Events Books

I wrote the review of Yalof's Pursuit of Justices for the New York Law Journal (December 10, 1999). Yalof describes how nominees for the Supreme Court were chosen during the Truman through Reagan pesidencies. His subject is novel, painstakingly examined and offered in a sustained, readable prose. His book deserves shelf space in libraries public and private. Its harvest of facts catches and holds one's attention, and is so full that no review can do its details justice. Of the seven presidencies, those covering Nixon and Reagan should be read first for sheer enjoyment at the site of a driven nomination process in high gear. The seventh chapter, an exposition of the forms and problems in nominee selection, is in itself a handbook that should be kept in the right hand drawer of a President's desk, its copies to be distributed among those humble Machiavellians who even now are laying long-term plans for their nominations.

This book details the selection process of Supreme Court nominees from 1945 to the present. The book focuses on the President and his decision process in selecting nominees. While there is solid analysis of the nominating process, the real value of this book is its inside historical narration of the nomination process. Overall the book is lucid and well written. For anyone interested in the Supreme Court this book is a must read.

Yalof has done a tremendous job on a very important subject, the process by which presidents select their Supreme Court nominees. He identifies the most widely used presidential approaches to the selection process, as well as isolating ten factors that have changed the modern day selection process.

Yalof then applies these broad factors to each of the nominations made to the Supreme Court since the Truman Administration. Of particular interest is his coverage of the Reagan nominees, especially Judge Bork.

Yalof's book would be a great one for an introductory class about the Supreme Court. Using tons of primary source material, it is a fascinating look into how and why presidents choose the Supreme Court nominees they do.

This fascinating and well-written piece will soon grace the desk of journalists and decisionmakers everywhere, as new spots inevitably open up on the nation's highest bench. Yalof's first work is a triumph of scholarship, storytelling, and insight.

I reviewed Yalof's Pursuit of Justices for the New York Law Journal (December 10, 1999). He describes how nominees for the Supreme Court were chosen during the Truman through Reagan presidencies. His subject is novel, painstakingly examined and offered in a sustained, highly readable prose. His book deserves shelf space in libraries public and private. Its harvest of facts catches and holds one's attention, and is so full that no review can do its details justice. Of the seven presidencies, those covering Nixon and Reagan should be read first for sheer enjoyment at the sight of a driven nomination process in high gear. The seventh chapter, an exposition of the forms and problems in nominee selection, is in itself a handbook that should be kept in the right hand drawer of a President's desk, its copies to be distributed among those humble Machiavellians who even now are laying long-term plans for their nominations. If you want to keep awake at night, read Yalof's description of how Nixon toyed with the idea of "sticking it" to the Democrats by nominating Senator Robert Byrd who had obtained his law degree while in the Senate and had never practiced law, and if that doesn't do it, try Nixon's consideration of vice president Spiro Agnew for appointment to the court.

NOT REALLY A FAN OF MILITARY HISTORY, BUT FOUND THE EARLY RELEASE ON THIS BOOK--LITERALLY IMPOSSIBLE TO PUT DOWN. IT WAS GREAT TO SEE FAMOUS PEOPLE IN HISTORY WIN BY THE CONTENT OF THEIR CHARACTER, NOT JUST BY THE COLOR OF THEIR MONEY OR TOYS !

WE SEE THE FAILURES OF CHARACTER EVERYWHERE TODAY, THIS WAS A BREATH OF FRESH AIR..

I never thought of reading about military history until I read this book! Gaebelein brilliantly uses stories of individuals to drive home the points he and Simmons make about character. Great for business travelers and families alike!

This is an excellent book, a must read for people in leadership positions. It provides a superb complement to Sun Tzu ("The Art of War"). The examples are far from what might be expected.

Excellent Book! This book is well written and a pleasure to read. The authors take a challenging topic--the value of good character--and very clearly demonstrate through historical examples the benefits of developing this foundation for good leadership. They use great examples that are intertwined and continuously reinforce the points being made. This is a compelling and inspiring book about leadership, not history.

Maybe if history was taught with this kind of flare in high school we all would have paid closer attention. However, the thrust of this book is not a history lesson but practical business advice that can be garnered from the success and failures of others in certain historical events. The one element that makes itself clear through this book (which is a quick read with some heavy thoughts) is that character is timeless and is what ultimately determines the success or failure of an individual or organization. "Character" is a useful book no matter what stage of your career you are in as it provides a look into common human characteristics that often confirm one's own findings or identifies potential shortcomings that may not be so visible. My only criticism is that some of the historical content can be hard to follow at times. The main value I see in this book is that it draws lessons from substance.

I write this after reading the morning paper about retaliatory attacks between Hamas inspired militants and the Israeli government that resulted in the deaths of innocent civilians on both sides. It is a too familiar and painful story over the past months and years. Decision makers on both sides of this divide would do well the take a few moments from their mutual distrust and animosity to read Mary Elizabeth King's new book, A Quiet Revolution. Painstakingly researched and gloriously written, it tells a story of hope for nonviolent change and documents the arduous journey of peace-seeking activists involved in the first Palestinian Intifada.

After an uplifting review of decisive moments across the span of human history in which nonviolent resistance yielded positive and even revolutionary change (and there are more examples than commonly meets the untutored eye), Mary King plunges into the little know story of repeated attempts by Palestinians to defend their rights using non-violent methods. Occurring during the decades following the Balfour Declaration, these courageous efforts occur against the backdrop of accelerating Palestinian armed resistance that echoed similar efforts on the other side. Her own profiles in courage and imagination include Mubarak Awad, Jonathan Kuttab and Gene Sharp who were among "the accoucheurs for the Palestinians' catalytic alterations in thinking on nonviolent struggle" during the decade of the 1980s and beyond. Completely unattached to the PLO, their peaceful insurgency sparked mobilization that eventually led to the first Intifada. She also points to the East Jerusalem and Ramallah activist intellectuals who struggled vainly against the predations of the PLO to keep the first Intifada from turning violent. As the story of this resistance unfolds, regrettably both sides contribute to the sad narrative of escalating violence. The author gives full expression to the hope for an alternative narrative reminding us again and again that it could have been different.

By documenting the advances achieved during the "non-violent" phase of the Intifada, and corollary movements around the world, Mary King's book forcefully reminds us of the potential durability of solutions that emerge from non-violent resistance. We have only to look around to conclude that resorting to violence doesn't work.

I think the press is slanted toward Israel and Mary Elizabeth King gives a very unbiased picture of the Israeli-Palestinian situation.

Mary Elizabeth King's book, A Quiet Revolution, presents a thorough, documented description of the first intifada (uprising) of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza during the years of December 1987 through the late 1990's. It is a textbook on non-violence, really, and should be used in college courses on peace, non-violence, conflict resolution, etc.

I have been a close student of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the early 1960's, but I missed the significance of the Intifada. As King says, coordinated, non-violent resistance is hard to spot. It consists of a demonstration here, a sit-in there, a store closing in another location. Only a trained eye can see that there is a coordinated effort underway.

The book is full of stories of how the Palestinians coordinated their efforts. Such simple things as not observing the onset of daylight saving time (by setting watches ahead two weeks early) infuriated the soldiers who smashed watches that were not set at the correct time. Why? Because they are showing that they cannot be controlled. Leaflets announcing sit-ins were passed arm to arm during prayers when men are standing and kneeling arm-to-arm. The humanity and dignity of those who tried to bring their situation to the attention of the world is vividly described in this "must-read" book for anyone trying to understand the conflict in Israel and Palestine.

King, Mary Elizabeth. A Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistance. New York: Nation Books, 2007.

This is an incredibly important book. The author details the overwhelmingly nonviolent first Palestinian Intifada (usually translated as "shaking off"). This is a quite thorough discussion that includes many interviews and archival research dating back to the 19th century. King employs theoretical discussions of nonviolent pioneers like Gandhi and Martin Luther King though she tends to employ a perspective developed by Gene Sharp (usually referred to as strategic nonviolence). She also develops ideas from Ernest Haas and Antonio Gramsci to explain the evolution and transference of nonviolent ideas and practices to the Occupied Territories. Given the dearth of scholarly or journalistic accounts of the nonviolent character of the first Palestinian Intifada, I suspect that quite a few readers will initially be skeptical. However, this book is very well researched.

Additionally, for those skeptical readers, I think that you will find the author's tone to be consistent with the nonviolent approach, primarily the notion that all human beings deserve respect (in this case Israeli and Palestinian). Further, she does not pull any punches and deals forthrightly with controversial issues like stone throwing and petrol bombs that were used in even during the most nonviolent phase of the Intifada.

Though the book includes significant and lengthy historical material as well as detailed discussions of the inner workings of various civil society organizations that developed during this period (1987-1990), the author does carry a strong argument: "the zenith, this phase produced the greatest and most enduring results of the uprising and lasted for more than two years, from January 1988 until March 1990, when leading figures were incarcerated" (296). In other words, the most nonviolent of this overwhelmingly nonviolent revolution was incredibly effective, resulting in significant political gains as well as the construction of a thriving civil society within the Occupied Territories. Though the gains of Oslo I and II were minimized over time as a result of Israeli backpedaling, the fact of the matter is that a few years of nonviolent activism were objectively more successful than decades of PLO advocacy of violent revolution.

King is also incredibly sensitive to Israeli fears. She concedes that it was Israeli fear that prohibited most Israelis from actually seeing that the first Intifada was not a movement to destroy Israel but rather a movement towards independence. In fact, one of the primary results of the Intifada was to reconcile a majority of Palestinians to the existence of Israel. Thus, the Intifada was waged against the occupation and against the PLO which was forced to concede acceptance of Israel in significant portions formerly Mandate Palestine.
King concludes with an epilogue that is both realistic and hopeful. She reinforces her earlier argument by indicating that further study of the development of a Palestinian civil society will benefit both Palestinians and Israelis. The nonviolent movement from 1987-1990 built institutions that have not been destroyed and there are leaders who have popular support among Palestinians who should be supported not jailed. As she says, the road to Israeli security lies through the creation of a Palestinian state and the road to a Palestinian state lies through a peaceful settlement with Israel.

Mary King has achieved an extraordinary feat. In A QUIET REVOLUTION she first demolishes the myth (especially popular among some academic experts on non-violent movements) that the first Palestinian intifada, or uprising (1987-1993), somehow wasn't "really" non-violent because of the iconic stone-throwing children. She demonstrates the strategic non-violence that in fact underpinned that movement, all the while recognizing that its mass popular character was an equally important feature. In doing so, King demonstrates how the breadth of that social mobilization - bridging class, gender, age, occupation, political views, factional affiliation -- made the first uprising so historically significant. And crucially, King understands, as so many observers of the photogenic intifada did not, that the real power of the uprising lay not in the children and teenagers challenging Israeli soldiers across the dusty streets of the occupied territories, but rather how it transformed and opened up Palestinian society itself. The very term, "intifada," refers less to direct resistance than to the notion of shaking up, or shaking out -- agitating and remixing sclerotic social relations.

Today, as Palestinians on the Gaza-Egypt border, those in the West Bank mobilizing non-violent direct action against Israel's Apartheid Wall and all those challenging the ever-encroaching expanexpansion of settlements, the lessons of the first intifada are more relevant than ever. We should all be grateful to Mary King for teasing out the lessons of history of that crucial time.

"Race to the Swift" is a sweeping review of military strategy, organization and logistics that has suffered little for being 15 years old. Yes, the NATO references are dated, but they in no way impact a core thesis that is even today ahead of its time. That said, this not an easy book to read; in spite of Simpkin's rather engaging, almost conversational writing style, the material is technical and dense. Moreover, given the comprehensiveness of the work, the reader will sometimes find himself or herself losing focus. However, if you are a student of military theory, and comfortable with the field, this is a book well worth the time it takes to read.

As one might imagine, "Race to the Swift" is a call for speed and stealth in military action. It's not just about technology, however; Simpkin goes to great lengths to examine political/home-front issues, logistics, and military hierarchy. Ultimately, though, these all serve as supporting evidence for his core argument: that the current heavy mechanized divisions of today are too slow in light of the incredible increase in available firepower on the modern battlefield. As an alternative, he calls for armored, stealthy, heliborne cavalry. Traveling in something akin to airborne tanks, capable of deploying on conventional tracks when necessary, these new formations would deploy off of submersible helicopter carriers. Obviously, this thinking is more revolutionary than evolutionary, some of it even smacks of science fiction, but the core validity of his argument, that an exponential increase in speed is called for, is undeniable.

Of particular note for the times we live in are the final few chapters, especially the last one. In them he examines what it means to "wage war" in the age of non-state actors. His arguments on the use of Special Forces backed by the appropriate application of conventional forces seems to have been borrowed wholesale by the planners of our operations in Afghanistan. Also very interesting is Simpkin's exploration of the legal language necessary to maintain the integrity of our western values in our post September 11th world.

In the end this is a work of immense value. As I said earlier, though, the reader has to be committed to taking something out of it. When you are, when you look past the Central European staging for the writing, you will find a work that is rich in both theory and practical application. The way in which it relates to our current situation is almost uncanny, and the guideposts it offers for the future are immensely valuable. I suspect that in the years to come we will hear many of Simpkin's ideas being revisited. The nation in general, and our leaders in particular would do well to pay them heed sooner rather than later.

Brigadier Simpkin in this work takes us to the cutting edge of battle asking for 3-D maneuver-capable "airmechanized" forces. These are forces that would have a combination flying aircraft and armored tank. This is still way ahead of its time as we are still struggling to get fixed and rotary-wing aircraft together with light tracked Armored Fighting Vehicles (AFVs) as the new book Air-Mech-Strike:3-Dimensional Phalanx by Dave Grange's group quotes Simpkin heavily. Simpkin is right though, we could create a LIGHT armored personnel carrier with rubber "band tracks" that could fold its rotors after flight if the same turbine engine that powered flight was geared to charge electric batteries/motors for silent stealthy operation--it would be a superb scout/recon machine that wouldn't have to burn fuel constantly to remain in a hover like today's scout helicopters, but could set down on the ground and revert to a less energing demanding ground vehicle operation. The entire Air/Land Fighting Vehicle would be made out of non-metallics and be radar-invisible. We could do this if we had the WILL in America to do great things, we certainly have the know-how (TECHNOLOGY) ; we only have to look at nature to see many types of flying insects that are dual ground/air movement capable. If we were to read Simpkin's book and allow ourselves to be re-inspired perhaps we could once again lead the way with conceptual greatness again in America.

THE RACE BELONGS TO THE SWIFT, BRIGADIER SIMPKIN!

This is one of the essential "middle ground" books in my lecture of core readings about strategy and force structure (see my list).

Brigadier Simpkin was one of the first, and is still among the best, to focus on the role that both C4I (command, control, communications, and intelligence) as well as rotary wing capabilities (including vertical short take off and landing) would play in placing eyes on target, boots on the ground, and in strategic, operational, and tactical mobility.

He notes that secret C4I is largely counterproductive.

He also focuses on the dramatic implications for force structure as well as intelligence of "out of area" (OoA) operations becoming the norm. The United States and the rest of the world are, for example, completely unprepared for no-notice asymmetric and tribal warfare in Africa, where the United Nations is trying to deal with five complex emergencies as this is written (Burundi, Congo, Ivory Coast, Liberia, and Sudan).

If you can get a copy used, go for it. Worth republishing.

First published in 1985, Brigadier Simpkin's book has a forward from General Donn Starry and another from MajGen Perry Smith, USAF (Ret.) and one of our best strategic thinkers. It is the best book I have found to date with which to begin any discussion about the future of warfare. This was the book that inspired my conceptualization of the four warrior classes and also deepened my understanding of the relationships between mobility, accuracy, intelligence, tempo, mass, politics, and cost.

Not for your average Joe, but Simpkin's thesis should not be lost on anyone: swiftness. Since first published, the world has witnessed numerous conflicts which either could have been avoided, concluded earlier, or fought more decisively if effective forces could have been deployed much faster. It is incredibly pertinent in the emerging era of the asymetrical approach, where threats emerging faster and in a wide variety of terrain. (We can't expect future adversaries to give us months to build up massive mechanized forces in ideal terrain like Hussien did!) Simpkin points out very practical limitations to our current heavy forces -- like getting a 70 tonne tank over a third-world bridge or down a narrow twisting road. As the US Army begins retooling for the 21st century, Simpkin's work is incredibly relevant. Not the easiest book to follow, but worth the effort.

Rainbow Remedies offers insight into personal loss. Grief is handled differently by everyone. I have read and reread this book
and I pick up something new everytime I read it. Survival is our main goal in life, but we all endure many things along the way.
This author has found a very straightforward approach to common
people and their personal losses. Can't wait for a 2nd book by Joanne Hill.

Joanne Hill used her years of emotional devastation and, subsequently, searching for rainbows (literally and figuratively) to produce a narrative of healing, encouragement, and inspiration. We meet the fascinating people who populated her life, some who remain, and many who were snatched away by death. She describes "stories of strange and mysterious happenings, miraculous coincidences and wondrous people who came to us out of chaos, troubles and sorrow." Woven throughout the chapters are the seven remedies Hill developed for surviving crises of death, illness, loss of relationships, and loss of personal possessions, and for finding joy in living. Hill's book offers food for reflection and - perhaps - a glimmer of the rainbow that reminds us that life does, indeed, move on, and we are often the stronger and happier for it.

Have you ever wondered where an author found their ideas? Well, many, many times I have. In Rainbow Remedies for Life's Stormy Times, the author provides an extensive reading list of writers that have guided her on her path. Her painstaking work provides an opportunity for the reader to do further exploration on their own. Though the author writes extensively about how she dealt with the many deaths in her family, the book is much, much more than that. Grief occurs with the loss of anything. I consider this a must read book for anyone who wants to help themselves to a happier, more successful life.

In Rainbow Remedies For Life's Stormy Times, author Joanne Hill shares self-help remedies for surviving and thriving after emotional shocks and hard times. She gained this invaluable insights when twelve members of her family died within a four year span. Readers will find her seven remedies to survive crisis and go on to live a "rainbow" life; a potent formula to heal loss and painful relationships; seven ways to help others without exhausting yourself; a powerful treatment to ease fear and anxiety; and eighteen questions to empower the choices you make. Articulate, inspiring, practical, and totally accessible, Rainbow Remedies For Life's Stormy Times is strongly recommended reading for anyone struggling with the shocks, loss, and disappointments that any of us are at risk for.

"Rainbow Remedies for Life's Stormy Times" contains the wisdom that Joanne Hill has acquired as she worked through some of the stormy times of her life. And what stormy times she has had! Among other things she lost twelve members of her family over a four year time period.

Throughout the book she shows the reader how to see the rainbows in the face of stormy times. She presents seven "remedies" (coping processes) that are useful in dealing with difficult times. These seven remedies are 1) Stop, Look, Listen and Learn, 2) Praise and Thanksgiving, 3) Accentuate the Positive, 4) Power of Choice, 5) Forgiveness, 6) Helping others Help Themselves, and 7) Support. Each of these has it's own chapter in which she distills the basic facets of the remedy and follows up with the ingredients or steps needed to use the remedy. Deeply moving at times, it is a highly recommended book for anyone hurting or trying to move on past a hurt.

What a conversation piece!!! Politicians beware!!!! Everything you say will come back to haunt you!!! Great book for all of us who enjoy watching our politicians eat crow!!

what a collection by a true master of the pen...Shakespeare? Dickens? Frost? Morons!

This book (as well as the Bush one) is packed with rare and just plain hilarious quotes by the former USA President. Most of these I've never heard before and the author leaves quite funny and relevant comments to further the humour. Highly recommended.

The best, funniest and most enjoyable way to remember all about Clinton! His greatest speeches, his greatest mistakes, his greatest virtues, his greatest flaws! This is a very original quote book, visually attractive, easy to read, and compilated with very intelligent and creative sense of humor. Youýll enjoy it from beginning to endýand back!!!

This book had me laughing from the moment I opened it. It is not only an insightful look at the former President's words, it's chock full of silly comments that keeps the pages turning and turning.

Totally cherished this book. the link said that the book was used, when i got it, it looked very new. couldnt believe it was used !

I know this author, Jean Sasson, from her PRINCESS Trilogy, and from her last book, ESTER'S CHILD. I had a difficult time finding this book, but was not disappointed with a second-hand copy. Although the book is obviously written in a hurry due to the situation at the time, and certainly not up to the quality writing of her last 4 books, you can tell that Jean Sasson cares passionately about these human beings and wants their stories to be told. I was surprised at her ability to interview so many high-ranking government officials but after reading her bio and seeing that she lived for 12 years in Arabia, I realized that she probably knows the "ins and outs" of the area. For certain, she is one brave lady and does not seem to concern herself with her own safety. Admittedly, she does seem to try and please everyone just a tad much, but I wonder if that is her Southern background--friendly and warm.
At any rate, I do admire this author and I think it was a story that needing telling by someone who obviously liked the Arabs being interviewed. The author seems to have a knack to not judge, and to try and get to the heart of the matter.
I recommend this book in light of the ongoing situation with Iraq. Who knows when Saddam will decide to go back to Kuwait? This author tells the truth of that invasion straight from the mouths of the people who survived a very brutal day. Let's just hope a second book about a second invasion is not in our future!

This harrowing book recounts the stories of individual Kuwaitis who suffered horribly in the days just after the Iraqi invasion in 1990. The focus on individuals makes the book all the more moving; the author's knowledge of and sympathy for the subject country comes through clearly. One can't knock the stories of the Kuwaitis; I was a little disappointed in the author (mention is made of the Kuwaiti government's lack of democracy, which she rationalizes by resorting to the old "a nation's internal policies are no one else's business" excuse, also used by none other than Saddam Hussein). For this, I was forced to deduct a star from the rating.

After reading all of Jean Sasson's other books (including her most famous "Princess") I was very glad to pick up, "The Rape of Kuwait." This is Jean's first book. The author describes how Desert Storm effected the Kuwaiti people. It's atrocious, and very sad and shocking in some parts, but also a riveting tale that should be told. I could not put this book down. I look forward to reading Jean Sasson's next book as she is one of my favorite authors!!!

This was clearly a quickly written book, but gave good details. The suffering endured by the Kuwaitis reminds me to be relieved that Saddam Hussein is no longer in power! But, what caught my interest the most was the author's knack for traveling alone throughout the Middle East. It's not unusual for tough male reporters to do that, but for a southern female, someone who is not even a reporter, to travel with such abandon is simply amazing. I was struck more than once by her bravery. Not only that, Jean Sasson seemed to be able to interview whomever she pleased, from the highest ranking Kuwaiti official to the ordinary citizens. I'd like to read this author's personal story myself. Is there such a book? If so, I would buy it.

This was a Christmas gift for my college age son. Book was in excellent shape and delivered in a timely manner.

Plato's philosophies regarding how to organize society is very real in today's modern world. The ideas regarding the honor class are clearly seen if one looks closely. I think this book should be required reading at some point in high school--perhaps people would be better able to see the reasoning behind many social structures thereby allowing them to make more informed decisions about what they believe and to whom they consider to be good leaders.

Plato's 'Republic' is one of the most important works of ancient Greek philosophy, and one of the foundation pieces of political science and political philosophy of that and subsequent ages. It was one of the first pieces I read when undertaking a political science degree.

Plato was not only a great philosopher, but also a great writer. While few master the classical Greek language sufficient to undertake its study in the original language, the text appears in countless translated forms of varying degrees of integrity. This particular translation is one that is often used in schools, and is fairly careful to the original text.

The text is traditionally divided into ten sections, although some scholars see this as being a function of the papyrus and scrolls of original composition more than being integral to the structure of the text itself. One of the interesting features of the Republic is that it was not originally intended for scholars and philosophers primarily, but for the common (albeit educated) reader, and remains one of the more accessible texts of ancient Greek philosophy.

In typical fashion, this is done in a dialogue fashion, with the lead character Socrates (fashioned after Plato's teacher, the great philosopher Socrates, although the words Socrates utters in this and many other Platonic dialogues are undoubtedly Plato's own). There is a discussion on method (the Sophist Thrasymachus shows up early to make disparaging comments about the Socratic method) whilst trying to determine an adequate definition of justice, as well as a discussion on the virtues and/or utility of wealth and old age early in the text. Socrates moves the discussion of justice away from the individual toward the communal, and this is where the political philosophy gets played out in full.

Book II shows the setting out of an ideal city (city-states being the most common form of political organisation in Greece at the time of Plato, with Athens and other cities competing for dominant role). Division of labour becomes an immediate necessity if a city grows beyond a small village setting, according to the theory here. These essentially become classes of people, with different rights and responsibilities, and different expectations of education and material well-being. The guardians or army class is the first one introduced, including an extensive discussion of the type of education and indoctrination such a class should have - this involves political and religious aspects.

It follows from this discussion that censorship is not only tolerated, but selectively preferred. The guardian class is elaborated upon - they are to be divided into rulers and helpers (officer and enlisted class, perhaps?), and they should live separately from the city they guard, owning no private property so as to not be corrupted or corruptible.

After establishing the just foundation of the city, the discussion returns to justice for the individual (interesting to note that what is not discussed is if justice is attainable in a non-ideal city). Justice, after all, is that state when everyone is doing what he or she should be doing, not meddling in other affairs, and exhibiting the virtues of moderation, wisdom, and courage. Justice becomes one of the virtues, and is part of an inner state of the soul of one living in such a society.

Interesting parts of the Republic include the very early idea for equal rights and responsibilities for women, particularly in the guardian class. It is unclear whether Plato was aware of how self-serving his dialogue would seem, since his argument leads to the `natural' conclusion that the only ones who could really be in charge in such an ideal city would be the philosophers. Plato is not an advocate for democracy, and pokes fun quite a bit at democratic structures; he similarly disapproves of most of other types of government (oligarchy, plutocracy, timocracy, etc.) - one can discern the frustrated politician here.

However, the real power of the Republic lies in Plato's remarkable images and metaphoric stories in the second half of the dialogue. These include his expositions on theories of the Forms, and trying to explain what the Good is, and how humankind interprets such things. The images of the ship, the Sun, and the men in the cave are powerful images that have lasted in popular literature since the time of Plato.

This is a classic of Western literature and of world literature.

The Republic is a grandiose work, without doubt the most important of Plato and one of the most impressive mankind' s intellectual monuments. Although it has regarded the Republic as the first politic utopia, one must not interpret this book solely as a work that it purposed itself as the description of an ideal State, but, above all as a text disposed to offer norms that, applied to the existent regimes at its historical moment, would rectify its deficiencies, specially in what concerned to Athenian democracy.

According Plato, the foru historical regimes are: the timocracy, the oligarchy, the democracy and the tyranny. So the democracy remained in a transient state between oligarchy and tyranny.

But this extraordinary essay does not exhaust itself in the theory of the State. Also contains the essence of the metaphysics and the theory of the knowledge. Specially famous the cavern's allegory, that exposes through a myth ( what so weird didn't you?) the platonic theory of the knowledge.

It has been said - with knack - that Peloponnesian War was the first ideological war in the history, dispute in which Esparto and Athens confronted themselves I mean the authoritarianism of the first one against the Athenian democracy, a true maritime Empire in those ages. and I think to myself that for Athens, the dispute was still more dramatic whereas some of their main families were traditionally enemies of its democratic system and obviously were congenial with Esparto, being perhaps the fundamental device that impulsed Plato to write this supreme bequeath for the posterity.

I just had one brief comment to make, more on the concept of justice as a whole as expounded on in The Republic, rather than on the many other facet's of Plato's classic.

Early on in the book there is the famous exchange between Socrates and the Sophist, Thrasymachus. Socrates asks him for his definition of Justice, and Thasymachus responds that "Justice is the interest of the stronger."

Socrates then uses his famous eponymous method to seemingly demolish the Sophist's position, and then presents his own view instead.

Unfortunately, I have to agree with Thrasymachus here, if only on practical and historical grounds. Justice usually is the interest of the stronger. Perhaps this is not what Justice should be in human and social terms, but that's the reality.

Socrates' definition is a nice ideal to strive for, but it rarely works out that way in practice. If one thinks of Thrasymachus' definition as simply pragmatic and realistic, and Socrates' definition as being the ideal that a true republic (or whatever society) should strive for, then I think this is a more accurate view of the situation. Socrates makes Thrasymachus' idea appear invalid, but in fact, his idea is more accurate in terms of how things actually work out in most parts of the world (and even in the US) than is Socrates' idea.

Furthermore, one only has to think of the U.S. and how much influence the special and monied interests have on the political process to see that Thrasymachus is basically right. Money is power, and power is what politics is all about. And whoever has money controls the political process.

Not that this is right or even desirable, it's just the way things are. Finally, it seems to be human nature to falsely profess to high ideals that one has no real intention of following oneself, but that if one can get others to ascribe to them, you will have an advantage. Perhaps this is another factor at the root of politics, in addition to the obvious ones, which are the money, power, and sex that ultimately drive it.

Cleveland and Noyes make a great case in their book for (as they say) shifting back to "bottom up government" as our founding fathers envisioned.

They both definitely know their subject and have well thought-out all issues they discuss in the book including taxes, prisons and the drug war, energy policy, farming, etc. There is a lot of ground covered here.

After reading each topic, I found my self in agreement with nearly every core belief of the libertarian party - it just makes SENSE as opposed to how we've been doing things here in the U.S. the last hundred years - we've sure strayed from the founding father's principals, including "limited government" - in today's society, you can't do ANYTHING without government involvement and taxation - so much for a "free market" economy. The book reads very well and the is a wealth of information in the Appendixes.

To sum it up: Clyde and Ed have written one of them most inspiring books about the POTENTIAL of government I have ever read - I'm so glad they have shared this vision as I'm sure this book will inspire many other people!

This book is amazing. It is written in a clear, simple, succinct manner. Clyde and Ed have really opened my eyes to the way our country is run. I knew that our government was out of the hands of the people, but I had no hope that anything could be done about it. Now I have not only learned the details of the corruptness of our power- and money-driven government, but I know that things can be changed. By adopting the principles of the Libertarian party, we can return our political structure to one that truly is of, by and for the people. We can return our earth and all its people, and our economy, to a state of health and vitality. I highly recommend this book to anyone who wants to understand why things are the way they are in this country, to anyone who wishes things could be better, to anyone interested in living a better life. After reading this book, I was delighted to go to the polls on election day and vote for all the Libertarian candidates. I only hope that our citizenry is deserving of what those candidates have to offer.

If you are like me, you are completely bored and frustrated with politics in our country. Our candidates flood the TV, airways & press, with personal attacks and negative campaigns. I am continually amazed at how hard they work to say nothing and make it last 30 minutes. Finally, there is a breath of fresh air. Finally, we have candidates that have alot to say. So much, that it took this book to make the information available to the public. This book explains their plans for restructuring the property tax system, eliminating state income tax, generating green energy for the entire state, restoring the power of the individual and much, much more.

Both authors of this book are running for office in Iowa. Clyde Cleveland is running for Governor and Ed Noyes is running for Attorney General. Regardless of the campaign tactics of the other candidates, Mr. Cleveland & Mr. Noyes continue to run their campaign's using the golden rule: Do unto others as you would have them do unto you. Their campaigns demonstrate the respect that they have for the individual and that is something that is in short supply in our government today.

Read a single chapter and you will be hooked. You won't want to put it down until you've finished it! Enjoy!

Clyde Cleveland and Ed Noyes have written a detailed plan for restoring Iowa, what they call America's "heartland." I was so moved by the PRINCIPLES by which these men live that I moved from Cleveland, OH to support Mr. Cleveland. I left my family and friends; I left two bands, found a new home for my dog, and left my full-time job working with the disabled to labor for the restoration of our true law. In my opinion, I have lost nothing in comparison to what the human race has to gain.

These two men have a plan for Iowa, but the principles--those of our founding fathers--can change the world.

I remember reading Orwell's "1984" and "The Tomorrow Files" by Lawrence Sanders and thinking this is great fiction, but what if they're right? It seems as if we have and continue to create the types of societies that authors with foresight have been warning us about.

Not being very political, I see it happening and have always thought that I can't do anything about the way we have been duped into thinking our two party system gives us choices.

"Restoring the Heart of America" not only discusses the problems our government has created, but offers real solutions for returning to a country of true freedom as outlined by our great forefathers. It is time to undo the damage that has been done, such as our dependency on foreign oil (or any oil, for that matter) and the way we have allowed large corporations to mold our future. We owe it to ourselves and future generations to stand behind leaders that will look out for the people, and not foreign entities and corporations with deep pockets.

At first, I thought that every Iowan should read this book so we can help lead our country in changing the world. I now urge all Americans to read this book and tell their friends to read it as well. It's a book that is clear and easy to read and can do a great deal in restoring our faith that we have the ability to make changes for the good of all. My hat is off to Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Noyes for the courage to take a stand on making changes that are essential to our continued freedom and way of life.

An excellent book for officers and supervisors alike. Chapters were well organized and material referenced appropriately. Following the book, any officer or supervisor will make better, more sound decisions on discipline.

If you are a supervisor, you MUST read this book. It provides a wealth of information, enough for a two week training course.

I'm a recently appointed supervisor of the Internal Affairs Division and this book contains information that protects both my department as well as the guys and gals employed here. Anyone looking for information relating to regulations pertaining to the Police Officer's Bill of Rights should look into this book.

As an Internal Affairs commander and, later, Chief of Police, the various editions of this book have been my first reference for the administrative processes. Now, as a consultant in the area of policy review and internal investigations, I recommend this book to my clients and students. Every police supervisor should have ready access to this book, and it should be on every IA investigator's desk.

This is a must have for every law enforcement officer no matter what his position or title. I wish I could provide everyone in my Department with a copy.

This was an excellent read. I must say as a public servent that all police officers should have an up to date copy of this book in his/her bag.