sovereignty, but democracy: in fact it undermines both. She rightly links the `war on terror' to the economic system that drives it, and points out that capitalism's international bodies, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation are all undemocratic, anti-national and secretive.

The best-researched piece is by Naomi Klein, author of No Logo and The Shock Doctrine. She calls our current system `disaster capitalism'. She observes that after 9/11, Israel increased its military spending by 10%, financed by social services cuts. This increase funded 350 new hi-tec firms specialising in security, surveillance and weapons: one firm is revealingly called `Instinctive Shooting International'. Israel now holds six counter-terrorism conferences a year, and Forbes Magazine calls it `the go-to country for anti-terrorism technologies'.

Similarly, in the USA the Spade Defense Index, for defence, security and aerospace stocks, has risen by 15% every year since 9/11. Firms profit from the destruction caused by the wars that their states begin, then they profit again from contracts for rebuilding, then profit again by not actually rebuilding anything. Klein has rediscovered Lenin's insight that "war is terrible - and terribly profitable."

No Logo is a book about the capitalist takeover on the world. For me I was real excited to read up on how the corporate world is screwing us over taking up every nook and cranny of the public and private space. The brand is almighty, and everyone without a keen eye worships the brand (ie Nike). Its a bit out of date because there are newer ways for the brand to seep into the public conciousness that aren't explained obviously before cell phones got bigger and with the popular explosion of online streaming video.

I didnt find it too relevant to today, and some of it was hard to understand, and the more it got deeper into the politics of injustice of the brands, it got harder to read. It felt like a constant bash through my head about the evils of corporations and halfway through I felt like "okay! brands are evil, the corporations are taking over, what can I do?" Although I did find it informative on what exactly IS going on behind closed doors. I wish Ms. Klein would do an update on a blog about the current world. However if you're new to things like this its a good read, if you're a little more up and up on the politics beforehand.

This book was a real eye opener. I was surprised to read about some of the slimey business practices of big companies like Nike, etc.
All in all, it was a great read for pure interest purposes.

It was well written exploring many aspects of branding, culture jamming, and production.

This book will leave you with frustration and questioning how you change change something, and what CAN you buy that isn't made from Export Processing Zones.

It does give great information but yet leaves you frustrated and feeling helpless that you can't change the current conditions or avoid buying products made in places like china, el salvador, indonesia where they treat their workers worse than dirt.

Nobody is exploited in capitalist system. Why? Becouse if you don't like your job, you always can quit. It doesn't matter, if you are a worker from a thirld world country or a Fortune 500 CEO. You always have a right to quit.

On the other hand, if goverment demands something from you, you can't refuse. You can't quit the army if you are drafted. You can't refuse to pay taxes.

Only goverment has the power to exploit anybody. Corporations can only give opportunities.

People don't quit their jobs, because for some reasons they want the money. They are not thrilled at the perspective of making everything for themselves: food, clothes etc. They prefer to make some money and then BUY the goods they want.

And people who really don't want to be 'exploited' by corporations grow their own food and live happily.

This simple logic is ignored by Naomi Klein.

Since I work in marketing research I guess I shouldn't wish for the destruction of all brands. But I would definitely be more than happy to change careers if it meant I got to see Nike, Monsanto, Walmart and all the other destroyers of our (world) society topple.

The only reason this book didn't get 5 stars is that it made me so angry and made me feel so helpless. Don't get me wrong, Ms. Klein also adds a healthy dose of optimism about how "the movement" has evolved and continuously found new ways to out companies for their misdeeds. It was also very enjoyable to see how corporate missteps caused them even more grief (and millions of dollars). McDonald's execs saying, "Coke is healthy, it has water in it." made me smile for days.

So if you're a devout capitalist I would say this book's probably not for you. But if not, you'll get a good idea what's happening so that the richest 10% of the world can be super-consumers of cheap branded products. I'm motivated now to go to my (extremely liberal) church and give a presentation so that we can (collectively) give some of these corporations a little kick in the bottom line.

Allen Raymond has written a witty but cynical view of politics as "played" today. He basically portrays the superiority of the Republican party to play "hardball" and shows the Dems as mostly whining about the "system".

Virtually nothing has changed. This is a great read but it will make you cynical about our political process. Raymond does throw down the gauntlet at the end of his book and challenge citizens to make a difference.

But to make a difference, citizens would have to read this book and understand the fallacy of having millionaire pundits and news readers shaping the political landscape.

This is not dry reading. Raymond and his co-author have made this view of our political sewers most entertaining. Maybe the man is bragging about how he played the game. But most citizens don't understand the game. If we did, we would demand a meaningful dialog of public policy issues. But any politician who tries that is lampooned by the media as boring. Our culture wants to be entertained. Mr. Raymond shows how dangerous that can be.

Allen Raymond gives us an insider's view of how one has to operate to work up the career ladder of the modern GOP, and it ain't pretty.

If not for the amorality involved, a number of the episodes would be even funnier, with how language is narrowly and lawyerly parsed to claim legality for ethically dubious actions, for example.

Suck-up-itis toward GOP higher-ups combined with various forms of shivving and back-stabbing toward equals is also funny. At the same time, it increases the pressure to produce results, such as what Raymond did.

Also interesting, just as an aside, was his observation about the cliqueishness and status-conscious nature of the Village of insider Washington, such as Congressional chiefs of staff dine only with other chiefs of staff, and not legislative assistants, etc.

The biggest thing I found missing was a bit more on the post-prison Raymond. Is he still a Republican? Independent? Democrat? Is he now apolitical? As someone in a position to know, does he have recommendations on how to further reform the current campaign and campaign finance situation?

Also, although he expressed some degree of regret at his resentencing hearing, how does he feel now, with more hindsight? And, what exactly is he doing with his life and career?

The second biggest thing that's missing, which may align with another reader's impression that this was a bit of a rush job? No index.

Overall, a pretty informative work on the "sausage making" of campaign politics, but could have used some more depth.

If you have ever wondered what the insides of politics looks like, this is the book for you. It is not a Republican bashing book if that turns any prospective readers away. It simply tells the life and career of a Republican worker, who happens to sway the election to their side in his own way.

The author is very easy to read and hilarious at times. He basically is a Karl Rove, but just lower in rank.

This book is a great, quick read and should be on all political junkies' shelves.

This book was so entertaining - I couldn't wait to find out what happened next. And the author's writing style is amazing - I actually laughed out loud so many times! This book,I believe, is an accurate description of what happens behind the scenes during political campaigns.

The book may offer little new information for political junkies that follow these events daily, but is a great introduction to dirty politics for novices. I am definitely going to have my soon-to-be-18 daughter read this so that she can see through the tricks and is not easily manipulated.

Raymond talks very candidly and in great detail about how fraudulent direct mail and phone calls corrupt the electoral process, and how vast amount of money slosh around, saturating and distorting any attempts at actual informed democracy.