Events Books

I couldn't put this book down! The Politics of Deceit challenged my thinking on many levels. Though I am a regular voter, I often feel a sense of disconnect from the political process. By deftly blending the ideas from a variety of philosophers with his own anecdotal evidence to form a coherent argument for what he calls "freedom-to-experience", Smith has motivated me to engage in a more meaningful political dialogue with neighbors and friends. This intellectually stimulating book has reawakened my desire to explore more fully this grand experiment of democracy -- not as a bystander, but as a full participant.

While this book is titled "The Politics of Deceit: Saving Freedom and Democracy from Extinction" it is, above all, about freedom.

Smith breaks freedom into two primary categories. Freedom to will, he says, imposes restraints on others. Freedom to experience is a more extensive kind of freedom that, while limited at the boundary where others' liberties are encroached upon, also calls for responsibility to find common ground within our various differences.

From his experience in political campaigns he shows how political advertising is calculated for maximum psychological effect and that even those who are aware of its manipulation are not immune from its persuasion. If you remember, for example, a childhood memory of holding Bugs Bunny's hand at Disneyland then you'll be interested to read the chapter on televised ads.

Smith answers the question of "What is to be done" and foresees the internet and the emerging social media web sites such as web logs (blogs) as a means of democratizing the political process by encouraging broader participation.

I recommend this book for those who want to understand the deceitful manipulations of the political machine from a political insider who has a profound command of varied philosophical and scientific perspectives.

For the past several years, I have been disenchanted with the business of politics. The dishonesty, insincerity, and condescension was maddening and insulting. After reading this book, I understand why. According to Smith, we have been robbed of an authentic public sphere. Politics of Deceit delves into the roots of our democracy and defines what freedom means for us all. Smith has done his homework, as he refers to many of our greatest thinkers to back his own ideas. Smith says, it is necessary to redefine freedom because the politics of deceit demoralizes us all by substituting false idols for human freedom, by driving too many from the public sphere, and by creating a virtual polis inhabitied by oppressors who masquerade as liberators. In tackling the subjects of political advertising, news media, and voter suppression, Smith's credibility shines because of his obvious first hand knowledge. He has several practical solutions which give me hope that, if followed, I can make a difference.

Writers like Molly Ivins and Al Franken make us laugh and sometimes angry at how the conservatives maintain so much control in America. Glenn Smith makes us think -- about how we truly got here and how to get out. Smith shows how modern campaign practices -- the politics of deceit from the title -- corrode the system and rob us of our freedoms. To overcome the far right, Smith says progressives should quit trying to fight a war under rules written by the right. Instead, we should turn to the Net and grassroots organizing to reach out to the millions of non-voting Americans who can ultimately turn the tide. In the end, we must embrace the idea that none of us is truly free as long as one of us is not.

Smith is a troubadour of collectivist jingoism. A superior writer he employs the spectrum of propagandist tricks. From the non sequitur juxtaposition of the lynching fest (in the democratically run) old south with the unverified claims of "disenfranchisement" in the 2000 election to the skillfully employed passive voice -- the active voice requires a (falsifiable) subject -- to the howler that MoveOn.org is a grass roots organization he spins a bag of wild hairs from a crackpot old goat into a yarn thats convincing and elegant.

His flawless, graceful composition gives the perpetually banal socialist litany a lyric voice.

If only he used his powers for good instead of evil.

p.s. He took the time to proof read my review and email to me his delight in having a rightwing nutjob review his book. You're welcome.

I highly recommend this book for anyone who is interested in graduate studies in the social sciences or for those already in academia. Those who share Zinn's political and/or activist leanings have much to gain from this book. Even if one does not agree with Howard Zinn's politics, then one still needs to be immersed in these views to best learn how to refute them.

Howard Zinn is a teacher of social responsibility. This book breaks down American history into simple snapshots. He starts by examining who gains and who doesn't throughout history. The pattern is obvious. The government has had a long indifference to the poor. Zinn is a polished writer and a major force for good.

Howard Zinn tackles the biases of historians in this important book. His thesis, which he explores with case after case, is that historians employ a double-standard with regard to covering history, basically serving a propagandistic role in our society, camouflaging the bad deeds of business and government, even as they claim to be objective and neutral outsiders.

It's a similar argument that's made with the media, and no less important here. He argues persuasively (and thoroughly) for a radical approach to history, changing the role of historian to sideline cheerleader for the status quo to active participant in true social change.

Because this book deals with a lot of history, it may be of limited interest to folks who aren't already into history, hence the four-star rating. But for anybody who does find history interesting, I strongly recommend it.

Howard Zinn has the distinction of being both one of the most distinguished and provocative historians of the United States. His leftist philosophy permeates his writings and never fails to challenge his readers. "The Politics of History" is a superb collection of his earlier writings, originally published in 1970 but still persuasive in the twenty-first century. The twenty essays in the volume range from labor political history to historiography to issues of race/class/nationalism to freedom and responsibility. Throughout Zinn asserts a radical approach to history, one that "participate[s] a bit in the social combat of the time" (p. 3). He believes that the historian should be not just a reporter of the past but an advocate who interprets the past for the benefit of the present. He confessed, "My chief hope is to provoke more historical writing which is consciously activist on behalf of the kind of world which history has not yet disclosed, but perhaps hinted at" (p. 3).

Zinn explicitly pursues historical studies what adhere to the accepted standards of scholarship that also encourages "a higher proportion of socially relevant, value-motivated, action-inducing historical work" (p. 2). He believes it is time that scholars earn their keep in the world, and the best way to do that is to cease to be neutral, instead agitating for change in the world. All of his studies, including those in this collection, do just that by telling the story of the underrepresented, the dispossessed, and the trod upon. His emphasis is on class struggle, bigotry and racial strife, inequality and feelings of superiority, injustice, and nationalistic fervor.

I found especially useful Howard Zinn's statement in his essay in this volume on "LaGuardia and the Jazz Age": "There is an underside to every Age about which history does not often speak, because history is written from records left by the privileged. We learn about politics from the political leaders, about economics from the entrepreneurs, about slavery from the plantation owners, about the thinking of an age from its intellectual elite" (p. 102). His work represents an effort to move history in another direction. As he concluded in the essay, "Philosophers, Historians, and Causation," which also closes this volume: "So here is something for us to do: we can begin the withdrawal of allegiance from the state and its machines of war, from business and its ferocious drive for profit, from all states, all bullying authorities, all dogmas" (p. 368). Only in this way can historians begin to offer a new history of the world, and in the process, he hoped, become a cause of change.

This is a provocative collection, one that should be read by all who want to explore the history of the United States. It is alternative history at its best. It is political commentary that is both powerful and inviting.

Zinn makes perhaps the best points in this book early on, in his first essay "Knowledge as a Form of Power." Here he quite correctly notes that academia in America (and this is equally valid elsewhere in the world) tends to produce mountains of "inconsequential studies" which do little to add to our general knowledge or understanding, much less provide a basis for future action. What makes this statement so damning is that Zinn first wrote it over 30 years ago, and it's still applies today. Most of the essays in this book are dedicated to arguing that history and other social sciences should be more socially active, and that its practitioners should not hide behind objectivity and neutrality but rather "put their knowledge to work." Zinn backs the latter point by noting that even in the `hard' sciences there is subjectivity, which is what formulating theories is all about. Even so, several times he warns against omission or doctoring facts to suit the needs of idealism or ideologically driven agendas - in this context, he wisely includes this truism by Mannheim: "while ideology is the tendency of those in power to falsify, utopianism is the tendency of those out of power to distort." Zinn's views on scholarship and the philosophy of history are illuminating, and his specific essays dealing with the Ludlow Massacre during a miners' strike in Colorado in 1913, Hiroshima or the Allied bombing of the French town coastal town of Royan even after Nazi withdrawal (in which Zinn himself participated as a bombardier in U.S. warplane) provide a great deal of otherwise hard-to-find information and commentary on these events.

Karp, author of the brilliant book Indispensable Enemies, comes through again in this fascinating history book. Karp's underlying premise is that polticians start wars to destroy internal reforms wanted by the people. Here he shows how the Progressive movement was stymied by the Democrats and Republicans, with war as their chosen instrument.

Part I is a history of the Spanish-American War and here Karp shows how both parties colluded to bring on an unnecessary war. He firmly disagrees with the traditional historians who blame the war on the press. Part II continues this analysis, applied this time to the years leading up to another unnecessary war, World War I. Karp shows how Wilson drags the country into war, while all the time talking of peace. Once again the motivation is the same: thwart reform at home. Once the war has begun, Wilson uses the fake threat of German treachery to suppress the press and free speech of the American public. The last chapter is particularly chilling, as Karp gives the example of a woman jailed for saying the government is for the profiteers.

No political history has ever been done better. I am proud to give this book a 5 star rating and encourage anyone interested in history or politics to read this book.

This book is most provocative in its treatment of the generally revered Woodrow Wilson and the story of how (according to Karp) he cynically engineered our entry into WW I, motivated by Anglophilia and a messianic (and in Karp's view delusional) conviction that he could bring a new era of peace and justice to the world.

A number of books have made similar allegations about FDR and our entry into WW II, but at the end of the day, who cares? Does anyone really think the world would be a better place if the U.S. had stayed out of World War II?

WW I was quite a different kettle of fish, as Karp points out. It was not in any way clear that the U.S. had something to gain from involving itself in a sordid struggle in which neither side held the moral high ground. And Karp argues rather convincingly that Wilson was played for a fool -- he tipped the balance to Britain's Lloyd George and France's Clemenceau, only to see these enormously cynical and skillful politicians torpedo his "just peace" in favor of viciously punitive terms which ultimately led to the rise of Adolph Hitler.

Karp also discusses Wilson's suppression of free speech and his aggressive use of propaganda in favor of the war effort.

Karp was a frequent contributor to Harper's magazine who unfortunately died quite young a number of years ago. This little-known book should be read by anyone interested in America in the WW I era and in the development of modern American political culture. It's also worth studying if you want to understand better why U.S. public opinion was so resolutely isolationist up until the attack on Pearl Harbor. Wilson got his war, but the experience left a very bad taste in the mouth of the American public.

I am a student of history and enjoyed this book. It gives a real good look at behind the scene at political manipulation on a national level and you can draw comparisons to the present administration.

This is one of the best history books I have read in a long time.The first part of the book is about America's involvment in the Spanish American War and is very interesting,but it is the rest of the book,which deals with America's long slide into WWI that makes the book great.Karp totally demolishes all the old fairy tales about "peace loving" Woodrow Wilson being reluctantly forced into declaring war on Germany in 1917.Instead we see a Wilson who worked tirelessly for three years to drag the US into the war against the wishes of the vast majority of his nation's people.As Karp shows,Wilson and his ambassador in England,Walter Hines Page,virtually committed treason in their efforts to get the US into the war,routinely ignoring British violations of America's neutral rights and generaly putting the interests of England ahead of their own nation.The resistance of the American people was able to block Wilson's ambitions for almost three years,but in the end the wishes of the people didn't matter and the politicians(plus the press and Wall Street) got the war they had been hoping for.Sounds familiar doesn't it?

Walter Karp's "The Politics of War" is simply the most concise and powerful study in history I've ever read. Simply by sticking to the premise that history is made not by anonymous "forces" but by men of power acting out of self-interest, Karp turns stuff that was frankly dull in your high school textbooks - you remember the names: the Progressive Era, the gold standard, William Jennings Bryan, the Lusitania - into something not only gripping, but eerily reminiscent of what our nation is currently experiencing. Karp's portrait of Woodrow Wilson as a self-deluded, self-righteous, vainglorious would-be messiah determined to drag an unwilling nation into war to suit his own dreams of glory is especially powerful and damning.

The final chapter, "The Old America That Was Free and Is Now Dead," is simply the most powerful piece of writing I've ever read in a nonfiction work, comparable only to the conclusion of Hannah Arendt's "Eichmann in Jerusalem." No one could ever accuse Walter Karp of hating his country; he hated what a few people had done to it, and that, as all too many would like us to forget these days, is something very different.

As a past Camp Wellstone attendee, I wasn't sure whether I would find this book to be a rehash of the ideas and strategies taught in the wonderful training weekend. But I was inspired all over again by Politics the Wellstone Way. It articulates the best of progressive values and the winning, practical way to live them in the sphere of politics. Paul Wellstone's legacy and memory live on strongly in progressive politics, and I think Wellstone Action is doing a wonderful job of making that legacy fruitful. I attended Camp Wellstone not really knowing how I would use the training, but it has proved valuable in ways I didn't expect. I have been recommending this book to people as the next best thing.

I teach politics and grassroots organizing and have reviewed many similar books. Politics the Wellstone Way is hands down the absolute best book in this genre I have seen. Paul Wellstone was an organizing genious and developed a special talent for combining electoral politics and grassroots organizing with effective policy work. Bill Lofy and the other staffers at Wellstone Action have beautifully captured the wisdom and skills Wellstone was able to accumulate in over 30 years in grassroots organizing and electoral campaigning. I highly recommend it for progressive who wants to learn how to win elections and win in issue organizing for progressive issues. I highly recommend it for anyone interested in learning how to rebuild democracy in America.

This book is a tribute to the late Senator Paul Wellstone (D MN) and his wife Shelia, who died in a plane accident. Before his untimely demise, Wellstone was one of the most dynamic examples that liberalism was not dead in the Democratic Party and was not dead in America either.

I loved his floor speeches and sponsored legislation because they intentionally sought an America where people truly were united. He believed in and genuinely loved the American people.

This book, influenced by the workshop series Mark and David Wellstone started to honor their parents, explains how everybody and anybody can become a more effective progressive activist. The best cause in the world looses visibility when organizers cannot get their message out to the public or even figure out how to field organize.

Since even experienced activists can become overwhelmed with all of the tasks we need to do in tight races, having the basic steps laid out was also helpful for us. Another major strength of the book is that it is for novice politicos and veteran organizers alike. The more, the merrier!

Most of all, this book stresses the Wellstone way was and is connecting with people. The right only holds seats because their candidates spin to 'common people' but we do not have to put on such false airs. We can represent the common people because we are them.

This book is designed to be a practical campaign manual for progressive grassroots candidates and organizations in both the context of candidate races, and issue campaigns.

The book is based on the Wellstone campaigns for US Senate in Minnesota, which were highly successful and great models for "people power" campaigns. The media strategies used in the first campaign, against Rudy Boschwitz, were classic examples of what I call "guerilla campaigning," in that they used innovative approaches to get the biggest bang for the buck, and gain earned media. Now most campaigns from both parties do the same sort of thing, but at the time, in 1990, it was incredibly innovative.

Of course, the Wellstone campaigns were animated by Paul Wellstone, an incredibly charismatic and tenacious fighter in the political wars. For a less dynamic candidate, it is hard to say if the organization would have been as successful. Still, the lesson is that a strong, smart organization is the key to victory for outfinanced progressive candidates, and this book is designed to help build such organizations.

The book does lose some of its effectiveness for the smaller campaign, unfortunately. It is geared to provide a model for statewide and congressional races. Most smaller campaigns, such as those for state legislature, will not be able to do what is described in this book, for want of personnel or funds. Even so, the book gives terrific pointers for organization, strategy, and tactics considerations.

Until recently, I wasn't able to attend a Camp Wellstone, so I did the next best thing, and purchased this book. It does an excellent job of laying out the basic knowledge needed in a progressive campaign. Very useful in electoral campaigning as well as issue based campaigns. A MUST READ for anyone involved in (or trying to join) an electoral or issue campaign. I have since purchased many books on elections, but this was the first, and in my opinion, the best overall book in my campaigning library.

This book is a basic nuts & bolts read. A very good primer and starter book on elections. READ THIS FIRST and then move on to the Faucheux and Shea type books if you are looking for a more in-depth education on campaigning and elections.

I proudly give POLITICS THE WELLSTONE WAY five stars!

Does anyone doubt that our world is in trouble? Lots of books document the barbarism and environmental degradation that are consuming us. It's easy to feel discouraged. But Rosenthal gives me hope.

In well-researched example after example, she shows that our problems are the necessary result of capitalism, a system that NO MATTER WHAT puts profit above human needs.

This book explains how capitalism has served its purpose of propelling humanity beyond mere subsistence. Now it's time that everyone shared in this prosperity, not just the unchosen few. We human beings created this system, and quite recently at that. We have the imagination and POWER to come up with a better one. Rosenthal's book provides the understanding needed to unleash that power.

An excellent book which really makes you think about how power is used in organisations, in everyday life and in capitalist societies.

Well researched and challenging - especially to those who see capitalism as a really effective way to manage our society.

BW

I read this book as part of a course for helping professionals and educators. I would recommend it as a must read for anyone in these fields, as well as for anyone who's interested in why our culture suffers from so many chronic problems that go unabated despite the good intentions of many and the investment of millions of dollars to overcome them. It isn't a particularly pleasant book to read, as it will likely challenge most readers' beliefs and worldview right to the core. But it is filled with highly compelling documented facts and statistics that make it hard to ignore what those of us in our course already had experienced throughout our lifetimes and still see everyday despite considerable encouragement to overlook or view otherwise. Regardless if the reader agrees with all the conclusions of this book, it is invaluable in challenging us all to look at our own conclusions and most likely to revise them in ways that could make a positive difference in our culture and the lives of many if we choose to apply them.

I have always attempted to be a problem solver whether at work, in my neighborhood, or at home. However, I was often frustrated, exhausted, and disappointed with the results of my efforts. After reading Power And Powerlessness I am able to negotiate complicated situations and I am able to effect good outcomes. Rosenthal has the ability to distil the political, economic, and historical threads that have created our world's social order. Power And Powerlessness illuminates the reason for the uphill struggles people on every continent find themselves in.

In Power and Powerlessness, Dr. Susan Rosenthal expertly marries medicine, psychology, history and politics to explain why "Social power is necessary for human health."

Rosenthal believes that most people lack the healthy, fulfilling lives they deserve because they are kept powerless and mistakenly accept this state of affairs as natural or self-inflicted.

POWER and Powerlessness asks four basic questions: What's going on? How did this happen? Why do we put up with it? What will it take? Sixteen powerful chapters provide the answers.

Using plain language, the author examines pressing social problems including family stress, inequality, environmental crisis and war, but she is not pessimistic. On the contrary, she insists that human beings are capable of solving their problems. This book offers hope for the future, explaining:

* Why human health depends on strong social bonds.
* Eight ways that capitalism disrupts social bonds and makes people sick.
* How disrupted social bonds form the link between individual and social problems.
* How the medical system manages misery instead of ending it.
* How to create connections that heal.

Many books will tell you what's wrong with the world and what needs to be done. This book explains why we haven't already done it. Original and well researched, yet surprisingly easy to read, Power and Powerlessness is a book for everyone who wants a better world.

About the Author

Susan Rosenthal has been practicing medicine for more than 30 years and has written many articles on the relationship between health and social relationships. She is also the author of Market Madness and Mental Illness (1999).

What if you had an illness that caused you pain, made you unable to eat, and was going to cut your life short, but there was an herbal medicine that could provide relief of the symptoms? Would you use it? What if using the medicine was a crime? George McMahon doesn't have to worry, much, about that. He has a strange congenital illness called Nail Patella Syndrome (NPS), which clogs his kidneys, causes his bones to break with little stress, and brings on muscle cramps and chronic pain. The federal government provides McMahon with the medicine he needs to ease the symptoms and live a relatively normal life. Only six other patients get it, because the federal government frets about the medicine - it has no worrisome side effects on McMahon, but the government worries that others will use the medicine as a drug to get high. McMahon is one of seven people in the United States who can legally smoke marijuana. How this came about, the difficulties it has presented for him, and the problems of other patients who could use the drug if they could get it, are the subject of _Prescription Pot: A Leading Advocate's Heroic Battle to Legalize Medical Marijuana_ (New Horizon Press), which McMahon wrote with his friend Christopher Largen. Read it and you might not think of marijuana in the way you do now.

Demerol and Percodan worked for the pain of NPS (codeine made him throw up) but they also put him into a brain-addled haze. In the sixties he smoked pot; although his fellow tokers got intoxicated and giggly, he simply got... better. The spasms eased, the pain was not so debilitating, and he could move around more. But it worried him. He didn't want to have a problem with drugs. Looking back on it, he knows he should have been concerned by the prescription pills he was swallowing which made him a junkie. He eventually found a doctor who jumped through all the paperwork hoops to enroll him into the Compassionate Investigational New Drug Program. Eventually, the doctor started receiving shipments of McMahon's medicine, ten joints a day. It continues to be his regimen, and he continues to do well.

McMahon's story isn't proof that marijuana works as medicine; it is actually just one anecdotal case history, though it is told with appealing humor and modesty. There are the stories of others told here, just as anecdotal (and some from those who have to get the pot illegally), but also just as affirming. However, there have been a limited number of studies on the few patients who get the drug legally, and the data is not just anecdotal: glaucoma, chronic pain, anorexia, nausea, and spasms can all be helped by it. That seems to make little difference to the government. In 1992, the legal medical marijuana program was closed to new applicants by the first Bush administration. The problem, as the White House saw it, was that there were too many new applicants because of the AIDS epidemic. The real problem is that the government has trouble accepting that marijuana can be anything but bad. It does not seem to matter that these patients could all be getting prescription joints, grown in a federal facility, rather than being doped up on other medications. Marijuana cannot be made easily available as a medicine, because non-patients enjoy it for fun. Given the sorts of scientific studies reported in books like _Understanding Marijuana_, continued heavy criminalization of pot use makes little sense, but as _Prescription Pot_ shows, denying it to patients who need it is simply immoral. McMahon goes out on the stump to try to convince legislators of the benefits of the marijuana he is lucky enough to get legally, and his and Largen's book is yet another part of that program. It is hard to disagree with it; patients simply deserve this option.

I had no interest in medical marijuana when I first picked up Prescription Pot, but I soon discovered this book is not some hippie diatribe. It is one of the most heartfelt, amusing and intriguing biographies I've ever read, with the ability to teach people the value of civil political discourse. This is an underdog's tale that every person dealing with pain, disability and death should experience. And the groundbreaking clinical study contained in the appendix is convincing evidence of official wrongdoing.

...because it exposes their myths, humanizes a pressing political issue, and reveals hidden casualties of prohibition. And it accomplishes this through a creative narrative that appeals to politicians, churchgoers, law enforcement officials, and ditch-diggers alike.

This book has more potential for changing public policy than a thousand pot rallies. That's exactly why some government officials hope Prescription Pot will "go gentle into that good night".

So take my advice. Be a good citizen. Become informed in your mind and heart. Just say NO to ignorance. And read this book!

Prescription Pot chronicles the amazing true life of George McMahon, one of five U.S. citizens who can legally smoke marijuana in every state. A recipient of the National Certificate of Heroism, George receives 300 pre-rolled cigarettes each month through a little-known FDA program, to treat pain, spasms, and nausea. Prescription Pot examines the medical marijuana issue through a unique account of George's courageous struggle with death, his victorious battle with daunting federal bureaucrats, his hilarious and harrowing escapades with police officers, and his journeys in search of America. George's story is encompassed within a wild and poignant trip across four states to the Arkansas State Capitol, Elvis Presley's Graceland, and Uncle Sam's marijuana farm at Ole Miss. The book includes the landmark clinical study on the federal cannabis patients.

Im George's oldest daughter Linda.
This book is the storie of my father and mothers long struggle to obtain a medicine that would give my father a quality of life he never would've attained hadn't he obtained this medicine, his family wouldnt have any kind of life either hadnt we found medicinal marijauna , who wants to grow up with a sick father ...or no father at all???
My father is a wonderful , caring man who just wants to help others with life threatning diseases..he is not a pothead on some high...he actually has a quality of life no Dr.'s wonder drugs gave him!!! He is here to see his family succeed, and his grandkids blossom ...

'The Presidents', edited by Henry F. Graff, is a spectacular reference. There are essays on each of the presidents from George Washington to Bill Clinton (with a few exceptions), as well as handy reference pages at the back with quick snapshots of crucial data.

The essays are roughly 20 pages per figure, more for some and less for others (it is ironic that Teddy Roosevelt has more pages than Franklin Roosevelt, or that both Richard Nixon and George Bush the elder have more pages than Abraham Lincoln, but then, quality is not a simple calculation of page numbers). Some presidents are paired for purposes of the essays - William Henry Harrison and John Tyler, Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore, James Garfield and Chester Arthur are each paired, as the length of time in office for each of the former figures in the pairs is rather brief, and none of the successors from the vice presidency went on to second terms.

The essays include very brief overviews of the time before office, as well as time after the presidency (as appropriate). However, the primary focus of the information is on the policies and events during the time of the presidency; this extends to military, diplomatic, administrative, legislative and judicial matters. This is one of the best one-volume references that includes cabinet members and other leaders of the executive branch in addition to the presidents; one has but to read headlines today to realise how important these figures can be in shaping the overall image and direction of a presidency.

There is also a concluding essay on role of the first lady, from Martha Washington to Hillary Clinton. From Dolley Madison's saving the portrait of Washington as the British burned the city to the extraordinary influence of figures such as Edith Galt Wilson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Nancy Reagan and Hillary Clinton, these women are deserving of attention for their work and influence.

Perhaps the most handy feature is Appendix B, the summary tables of data on the presidents. These feature in bullet form key biographical data, election returns, major appointments, political composition of Congress, Cabinet and Supreme Court appointments, and key events arranged chronologically. The index is also very well done; at 64 pages in length, I was hard pressed to find something in the text not referenced in the index.

The essays vary in quality, but even the least of them is pretty good. The essays on the earlier presidents, because they concentrate more on details of in-office activity, filled in many gaps in my knowledge of some of the administrations. This is a book destined to be more of a library volume than a personal possession, which is unfortunate, as this is a valuable text.

This book has a short (15-20 pages) biography of each president
through Bill Clinton (remember, it was published in 1996); obviously,
it cannot give as full a history as a full, comprehensive biography
could. But for many of the presidents, it is almost impossible to find
a full, comprehensive biography, and for those interested in those
presidents, this work is invaluable. Also, each chapter has an
exhaustive bibliography, so those interested in learning more are given
the names of books, many of them out of print, to look for.

A must for any presidential history buff.

This book is an excellent source for presidential research. As an AP American History student, this book is an INVALUABLE resource. It discusses all of the major events of the presidency with some detail. This saves a lot of secondary research which can delay completion of a project for days.

This book is not for people who want to learn interesting facts about the presidents. At times the book focuses more on the president's cabinet than on himself. However, this does accuratly describe how certain presidents controlled the country. There are chapters for each president. Each essay is very knowlegdable as each essay is written by an expert on that particular president. The terms are very detailed. This book does, however, seem to exclude much of the effects of the presidents decisions. The essays at times are overly complex. But in general the author describes himself well. Each author seems to be unbiased and is quick to reveal short-comings of his particular president. The readability seems to increase with the number of president. Starting with Wilson the essays are great. Notable essays include Wilson's, Harding's, and L. Johnson's. Overall this book is great. But, this book is NOT for everybody. It requires great interest a! nd an active mind. But, it is worth it.

This is one of the best one-volume references on the American presidents I have come across. While some general biographical material is provided, such as how each man spent his formative years, each section is mostly devoted to an over-the-shoulder look at the key figures of his administration, with benefit of historical hindsight, as they grapple with the issues and problems of the time. Particular attention is paid to distinctive qualities that set each president apart from his peers and to key decisions and actions that made a lasting difference to the country. This is more than a mere presentation of facts: we get a definite feel for each man's style of leadership and even his vision for the nation.

With each section written by a different contributor, there is bound to be some unevenness of style and tone, and there is. Generally, each presentation is scholarly and disinterested--although by no means dry--and free from excessive praise or condemnation, but for two exceptions that somewhat detract from the work. The most egregious of these is the section on Franklin Pierce, which is filled with personal gibes and, to a much lesser degree, the section on Calvin Coolidge. This is particularly surprising in light of the fact that such controversial figures as Andrew Johnson, Warren G. Harding and even Richard Nixon have been handled so professionally. But otherwise there is little to fault.

With only 15 to 20 pages devoted to each administration, obviously many difficult decisions had to be made on what material to include and exclude. Yet, it is the insight that went into these decisions that is one of the high points of this book; indeed, there is more than enough material to satisy most history buffs. However, those looking for obscure facts or trivia about each man, except when such details are directly relevant to the central issues of the time, are best advised to consult full-length biographies. Extensive references, including a list of such biographies, have been provided at the end of each section.

The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the symbolic moral victory of American capitalism has been viewed by the US mainstream literature as the onset of a new era; one of global prosperity and peace. Although the end of state socialism has led to the spread of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, it has also marked the beginning of numerous political and social crises that have precipitated an unprecedented growth of refugees and internally displaced peoples.

Arthur Helton's THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE astutely analyzes the emergence of the past decade's refugee crisis and the inability of the international political and legal framework to adequately address it. Using what sociologists call the "extensive field work methodology," Helton not only presents a succinct history of the recent refugee crisis; but also the "refugees' experience" through personal accounts and in-depth interviews with important policy-makers of the international refugee community. The result is an instructive analysis of "what went wrong" and what can be learned from the past, all presented in a style that captivates the interested reader.

As a scholar, legal practitioner and one of the international authorities in the field of migration and refugees, Helton's unique insights and inside resources illuminate the roots of the current crisis. By showing that prior policy responses were the outcome of emergency situations that lacked a systematic understanding of the diverse origins of the contemporary crisis, Helton proposes the creation of two institutions-one inside the US government and the other within international institutions-to anticipate and proactively respond to future refugee emergencies. While this approach is likely to attract the criticism of those who advocate a lesser role of the US government, it is a realistic and feasible solution that takes into consideration the fact that no refugee crisis can be resolved without the cooperation of the US government. At the same time, in order to devise a solution for current and future refugee crises that will be effective and long lasting, US policies must have international legitimacy which can be achieved only through international cooperation.

In sum, THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE is a "must" for any specialist in the field of refugee policy and for any person interested in future international policy on displaced peoples. Refugees matter not only because "they are there" or because "it could be me" but because refugees are here to stay and, in the process, how the U.S. helps to shape international policy will profoundly influence the political, ethical, and racial/ethnic future of our future global society.

The author of this book, Arthur C. Helton, was killed on August 19, 2003 in the suicide bombing of the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad. Helton was meeting with UN officials at the time of the bombing.

Smallchief

The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the symbolic moral victory of American capitalism has been viewed by the US mainstream literature as the onset of a new era; one of global prosperity and peace. Although the end of state socialism has led to the spread of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, it has also marked the beginning of numerous political and social crises that have precipitated an unprecedented growth of refugees and internally displaced peoples.

Arthur Helton's THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE astutely analyzes the emergence of the past decade's refugee crisis and the inability of the international political and legal framework to adequately address it. Using what sociologists call the "extensive field work methodology," Helton not only presents a succinct history of the recent refugee crisis; but also the "refugees' experience" through personal accounts and in-depth interviews with important policy-makers of the international refugee community. The result is an instructive analysis of "what went wrong" and what can be learned from the past, all presented in a style that captivates the interested reader.

As a scholar, legal practitioner and one of the international authorities in the field of migration and refugees, Helton's unique insights and inside resources illuminate the roots of the current crisis. By showing that prior policy responses were the outcome of emergency situations that lacked a systematic understanding of the diverse origins of the contemporary crisis, Helton proposes the creation of two institutions-one inside the US government and the other within international institutions-to anticipate and proactively respond to future refugee emergencies. While this approach is likely to attract the criticism of those who advocate a lesser role of the US government, it is a realistic and feasible solution that takes into consideration the fact that no refugee crisis can be resolved without the cooperation of the US government. At the same time, in order to devise a solution for current and future refugee crises that will be effective and long lasting, US policies must have international legitimacy which can be achieved only through international cooperation.

In sum, THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE is a "must" for any specialist in the field of refugee policy and for any person interested in future international policy on displaced peoples. Refugees matter not only because "they are there" or because "it could be me" but because refugees are here to stay and, in the process, how the U.S. helps to shape international policy will profoundly influence the political, ethical, and racial/ethnic future of our future global society.

As noted by Arthur Helton, refugees matter. However, they matter not only for humanitarian reasons but also because they are intimately tied to questions of national and strategic interest. By extending the argument beyond the realm of humanitarian charity, Helton effectively makes the case for state intervention in the field and elevates scholarship in the realm of refugee studies.

Moreover, the perspective of The Price of Indifference is a fresh one. Addressing crises from Africa to Afghanistan, Turkey to East Timor and Haiti to the former USSR, his work constitutes a comprehensive account of a decade that was perhaps the most dynamic one in recent memory. And from a discussion of the Cold War models of humanitarian action to the "Mogadishu syndrome" and the CNN effect, Helton covers the prevailing dynamics of all periods. What is more, the book goes so far as to model potential futures depending on which prevailing ideology is adopted (e.g., cooperation or containment).

Not only does the book discuss shortfalls in the national system of humanitarian action (calling for a new separate civilian agency, the Agency for Humanitarian Action), but it also entails a discussion of the international system and its inability to effectively mediate refugee-related crises. In doing so, Helton makes the case for new institutional structures (e.g., the Strategic Humanitarian and Research Entity, or SHARE) which effectively consolidate the fragmented humanitarian components in the UN system.

As we know, the Cold war changed responses to refugee and migration emergencies in fundamental ways. Yet, for all we do know, there is no single answer. Rather, a more varied and comprehensive "policy toolbox" is required. To be helpful, policy needs to be more proactive so that "international coordination" and a "preventive orientation" replace the "selective apathy" and "creeping trepidation" that currently animate refugee responses.

No longer can states hide behind the out-dated Westphalian notion of absolute sovereignty. Rather, certain concerns are obligations erga omnes and the concern of all those within the international community. As a result, a significant attention and backing is given to humanitarian intervention (and its reform).

As Helton notes, recent experience teaches us that expectations should be modest. Yet with a thorough review like the Price of Indifference, one cannot help but hope for a better future for refugees and internally displaced persons worldwide.

Every notable disaster of the past century -- war, famine, civil unrest, earthquake and ecological catastrophe -- has resulted in the massive displacement of people within and across borders of their home countries. The June 7, 2002 New York Times reported that 14.9 million civilians were driven from their countries by war alone last year, and an additional 22 million people uprooted within their countries. It is a natural phenomenon in its own right, yet there has never been a systematic or comprehensive approach to anticipate, gather resources (both financial and intellectual) and make available workable solutions to this devastating predicament. This universal lack of foresight has taken its toll on untold numbers of refugees; some of whom waste years of their lives in flight or languish in refugee camps fearing for their safety, struggling for mere survival; while others achieve the relative fortune of starting their lives over in a new environment.

Now, the reader with even a passing interest in the plight of these unfortunate wanderers, and the expert alike, can explore an extraordinary trove of information on refugee policy and a startling new solution to this monumental problem. THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE: Refugees and Humanitarian Action in the New Century, by Arthur C. Helton, sets forth a concise modern history of refugee crises and the structural mechanisms and varied policies that have emerged for dealing with them. Helton depicts numerous strategies such as temporary protection, safe havens, asylum, evacuation, humanitarian corridors, resettlement, internal protection and repatriation, explaining why States have chosen some "solutions" over others as well as revealing the lapsed policy of states that have chosen to remain uninvolved. By analyzing diverse crises of the last decade in Bosnia, Cambodia, East Timor, Haiti, Kosovo, and Rwanda, Helton reveals the full array of policy tools and astoundingly problematic realities of managing refugees.

With an uncanny ability to capture the big picture, Helton also evokes vivid, personally observed details of a wide range of specific refugee crises, often in poetic terms. This book gives you the insider's view of what refugees actually experience:

It was a late Sunday evening in November 2000 when our plane landed in Nairobi, Kenya. As I walked on the runway through the sultry air to the airport arrival hall, I became an unintended witness to the conclusion of the infamous journey of the `lost boys of Sudan', some of whom I had visited in 1993 at the Kakuma refugee camp in northwestern Kenya. There, a remnant of some 17,000 children had come to rest after fleeing in 1988 from fighting in Sudan to Ethiopia, where they were attacked again after the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam fell in 1991. This prompted a harrowing 600-mile trek by foot to Kenya, with many dying from attacks by wild animals and exposure.
p. 183.

In Helton's words, "[a]t the outset of the twenty-first century, the policy debate is driven by selective apathy and creeping trepidation." He reveals rationales for employing the various options including political motivations, notions of sovereignty, and practicality, among others. With a comprehensive overview of policy options that have been employed in recent history, their successes and failures, Helton envisions putting an end to such inevitable recurring suffering.

Unsatisfied with unpremeditated, unsystematic and less than ideal solutions that spring, almost ad hoc from crises as they arise, Helton offers a striking proposal for two organizations dedicated to assembling resources and a base of experts to anticipate, prevent and ameliorate future predicaments - one inside the U.S. government, and one internationally-based. While some may bemoan a proposal for new agencies, Helton's suggestion is innovative for the policy underlying these proposed organizations: a vehicle for prevention of mass displacement and for proactive, anticipatory mitigation when prevention is impossible or inappropriate. The new national security and foreign policy agenda he presents reflects his heartfelt and lifelong quest for states, organizations and individuals to view the protection of refugees as an obligation to humanity; an obligation that merits foresight.

Arthur C. Helton, one of the world's top experts on refugees and the migration of displaced persons, is Senior Fellow for Refugee Studies and Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. He previously directed the Refugee Project of the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights for twelve years and has written more than 80 scholarly articles on refugee and migration subjects. Helton's book will educate and fascinate policy makers, statesmen, relief workers, and humanitarians, as well as advocates for refugees and enthusiasts of migration, foreign policy, history, diplomacy, politics, and human rights. This comprehensive volume poses important questions and will undoubtedly take its place among the seminal literature devoted to the topic.

During this era of skyrocketing identity theft crimes, violence and death to innocent victims by stalkers, and government's tracking and monitoring of citizens' business, money and communication, Americans are seeking privacy for personal security and survival. Grant Hall writes on how to live an anonymous lifestyle in his new book, Privacy Crisis: Identity Theft Prevention Plan and Guide to Anonymous Living. And he should know. He used a non-traditional 'defense' to avoid a civil court case by disappearing for four years. A number of privacy tactics outlined in Privacy Crisis belong to Hall. I have never seen these in print-and I began reading privacy books prior to the publication of W.G. Hill's first PT book. Privacy Crisis may be the best book of its kind ever written.

According to Hall, privacy living is the answer to preventing identity theft. One can escape from a stalker or disappear-for any reason by using the information in Privacy Crisis. Alternate identification, renting and owning a home in secrecy, driving and working under the radar and establishing a clandestine communication and computer system are covered in detail. This book is thorough and complete and cites case histories and challenges the author of 'How to be Invisible' on the use of nominees.
Hall provides insight on anonymous banking, cashing checks privately, alternate name debit cards and provides a resource for obtaining a safe deposit box requiring no name or Social Security number. There's information on how to keep investments, property and businesses a secret. All of this can be accomplished in the U.S.A. of all places-a welcome change from the many books offering unrealistic, inconvenient, expensive, offshore remedies for domestic privacy problems.

I have completed Privacy Crisis and this book answered many questions about privacy and the challenges we face today.

Grant Hall has covered all of the important money privacy issues and it is possible to make your assets and money disappear through the application of the principles outlined in the book. And this can be done in the U.S.A. What a break from the other authors who guide readers toward offshore banks and advise giving control to others.

I appreciate the attention to detail. Obviously, Hall has walked where other privacy writers have never gone. I would highly recommend this book to those who fear their bank accounts will be stolen or seized by government agencies or others. Thorough, complete and worth the money many times over, Privacy Crisis will become a big deal in the arena of Privacy Reference books.

This book may be the greatest investment a person could make to escape the threats of stalkers, identity thieves or others who wish you harm.
Buy this book.

PRIVACY CRISIS was written by an author who has proved that through diligence, effort and a working knowledge of the system, one can have privacy in their life.

Grant Hall has opened new doors for those of us who previously believed that the road to financial privacy must be traveled by transferring assets to offshore 'havens' in an attempt to control our assets. In fact, Hall uses business resources that cater to the privacy seeker combined with knowledge of the financial system and negotiating skills to keep bank and brokerage funds hidden from those who may want to find them. Hall recommends using a company that rents safe deposit boxes without identification, tax i.d. or Social Security numbers-not even a name for those who want total secrecy. There's examples of cashing checks that leave no trail to the payee. Hold assets and property in total secrecy. These methods were eye openers for me.

I liken this book to an information enemy to the powers that want to control freedom loving Americans. Those who choose to become invisible to identity thieves, stalkers, private eyes can do it by practicing Hall's principles in PRIVACY CRISIS.

This is the best book on the subject I have read and I highly recommend it to those who desire personal privacy.

Personal privacy is under siege these days. Mine was first invaded when cyber-crooks drained my checking account in a single day. If you don't take steps to protect yours, it too will go up in smoke. For you, maybe it's when an obsessed former spouse or fan starts stalking you. Or the government--claiming "national security"--begins wiretapping your phone. Maybe it's when your employer snoops on all your emails, a gumshoe rifles through your credit files, or you have to supply your most personal information just to open a checking account or buy a home.

You don't have to give up your God-given privacy. Believe me, this book will tell you everything you'll ever need to know about how to protect it--whether in just one area, or an entirely anonymous lifestyle. This author knows his stuff. He's practiced everything he writes about. So his book is far in advance of other privacy books that just recycle armchair theories or even worse, suggest you do things that are outright illegal.

Protect your identity. Protect the privacy of your home and business transactions--your computer, phone, mail, travel, bank account, stored items, credit files, hard assets, and investments. One invasion of your privacy will cost you ten or a hundred times the price of this one-of-a-kind book.

I wish I'd known about it before they emptied my bank account.

It goes without saying that personal privacy is a rare commodity in America today. Identity theft has become the country's fastest growing crime. Con artists relentlessly target us while greedy lawyers and vengeful ex-spouses threaten to drain our bank accounts and assets. Our personal computers have become open doors into the most discreet corners of our lives. And that doesn't begin to address threats to our privacy from the government, eavesdropping employers, nosey snoops with hidden agendas, eavesdropping employers, and increasingly intrusive marketing-crazed companies.

Privacy Crisis is easily one of the best books on privacy ever written. Through his eye-opening inside perspective, as someone who evaded private investigators and attorneys for four years by living "below the radar," Grant Hall has brought us an authoritative how-to guide for the average American who wants to protect his or her privacy on an practical level. Far superior to the many theory-laden books on privacy, Privacy Crisis is a revealing step-by-step manual written by someone who has walked the walk. This book is required reading for anyone concerned about their personal and financial privacy in an ever-threatening society.

Phillip Townsend
International Consultant and Privacy Expert

About middle east arm goups this is the book that give historical valuable, especific, updated info and a broader outlook aboout the espectrum.

Profiles in terror is a well organized standard reference book for anyone who wants to study the subject of Middle Eastern terror.

I read a fair number of books on military history, foreign policy, current events and radical islam in the course of my work and personal interest. Most books on terrorist groups and movements either come across as laboriously-researched, dry analytical tomes or sensationalistic 'heat-of-the-moment' rush jobs where fiction and editorialization fill in the factual gaps. This book doesn't fall into either category.

From reading 'Profiles In Terror,' it is obvious that Mr. Mannes has a well-grounded understanding of the Middle Eastern and Islamist terrorist groups that he writes about. Furthermore, much of his public-sourced information is extremely well-documented and, if anything, is a great suggested reading list if you want to see the extremely fine minutiae regarding these groups. Furthermore, the information is presented clearly and in an interesting manner such that the book is useful for professionals, but not at the exclusion of the average reader's interest.

All of the 'major' groups are covered: al Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, etc, but Mannes also takes the time to discuss groups that are relatively unknown to the public, such as Jemaah Islamiya, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (KDP) and Force 17, amongst others. In addition to the well-written and thorough chapter on the terrorist groups covered in the book, the author included separate resource listing for each group (extremely valuable). Mannes also lays out a very specific chronology of significant events and attacks for each group. And thankfully, unlike so many other contemporary books on current events, there is a VERY detailed index, itself 31 pages long.

This book is definitely worth picking up, whether your interest is professional or just personal curiosity.

This is a TOur De force in writing on terrorism. Many books purport to tell the 'inside' scoop on terrorist organizations, or try to give you some mammoth amount of info about each group, which is so impossible to digest, while other books try to 'balance' terrorism by showing hat 'all sides are terrorists'. But book gives you the straight dope, the who, the what and the how. From the leaders to the methods to the motives this is an insider's account. One will learn about the rise of Hamas, about the truth of Force 17 and about why George Habash is a Christian who turned to Communism. The only middling problem with this book is it cannot anticipate the terrorist of tomorrow. But it will remain the standard until the face of conflict changes.

Seth J. Frantzman

Middle East and U.S. national security expert, and former director of research for the Middle East Media Research Institute Aaron Mannes presents Profiles In Terror, a straightforward profile of twenty modern-day terrorist organizations operating in the Middle East and the regional groups affiliated with them. Including detailed descriptions of each group's ideology and objectives, history, leadership, organization, external relations, financial support networks, target and tactics, and much more, Profiles In Terror is filled with crucial information for anyone researching modern history, crucially interested in American security or striving to better understand the darker side of world politics. Highly recommended.