Events Books

This book starts quietly, with a personal look at the New York City schools, as experienced by the author as a child and as experienced by his own children several decades later. This section of the book is very powerful, precisely because it is non-ideological. Stern is not writing as a political theorist, but simply as a parent, trying to get a decent education for his children. This tone is powerful, in part, because Stern actually is a political theorist, for his day job so to speak; he is a journalist who was deeply involved in the New Left.

Keeping that tone and that focus, Stern takes us, with his kids, through a tour of New York City's best and most elite public schools. The schools that his kids got into are the best of the best. And, while his kids managed to get a reasonable education at them, Stern shows us, in a very understated way, just how bad the system is, even in the best of the schools. The problem, fundamentally, is simple. The schools are not run for the good of the children. Instead, the schools are run for the good of the adults who have jobs in the school system. Exhibit A of this is how even a super elite school can not fire a grossly incompetent teacher, and can not hire an extremely qualified teacher who does not have the right credentials. In both cases, if you actually cared about the kids, the decision would be simple: fire the incompetent, and hire the gifted but unconventional teacher.

But, in New York City, as in most of our large urban school districts, that common sense result is nearly impossible. Why? Because the union contract basically forbids firing tenured teachers, and takes a very rigid, uncreative approach to credentialiing. Why? It is simple. The unions wants its members to live without risk, to have guaranteed jobs and guaranteed security. From the union's point of view, that is perfectly logical and reasonable. After all, it is the union's duty to protect its members. But, the problem is that the union has an extraordinary level of political power, and no one within the educational system has the power to stand up to them, so decisions are made for the whole system, which are driven by nothing but the self-interest of the union.

Stern then moves on to examine a number of successful alternatives to the public schools. He looks at the Catholic schools, as well as a mixed bag of voucher schools and charter schools. As he shows, these schools vary greatly, but many of them produce much better results than the public ones, simply because they are run for the good of the children, not as a jobs program for the union.

Stern does a very good job of discussing the opponents to school choice. I am pretty familiar with this area, so I am very familiar with the writings of Jonathan Kozol, who is perhaps the most passionate opponent of school choice writing in America today. Kozol has written a series of books, which very dramatically and emotionally attack American schools for being racist and under-funded, while, at the same time, defending the status quo on every point, except his passion for racial integration and increasing funding.

As well known as Kozol is, I did not know that he was a hard-line radical Leftist. Stern gives a very useful summary of Kozol's career. Apparently, Kozol, at one point, went to Cuba and produced a book which lavishly praised Castro and his educational system. Also, in Kozol's books directed at teachers, he suggests that they look up to Cuba and China as models of the sort of society which radical teachers should create in this country. Kozol, in short, is as close to an old-line Communist as one is likely to find these days, a fact not stressed by all of the glowing New York Times reviews of Kozol's latest pro-union book.

Listened to the interview with the author
on First Voice. A real interesting
book and interview.

The interview is online

There's a transcript for those using dial up.

--J. R.

It's beyond dispute that America's public schools, particularly in our cities, are failing to provide either an adequate education or an adequate socializing experience for children. The consequences are also well known: low self-esteem, poverty, crime... the gamut of ills attendant to relegating whole communities to the status of "underclass", unable to contribute to a 21st century economy.

The reasons for school failure and how to significantly improve our public schools are frequently debated. Proposals include "raise teacher pay", "get more teachers certified by our schools of education", "build better schoolhouses", and the incredible demand, "send us better kids". With a parent's perspective and a keen eye, Stern sweeps aside all the self-serving nonsense and gets right to the point: if the public wants public schools to perform, then schools must be managed to achieve that performance. Management means a controlling authority (most importantly, a principal) with the power to select teachers and other staff who will collaborate to achieve measurable goals. In today's public schools, the principal's inability to hire, fire, or to define work content and compensation, is a fatal blow to any attempts to dramatically improve school performance.

Stern goes on to document how, with $2 billion in annual dues and unprecedented political power that ranges from the local to the national level, the teachers' unions have dominated the political process. On the national and state level, wielding hundreds of millions of dollars worth of political clout, the teachers' unions have generally dominated the legislative process. On the local level, school districts are forced into signing labor contracts running to hundreds of pages, loaded with provisions that effectively eliminate teacher accountability and the principal's control.

Talented teachers and principals are disgusted and often demoralized when they see their profession become a dumping ground for incompetence, protected by a union that only cares about teacher prerogatives, including the "right" not to be judged, and who actively obstruct any drive for standards of performance. Principals with enough integrity to put students' interests first must struggle with a morass of rules and procedures that would be considered farcical in the private sector. The teacher's classroom is a fief impenetrable to any objective evidence of success or failure.

Stern focuses on the massive New York City public school system, where an antiquated administration is helpless to defend the interests of the individual school. In the case of Stuyvessant High School, where the City's finest students are assembled, Stern documents how an aggressively pro-student principal is "grievanced" into retirement by a diligent union representative wielding nothing more (or less) lethal than the teacher contract.

Stern's primary concern is the fate of students from poor homes, where parents are unable to supplement their children's education, and who attend schools where "to teach" is a process, not a result. These students fall behind early and never catch up. The significance of this academic failure is disputed by faddish school-of-ed-talk about "the inner child" and "learning to learn" and "critical faculties". Nevertheless, in the real world where reading, writing and math really matter, these children are stamped once and for all with the mark of the underclass. Meanwhile, down the street, with half the money, the City's Catholic schools are doing a significantly better job with the same students.

"Breaking Free" is a plea for school choice, to date the only school reform movement that has opened a chink in the Berlin Wall of public education. Charter schools and vouchers have proven the enormous pent-up demand for alternatives to the public school monopoly and the potential to do much better with our education dollars. Both programs, ferociously opposed by the unions, are struggling to meet their potential, hobbled by grossly inadequate state and local legislation. Behind these great public battles lies an even greater battle: to create public schools that work.

This is a remarkable book. Part of it is the author's own story--how he grew up in NYC in the 1940s and, as the bright son of immigrant parents, attended the best public schools, which taught real skills and civic consciousness; and how his own children now attend the best public schools in the city (Stuyvesant, etc.) and face curricular chaos and the tyrannical incompetence of teachers who consider themselves union members more than instructors. In the second part of the book, the author goes looking for alternatives and stumbles on a Catholic school in his neighborhood where the students are all black. And unlike the underprivileged black kids imprisoned in the horrible NYC ghetto schools, these kids are learning in an orderly, humane environment. Stern completes his odyssey by going to areas like Cleveland and Milwaukee where choice has been institutionalized and he finds there more small educational miracles. He concludes that school choice is a moral imperative, the new civil rights movement of our era. This is an eye opening book. I did some research and discovered that some of the articles that Stern wrote while working on this book came to the attention of Mayor Rudi Guiliani and were instrumental in his decision to come out in favor of school choice for New York, a plan that the teachers unions killed. (Naturally).

Breaking Free tries hard to be the one-size-fits-all destroyer of the public school temple. And it comes very close. But its ancestry as a bunch of shorter journalism, and its seemingly complete faith in principals, keep it from being perfect.

Mr. Stern seems to believe that dynamic principals can single-handedly reshape a school. That is true to a point. But there are two problems he fails to address. One is that these dynamic leaders are hard to find, and even harder to identify. I worked for many years in public schools and knew many principals. Among the worst was a charming and pretty lady who knew the jargon, conveyed authority and confidence, and was "for the children." She was a PR prize, known in the community and valued as an "expert." She was also a very bad principal. Cronies were in positions of authority, cronies who were always "downtown" or "at a conference" but never around. She wanted everything to run wonderfully, and did not want to know anything about the details. So details were kept away. I am reasonably certain that standardized tests were "corrected" by the teachers, giving comparatively good scores to very weak students. Even in a world of choice, it would be hard to pinpoint her school as anything other than a success. Good scores, great leadership, happy staff. It all looked good. And it was all a charade.

Principals have plenty of other ways of jiggering the books. And giving them additional unregulated power will only allow those with a deceptive streak to provide jobs for friends and lovers, keep critics away, and create personal fiefdoms where their word goes. So, though a dynamic, dedicated principal, willing to work slavishly long hours for low pay, may be the answer, just how many of those guys are there?

But his devastating critique of the New York City public schools, with their entrenched unions that ultimately make the only rules that matter, and his comparisons with (admittedly selected) private schools doing far more with much less should be required reading for those who believe the Chicken Littles in the education world who run screaming whenever any change is proposed.

Public education is a near-total failure. It is outrageously expensive. Teachers control the language of debate, the politicians pretending to debate, and the future voters, so their terms and their ability to exclude critics make them apparently invulnerable. But enough people are avoiding public schools, even the best ones, that change will have to come. I just hope we don't wait until the entire system is in ruins.

By chance I came upon Traven at the library when I noted that he had authored "Treasure of Sierra Madre," a film classic that I automatically associate with Hollywood's old Bogey.

Not knowing anything more than that I picked-up "The Bridge in the Jungle," and what I found most fascinating was finding a story that so honestly stripped away cultural biases and opened a window to another universe. It revealed the dignity of a community dealing with death of a young boy in an obscure jungle town in early nineteenth century Mexico, and it also provided a vivid account of a proud Aztec culture on the threshold of extinction.

I wish I could see more modern American writers, who, like Traven, would more readily examine how cultural biases skew our understanding and appreciation of the quiltwork of cultures that inhabit our amazing World.

I confess that I am a major afficionado of B. Traven. My politics have mellowed over the years but I enjoy Traven's political perspective. I believe B. Traven was an ararchist at heart. He attacked big government and big business as evil but saw the uncorrupted individual as nobel and good. In the rural Mexican Indian community he found, for himself, the most ideal form of government he had ever encountered. His Jungle Books were a tale of conflict between good and evil; peasant and capitalism. His book, The Bridge in the Jungle, is his ode to the Indian peasant community. He brings us into their midst throught his vagabond American who stumbles upon a small village at the time a tragedy is unfolding. A young boy has drowned and we witness their suffering and their coming together. We see the corruption of their society by misunderstood influences from the outside world. The example I remember best is the musician who, when asked to play something during the funeral march, comes up with "Yes We have no Bananas". Neither the musician nor anyone else except our American narrator comprehends the total inappropriateness of the song. All in all, a beautiful story of a disappearing society.

In this book, Traven captures the essence of comunity life in a village in the jungles of southern Mexico. I use the term "village" loosely. The community is described in the book as a nameless group of huts beside a nameless river.

An American identified only as Gale travels to this remote place to hunt alligators. He looks up an old acquaintance named Sleigh (a minor character who deserves to have an entire book devoted to him). Sleigh welcomes him and gives him a place to stay.

On the second evening of Gale's stay, Sleigh and Gale attend a community dance in the yard of one of the huts. During the festivities, a young mother searches for her child, casually at first and then frantically. The entire community and the neighboring communities soon join in the search. Hours later, all hope of finding the boy alive is gone.

The narrator, Gale, observes the interactions and rituals and meditates upon each detail. Thinking upon the poverty-stricken but emotionally-rich lives within this simple community, he challenges organized religion and society to come up with something better.

In this book, tragedy brings into sharp focus the most meaningful aspects of life, death, grief and community. For a book which takes 36 chapters to cover a three-day period, it is surprisingly fast-paced. Traven expresses the deepest of concepts and most poignant of emotions in remarkably simple language. His book is nothing short of a humanist masterpiece.

This book was dedicated by Traven to the mothers of the world. It is a cold, crude and, at the same time, compasionate and tender view on a child's death and the terrible, extreme pain it produces on his mother. It also describes the quite particular, "uncontaminated" and honest reaction the event creates among a small Indian community in Chiapas. All this is told by Gales, the main character, an American adventurer that hardly tries to undertand what is actually going on and how he feels about it.

Although the plot is very simple, this novel has some passages of an extraordinary literary intensity. It is also full of irony and sometimes sarcasm too.

Well, it can be said The Bridge in the Jungle is a sad, tragic novel but it is beautifully written and that is what matters.

"The Bridge in the Jungle" is one of those strange books you don't know how to respond to at first. On one hand it's absolutely tragic and, on the other, it's filled with some of the funniest passages imaginable. More or less condensed into a twenty-four hour period, Traven describes how an Indian community bands together, sometimes with folly but often with strength, when a young boy disappears into the bush.

Throughout the story Traven gives an intimate account of peasant life in southern Mexico, nevering missing a detail of how the campesinos live, think and act. In fact the narrative is filled with so many astute observations that you feel, at times, Traven works better as an anthropologist than as a novelist.

But, unfortunately, some of these observations sound a little sentimental. It's the only work by Traven that seems to run in circles, at times even becoming boring. He praises the spiritualism of Indians one too many times and focusses on their diet rather than moving on with the plot.

He does, however, redeem himself with the character of Sleigh, an expat who's made the jungle his home. He's like a good-natured version of Kurtz -- wise, crazy, but harmless.

On top of all this, Traven makes his usual attacks against the oil industry and organized religion.

If you enjoyed any of his "jungle books," then gives this one a read.

This book provides a clear description of the Lebanese situation. Lebanon encompasses intertwined subcultures that underlie its current situation. This book covers all the details that are needed to understand why Lebanon is the way it is.

It is informative and covers the major details. Good book to read!

"Bring down the Walls" is a truly unique contribution to the understanding of the sublime mosaic that is the Middle East. The author delves with expert understanding into the complexities of Lebanon's post-war efforts to renew itself and rejuvuate inter-communal relations. Unlike many other writers who approach Lebanon with a snide cyncism and stereotypical images of religious and political groups, author Dahger treats her subject with a compelling sense of humanity, realism and dignity. Combining her honed journalistic skills with an obvious scholarly aptitude, Dagher offers the reader that rare literary opportunity: to learn and enjoy at the same time. The book is replete with incisive first-hand accounts of dramatic efforts to rebuild the shattered spirit of Lebanon, and in particular that of its ancient Christian community. With equal skill and finesse,the reader is effortlessly transported inside the walls of the Vatican to listen in on the great deliberations of the historic 1995 Synod for Lebanon, or to Damascus and the discussion between the US Secretary of State and the President of Syria over Lebanon's future, or to Pope John Paul II's emotional and triumpiant 1997 visit to Lebanon, listen to the author's words, "The Popemobile dived into the bubbling cauldron of the jubliant crowd. It was strewn with rose petals and rice. His face turned red by the sweltering heat of May and by the emotion,the Supreme Pontiff scanned with tenderness and attention the faces and hands lifted toward him. He opened the window and reached out to a a child." (p.189) Not only is this a book sparkling with an abundance of literary gems, but it is an important and timely contribution to the fundamental issue of nation-building. Pluralism, civic society, the role of the military, consenual democracy and institutional governance are seriously treated within the Lebanese experience, but are clearly applicable to any society cop with religious, ethnic and racial diversity. So at one level, "Bring Down the Walls" is an unsurpassed examination of the recent trails and tribulations of the Christians of Lebanon, particularily the Maronite Catholics, at another level, it suggests a blueprint for Lebanon's spiritual and intercommunal revival, and finally it provides a universal message, through the prism of Lebanon's long ordeal of suffering, that speaks to the values of tolerance, diversity and co-existance. I highly recommend "Bring Down the Walls" as an historical account of significant events hitherto ignored, as a political and social analysis of modern day Eastern Christians and their role in the great issues of the Middle East and Islam, and as a moving and personal tribute to Lebanon, a land of martyrs, a land of heros.

"Bring down the Walls" is a truly unique contribution to the understanding of the sublime mosaic that is the Middle East. The author delves with expert understanding into the complexities of Lebanon's post-war efforts to renew itself and rejuvuate inter-communal relations. Unlike many other writers who approach Lebanon with a snide cyncism and stereotypical images of religious and political groups, author Dahger treats her subject with a compelling sense of humanity, realism and dignity. Combining her honed journalistic skills with an obvious scholarly aptitude, Dagher offers the reader that rare literary opportunity: to learn and enjoy at the same time. The book is replete with incisive first-hand accounts of dramatic efforts to rebuild the shattered spirit of Lebanon, and in particular that of its ancient Christian community. With equal skill and finesse,the reader is effortlessly transported inside the walls of the Vatican to listen in on the great deliberations of the historic 1995 Synod for Lebanon, or to Damascus and the discussion between the US Secretary of State and the President of Syria over Lebanon's future, or to Pope John Paul II's emotional and triumpiant 1997 visit to Lebanon, listen to the author's words, "The Popemobile dived into the bubbling cauldron of the jubliant crowd. It was strewn with rose petals and rice. His face turned red by the sweltering heat of May and by the emotion,the Supreme Pontiff scanned with tenderness and attention the faces and hands lifted toward him. He opened the window and reached out to a a child." (p.189) Not only is this a book sparkling with an abundance of literary gems, but it is an important and timely contribution to the fundamental issue of nation-building. Pluralism, civic society, the role of the military, consenual democracy and institutional governance are seriously treated within the Lebanese experience, but are clearly applicable to any society cop with religious, ethnic and racial diversity. So at one level, "Bring Down the Walls" is an unsurpassed examination of the recent trails and tribulations of the Christians of Lebanon, particularily the Maronite Catholics, at another level, it suggests a blueprint for Lebanon's spiritual and intercommunal revival, and finally it provides a universal message, through the prism of Lebanon's long ordeal of suffering, that speaks to the values of tolerance, diversity and co-existance. I highly recommend "Bring Down the Walls" as an historical account of significant events hitherto ignored, as a political and social analysis of modern day Eastern Christians and their role in the great issues of the Middle East and Islam, and as a moving and personal tribute to Lebanon, a land of martyrs, a land of heros.

To reclaim its legacy as a paragon of plurality, argues a research associate at Georgetown's Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding, Lebanon must first climb out of the morass of "isms" into which it has devolved through decades of civil strife and the meddling of others. Though relatively short, Dagher's book covers a lot of ground. It contains a historical overview of Lebanon's myriad communities as well as an analysis of the development of their mutual distrust. By exposing the nation's self-destructive, inter-communal misconceptions, the author aims to dispel them. Among her allies she numbers no less a figure than Pope John Paul II, whose 1997 visit to Lebanon is stirringly described by Dagher, who shows him standing outside a cathedral (with the sun setting into the Mediterranean as a backdrop) and imploring the country's youth to "bring down the walls erected in the painful past". Those walls, in the author's view, are founded on dogmatic ideologies: sectarianism, Maronitism, fundamentalism, pluralism, and pan-Arabism, to name a few. With unabashed passion, Dagher warns that if Lebanon fails in its multicultural mission, it spells doom not just for a nation uniquely positioned to bridge the gap between Christianity and Islam, but for the entire Levant, which looks to the "country of Cedars" as an oasis in a desert of expanding fanaticism. Her book is a model of engaged journalism, combining thorough research with intensity derived from a personal connection to the subject matter. Quoting numerous Christian and Muslim leaders who stress the importance of preserving diversity, she proves that pluralism is not her ideal alone; it is Lebanon's. Documenting the nation's efforts before and after the civil war to build a model democratic society of diverse sects, she makes a convincing case that the current chronic discord is an aberration. A tougher read for the casual Middle East reader than, say, Thomas Friedman's From Beirut to Jerusalem (1989), but far more penetrating and therefore a must for the expert.

"Bring down the Walls" is a truly unique contribution to the understanding of the sublime mosaic that is the Middle East. The author delves with expert understanding into the complexities of Lebanon's post-war efforts to renew itself and rejuvuate intercommunal relations. Unlike many other writers who approach Lebanon with a snide cyncism and stereotypical images of religious and political groups, author Dahger treats her subject with a compelling sense of humanity, realism and dignity. Combining her honed journalistic skills with an obvious scholarly aptitude, Dagher offers the reader that rare literary opportunity: to learn and enjoy at the same time. The book is replete with incisive first-hand accounts of dramatic efforts to rebuild the shattered spirit of Lebanon, and in particular that of its ancient Christian community. With equal skill and finesse,the reader is effortlessly transported inside the walls of the Vatican to listen in on the great deliberations of the historic 1995 Synod for Lebanon, or to Damascus and the discussion between the US Secretary of State and the President of Syria over Lebanon's future, or to Pope John Paul II's emotional and triumpiant 1997 visit to Lebanon; listen to the author's words, "The Popemobile dived into the bubbling cauldron of the jubliant crowd. It was strewn with rose petals and rice. His face turned red by the sweltering heat of May and by the emotion,the Supreme Pontiff scanned with tenderness and attention the faces and hands lifted toward him. He opened the window and reached out to a a child." (p.189) Not only is this a book sparkling with an abundance of literary gems, but it is an important and timely contribution to the fundamental issue of nation-building. Pluralism, civic society, the role of the military, consenual democracy and institutional governance are seriously treated within the Lebanese experience, but are clearly applicable to any society coping with religious, ethnic and racial diversity. So at one level, "Bring Down the Walls" is an unsurpassed examination of the recent trails and tribulations of the Christians of Lebanon, particularily the Maronite Catholics, at another level, it suggests a blueprint for Lebanon's spiritual and intercommunal revival, and finally it provides a universal message, through the prism of Lebanon's long ordeal of suffering, that speaks to the values of tolerance, diversity and co-existance. I highly recommend "Bring Down the Walls" as an historical account of significant events hitherto ignored, as a political and social analysis of modern day Eastern Christians and their role in the great issues of the Middle East and Islam, and as a moving and personal tribute to Lebanon, a land of martyrs, a land of heros.

This is a beautifully written and well-researched story, and to that extent it is a good book. Chuck and Mary Kastner are friends, and frequent visitors to our Bed & Breakfast, so I won't say any more about the book than "Buy it" you won't be disappointed!

The story on the other hand belongs not only to the book, but to American History. The racers formed a cross-section of American society, with some fascinating foreigners thrown in for good measure. The trials and tribulations of all the runners amazed me and their sheer persistence could not help but become fodder for the story. But more than that the story is of ordinary people whose characters and personalities were forever changed by their phenomenal efforts. When the leaders of the race cross into New York State, there is a gesture by the leading racer which brought tears to my eyes. I leave it to you to buy the book and read the story, and admire these Bunioneers.

Whether you're interested in running, history, or African American studies, you'll find this book fascinating. Well written and surprisingly well researched and referenced, Bunion Derby presents the story of the first footrace across the United States. Among the different elements of the footrace Kastner brings to life, the most intriguing is the story of Ed Gardner, an African American competitor from Seattle.
As ultra distance running becomes increasing popular in contemporary times, Bunion Derby reminds us that such feats of endurance and will have been part of the American fiber since well before the term 'ultramarathon' was heard of.

I found this book to be intriguing and inspirational. It is a book that anyone who is interested in the history of distance running should read. It tells the story of the 1928 footrace across the United States and the stories of the brave men who competed in the race. I couldn't put this book down. It was extremely well researched, and the stories of competitors were inspiring. I strongly recommend this book.

Ostensibly a book about running - it is concerned with the cross country foot race from Los Angeles to New York in 1928 - it is so much more. It is a slice of American history, our pride and our shame. Runners and walkers from all over the globe were competing for a $25,000 prize - a vast sum in those days. Many who entered did so for the money and what it might do for their families. It didn't matter that so many of these men lacked the training, the support people, and the proper attire for such an endeavor. C.C. Pyle, the promoter of the race, and all the attendant side show foolishness that capped most days of competition, promised food and housing along the way. (The eleven-foot tall coffee pot fastened on a truck chassis, a famous curiosity of the day, followed the racers and served the runners and staff 90 gallons of coffee a day).

The reality was this: The food Pyle provided was inadequate to such an arduous venture. Lodging was minimal - tents or boxcars barely serving to keep runners out of the worst of the weather. When one of the front runners persisted in publicly complaining about Pyle's lack of sufficient attention to the men, he received a telegram stating that his wife had died. She had, in fact, died several years earlier; the idea was that he would rush home and forget about the race.

The Black runners fared as well, or as poorly, as the rest of the pack until they ran smack into the Jim Crow South. There they were harassed and threatened. Their treatment was referred to by the international runners as "the most disgraceful thing they ever knew anything about."

Kastner has illuminated what was great and what was wrong with America as it was in 1928. Despite the scorching heat of the Mojave, the sleet, the wind, and the altitude of the mountains, the filthy, sweat-soaked clothing and ill-fitting shoes, and threats and humiliation aimed at the Black athletes, 55 men completed the 3,400-mile trek. These men rose to a challenge and would not be daunted. Why did so many put themselves through such an ordeal? As one racer put it, "Every man who finishes such a race is a winner. He has shown strength of heart and purpose, which should uplift him with pride and uplift his children after him."

The 1920's are famous for grandiose stunts and promotions. One of the most arduous was the great bunion derby of 1928. Brainchild of promoter Charles C. Pyle, this was a foot race from California to New York, spotlighting the newly laid Route 66. This grueling race attracted trained athletes from across the United States and beyond. But most participants were amateurs, ill-suited to the trial before them. They came for the glory, or the thrill, or perhaps the $25,000 prize. Of the 199 starters an ama zing 55 men completed the race.

Kastner's account follows African American, Ed Gardner, through the torturous ordeal. This is history that reads like a novel - absorbing and well-paced. Kastner brings into sharp focus the motivation, the perseverance, the will, the grit that made Gardner a hero of his day.

A thorough and complete review of all the events, policies, and ideas that this Administration has used to make a person fear that the U. S. is undergoing changes. Changes that would make the average citizen gasp if he or she knew about them and drew the unavoidable conclusions. And the illustrations are great!

I wish to commend "Bushed!" to any person who is undecided about the upcoming presidential election. Dr. Walter Clemens' book will clear up any uncertainties that might accidentally induce a subsequently shaming vote for George Bush.

This book is assured protection from post-election regrets. Every reader should be spared the pain and heartbreak of sending a total scoundrel back to the White House. It is a must-read for the informed voter who cares about his or her own personal integrity.

Read "Bushed!" now; not his lips.

H. Watkins Ellerson
Attorney at Law & Commentator
PO Box 90
Hadensville, VA 23067

Clemens's incisive evaluations of the president's statements and actions over a wide spectrum since 2001, graphically enlivened by Morin's editorial cartoons, tellingly exposes the emptiness of the 'compassionate conservative' mantra and the multiple failures of the administration's domestic and foreign policies. Bushed! pithily encapsulates the concerns of those disillusioned with the administration's foibles. From beginning to end, the book engages as well as disturbs and alarms the reader. It should be widely read. - Hermann Fr. Eilts, former U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia and Egypt, and Deputy Commandant, U.S. Army War College.

I bought this book figuring I knew it was obviously going to be anti-George W. Bush. But I'm surprised at how fact-based it is. By that I mean the author isn't just giving opinions about our current President, he's citing actual documents and official sources in illustrating the many liberties taken by the Bush administration.

It's amazing just how much George W has gotten away with, going back to when he transferred all his papers as the Governor of Texas to his daddy's Presidential Library, away from public view...To giving himself more control over his White House papers than any President before...To allowing the identity of a CIA agent to be leaked after the agent's husband was slightly critical of Bush's administration. That's just a small tip of the iceberg. I haven't even mentioned Iraq! The rest is for you to read.

BUSHED! is actually quite a pleasant read. You can use it almost like a reference tool, especially considering it's extensive table of contents. And the political cartoons seem not only to compliment the words, they enhance them.

While I'd LIKE to recommend this BUSHED! to fans of Dubya, I know better. Instead, I'd recommend this book to everyone else.

Although there are many political cartoons, which made me laugh out loud, the authors cover Bush's not so stellar record from Govenor to President. This book makes no claims of being objective, however the events and issues are referenced lending them at least a minimal degree of credibility. The Authors also take it up an intellectual level by showing how Bush's actions are Machiavellian to a fault and they tie in some quotes of the ancient Greek philosphers on how democracy is supposed to work.

There are no issues here which will surprise anyone who has watched the news for the past four years, but will remind us of things like: how our president wants to promote a cluture of life and thus protect the unborn, but during his terms as TX govenor, TX had the highest number of excutions in the US; ENRON's and Halliburton's ties to the current administration, Environment- what was that Kyoto thing?; Education and how NCLB is mandated, but not funded, the Middle East Debacle, and many more.

If you are already firmly anti-Bush this book will reinforce your sentiment. If nothing else the cartoons are worth it, but the text is not throw-away by any stretch.

Patrick Mallon's writing style is direct, informative and entertaining. He writes with the confidence of a knowledgeable truth seeker. I found this book compelling on every level. Reading it stirred emotions from angst to disbelief. What is California thinking? It's all there, recalls; corruptive protocols; political pitfalls; soaring debt; heterosexism? I hope that Arnold has read California Dictatorship from cover to cover. This book is energizing.

I originally came across Mallon's work in the form of contributions to NewsMax.com. I was hooked. This book is a must read for everyone concerned about the future of our Nation. As Patrick so eloquently points out, "As California goes, so goes the nation".

Patrick Mallon has written a superb book on California politics. This is the book to read to understand the Gray Davis recall and the state of the State. It was a pleasure to have Patrick on my program on KGO Newstalk 810. Whenever we talk California politics, I will call Patrick Mallon.

John F. Rothmann

KGO Newstalk 810 Radio
San Francisco, CA
www.kgo.com

As the voters increasingly prefer the conservative message to the liberal one that proved so successful for so many years, the most dramatic rejection of a political figure in recent times has to be the election that removed the former liberal, Democrat Governor of California, Gray Davis, from office and replaced him with Arnold Schwarzenegger. Patrick Mallon has documented why Californians took this dramatic step in California Dictatorship: How Liberal Extremism Destroyed Gray Davis [...]. As the title suggests, the author is highly critical of the liberal approach to governing, but he backs it up with a clear-eyed look at the way California legislators failed to serve citizens. A classic polemic, this book should be read by every Californian and political junky who wants to understand how the electricity crisis, immigration, the gay agenda, and other social issues undermined the tone-deaf, arrogant Davis and the crony politics that underwrote his administration. Mallon reveals that the largest "party" in California were people who didn't vote! One result, in Davis' hands was the destruction of its economy and a huge migration of people out of California. The other result was his recall by a lot of people who decided to vote to save the State. -- [...]

Patrick Mallon's "California Dictatorship" is book that shows the danger of politicians (Davis in this case) that are so beholden to extremist groups that they can't even govern. In Davis' case, Mr. Mallon explains that on several matters (English-only and immigration specifically) Davis thumbed his nose at the voters. Remember, in California, people get to vote on such things, and it's binding. But that didn't matter to Davis. This book is a perfect library item (after you've read it) because it contains the details of these and other factors leading up to Davis' demise and you will want to revisit those stories before debating your liberal friends. The lesson? Ingore the voters at your peril. Other governors should read this book, although my Governor, Rick Perry of Texas, seems to be much more in tune with voters these days. Maybe he's read Mallon.

This book is great! Patrick Mallon says it as it is. He put together a highly entertaining and very interesting read for those on the right and on the left. No matter what political party you associate yourself with, you have to read it and draw conclusions about how not to govern California.
Even if you don't agree with author's views, his writing style is great, and it's well worth the read. Anyone with a strong opinion should check it out. Thank you Mr. Mallon. Highly recommend.

Prof.Mueller tries to correct several misconceptions about capitalism and democracy.
a) Quite contrary to popular beliefs and the propaganda from a deafening chorus of anticapitalist voices Prof.Mueller posits, that capitalism tends to reward positive ethical behavior. "Nice guys come out first" .
b) For a variety of reasons this simple truth became obscured and capitalism tends to be maligned and is believed to be governed by the opposite priciples of theft, deception and moral depravity.
Reading Prof.Mueller`s book I remembered the opening line of a letter, Karl Marx wrote 1872 in reply to an article in a German business paper ("Concordia"). Summarily Marx adressed producers ("Fabrikanten") as experts in counterfeiting their merchandise.
This contrasts eerily with research findings, Prof.Mueller cites, which attest English and German producers a marked shift towards ethical behaviour during the 19.th century!
c) Following Prof.Mueller, democracy may be described to be the rule of a minority with acquiescence of the majority. And this minority rule with majority asquiescence happens to be not a defect but a
strongpoint. There may even be democracy without elections, because not the ballot box is to be considered the heart of a democratic government but the responsiveness towards special interests from society, which must be given the guarantee of peaceful pursuit against those in power.
Following the author`s very sensible train of thoughts I started wondering, wether we could call the period of Kaiserreich" in German history 1870 to 1914 a democratic period and there may be room for a democratic development in China - even without challenging the one-party rule.
I can gladly label Prof.Mueller`s book the most important title about capitalism and democracy I ever read. This is a seminal book for many years to come. I am very fortunate, to have come across it! Thank you indeed, John Mueller!

If a friend told me that he was flying to a deserted island in the South Pacific and starting a new country, first I would tell him he was crazy. Next, I would give him this book, insist that he read it, and use it as a blueprint for a successful society. Mr. Mueller's book is an excellent defense of both capitalism and democracy, the twin pillars of our American society. The author points out that while neither system is perfect, both are superior to any other economic method or political institution. His book is filled with interesting facts and fascinating insights. For example, Mr. Mueller insists that capitalism, far from extinguishing virtue, actually encourages it. This is because businessmen who treat their customers and co-workers with fairness and compassion have an economic advantage over their brooding colleagues. This seems counterintuitive but is born out by evidence. Service was especially poor and rude in former communist countries. Today, American companies from McDonald's to K-Mart, much maligned by the press, are teaching benevolent business practices to Third World nations from Africa to the Orient. Mr. Mueller also makes the interesting point that economics is approaching a level of sophistication similar to medicine at the turn of the twentieth century. Today, for the first time ever, economists can offer truly effective remedies for policy makers. Such a development, if true, promises an era of truly spectacular growth. The author also makes the sobering point that capitalism is a poor tonic for increasing personal happiness. Money has never substituted for family, faith, and meaningful work. Nor will it in the future. When it comes to democracy, Mr. Mueller believes that we expect too much from our political process. The 1994 health care debate, to some commentators, is an example of our failed democracy. In contrast, Mr. Mueller suggests that this episode proves the resiliency of our institutions. Legislation was proposed and debated, constituencies were mobilized and addressed, and the outcome was largely favorable. Democracy can be messy but it is incredibly responsive and self-correcting. It is the only political system that provides the average citizen with the instruments of political power. As more and more nations embrace the virtue of capitalism and democracy, colossal progress can be made in alleviating poverty, ensuring human rights, and achieving self-actualization. There is no realistic alternative to democracy or capitalism on the horizon. Nor should we want one.

Although capitalism and democracy are regarded by many as the twin engines propelling the United States into its present position of world leadership, discussions of what these institutions mean for Amercians in practical, everyday terms are exceedingly rare. John Mueller, a professor of political science at the University of Rochester, has taken a giant step toward examining the reality of capitalism and democracy...As he puts it, capitalism and democracy consistently fall short of the images and ideas conveyed by theorists and pundits.

Mueller is convinced that the free-market economy has proven its value. Government intervention cannot instill the values essential to successful enterprise, and over the long run it undercuts them...In any event, economic inequality is inevitable, whatever the economic system in place, and capitalism has the advantage over other systems of providing greater prosperity and rewarding moral behavior...

Whereas Mueller focuses on the negative images frequently associated with capitalism, his discussion of democracy concentrates on the unattainable ideal by which it is often judged...Especially important from Mueller's perspective is recognition of the fact that special interests and inequality are inherent in democratic systems...

Democracy may be grubby, chaotic, and constantly compromising, but it soundly beats any of the alternatives. Mueller concedes that authoritarian forms of government may occasionally produce great leaders, but he argues that in no nation have such leaders existed for any length of time. Democracy constantly reevaluates its leaders and provides the means for replacing them, and it has consistently demonstrated a capacity to thrive even with large amounts of citizen apathy, cynicism, and even ignorance...

Obviously, Mueller's bare-bones approach to democracy drives a stake into the core assumptions of many texts and courses on the history of political thought. Traditionally, the rise of democratic institutions in the West has been traced to religious, economic, and ideological forces that not only forced change but also provided a basis for the survival of democratic institutions...Mueller rejects all such appeals to specific preconditions-primarily, it appears, because he fears that reliance on such historical developments will inhibit the promotion of democracy in today's world...In Mueller's view, democracy now is in "fashion" (p. 204), and the only serious threat to it is the appearance of groups of armed "thugs" (p. 203)...

As the United States moves into the twenty-first century, it has established itself as the dominant political, economic, and military power in the world. Yet its leaders and intellectuals lack the sort of architectonic theoretical paradigms that have emerged on the continent and to which many American scholars continue to feel obliged to genuflect as models to be emulated. Mueller seems singularly unimpressed by the need to formulate overarching theoretical explanations...Mueller's position is that individual liberty propelled by self-interest has made a better, if imperfect and untidy world that can be justified on its own terms.

If a friend told me that he was flying to a deserted island in the South Pacific to start a new country, first I would tell him he was crazy. Next, I would give him this book, insist that he read it, and use it as a blueprint for a successful society. Mr. Mueller's book is an excellent defense of both capitalism and democracy, the twin pillars of our American society. The author points out that while neither system is perfect, both are superior to any other economic method or political institution. His book is filled with interesting facts and fascinating insights. For example, Mr. Mueller insists that capitalism, far from extinguishing virtue, actually encourages it. This is because businessmen who treat their customers and co-workers with fairness and compassion have an economic advantage over their brooding colleagues. This seems counterintuitive but is born out by evidence. Service was especially poor and rude in former communist countries. Today, American companies from McDonald's to K-Mart, much maligned by the press, are teaching benevolent business practices to Third World nations from Africa to the Orient. Mr. Mueller also makes the interesting point that economics is approaching a level of sophistication similar to medicine at the turn of the twentieth century. Today, for the first time ever, economists can offer truly effective remedies for policy makers. Such a development, if true, promises an era of truly spectacular growth. The author also makes the sobering point that capitalism is a poor tonic for increasing personal happiness. Money has never substituted for family, faith, and meaningful work. Nor will it in the future. When it comes to democracy, Mr. Mueller believes that we expect too much from our political process. The 1994 health care debate, to some commentators, is an example of our failed democracy. In contrast, Mr. Mueller suggests that this episode proves the resiliency of our institutions. Legislation was proposed and debated, constituencies were mobilized and addressed, and the outcome was largely favorable. Democracy can be messy but it is incredibly responsive and self-correcting. It is the only political system that provides the average citizen with the instruments of political power. As more and more nations embrace the virtue of capitalism and democracy, colossal progress can be made in alleviating poverty, ensuring human rights, and achieving self-actualization. There is no realistic alternative to democracy or capitalism on the horizon. Nor should we want one.

This is a fine book and should receive much more attention. It's well researched, but accessible and entertaining. If you, like me, believe it's near paradise to live in a society where you can be left alone to live in relative comfort so long as you don't mind working for it, you'll love this book. If, on the other hand, you think that there was some prehistoric Shangrila, or that the constitution gurantees everyone a color TV and self esteem, don't bother unless you're prepared to learn something.

If I recall his New Yorker profile accurately, Posner gets up at 4 a.m. every morning to maintain his extraordinary and excellent output as a public intellectual and judge of the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals. At 145 pages, this volume is perhaps Posner's shortest and--both because it is aimed at a general audience and resulted from a lecture series--one of his most readable. My sense, however, is that it would only appeal to those already steeped in the profession. Not even a law student would find instructive comparisons with Stone, Hand, Friendly, Prosser, or Schaeffer. For those in the profession, however, I recommend this book most highly. It is less valuable for its purported study in reputation than for its profound, if succinct, understanding of Cardozo the man and the insight it provides into the style and logic of some of his best known decisions, Palsgraf and MacPherson chief among them. Posner's original attempt at a quantitative understanding of reputation relies on Cardozo's relative frequency of citation in some Westlaw data bases over the years. It is pseudo-scientific, redolent of Posner's application of economics to an understanding of the law and, while interesting, not very meaningful. The book as a whole, however, is most gratifying.

This may be the classic book by Posner. Shorter than most his books--and less encyclopaedic--but also less maiandering. Cardozo: A Study in Reputation stays on track, while revealing a complex sensibility of jurisprudence by Posner and an astounding intuition by Cardozo. In this book we see two great legal minds at work: Cardozo's providing the interpretations that further social welfare and Posner's explaining why these interpretations are so desirable.

I 'd rate this book the one MUST READ book if you are thinking about law school. This is what law school is about: Struggling with how to promote social welfare by interpretation and rulemaking.

Judge Posner examines the reasons for Cardozo's reputation and, more important, analyzes the rhetorical methods the judge used in creating some of the most renowned and cited decisions in American law. How and why he crafted the statement of the facts a certain way for one decision, a different way for another; how Cardozo used a lawyer's persuasive skills in reaching results he believed were warranted. Posner also examines the inconsistencies in Cardozo's thinking and opinion-writing. The book presents a portrait of a brilliant, prudent jurist and illuminates his professional shortcomings as well. May have little appeal for the non-lawyer, but for anyone interested in legal writing, the judicial process, and opinion-making, this is a terrific book.

Judge Posner builds and presents a strong case in defense of Justice Cardozo's reputation as a leading American jurist. Apparently, sometime during the 1950s a revisionary movement emerged in American legal thought that eventually injured Benjamin N. Cardozo. His Hemmingwayesque opinions were criticized as pedestrian, and the logic behind his reasoning was attacked as paternalistic. Judge Posner's thesis (a top-notch dissertation) deflects the subjective defamation and focuses upon objective standards of judicial measurement. Employing the resources of an electronic legal database, he proves that the Cardozo opinions, particularly those written as a judge in NY's Ct. of Appeals, have been consistently cited with regularity. This original test demonstrates that Cardozo's influence on the common law is unrivaled by any jurist other than O W Holmes.

Attempting to create a new genre of social science, Judge Posner smoothly integrates the drives that formed Cardozo as a man with the strictures of the law that define a judge. Analysis of the opinions, along with the briefs of the arguments, show that he was a good judge because he was able to reach correct results even when the specific facts of cases seemed to predict a legal anamoly. That quality produced case law that remains hard to reconcile, and the result has been attacks on the decisions as inconsistent. Judge Posner recognizes those weaknesses, but rather than contorting his logic in reconciling them explains that a man's reputation is typically based on either his high points or his low ones. In Cardozo's case, his death after only six years on the US Supreme Court limited the high points to controversial cases, such as MacPherson and Hynes. Judge Posner speculates that had Cardozo, like Holmes, had a full career as a Supreme Court justice the subjective standard for measurement of his reputation would have shifted away from the decisions as a state judge.

Although those state court opinions continue to dominate Torts textbooks, Cardozo's critics have injured his reputation by suggesting that he was merely a flamboyant local judge. Judge Posner shows that their slurs have not reached the ears of leading jurists. However, the ordinary person is apt to adopt those reputationary revisions without actually reading Cardozo's opinions and relating them to the specific cases and the development of American common law. Thus, Judge Posner creates a bridge, somewhat like Justice Cardozo, between arcane legal studies and the conduct of the people that law governs.

I just started my law school teaching career by teaching Torts, and I was a bit baffled at Cardozo's fame. Judge Posner explains the extent to which Cardozo stood head and shoulders above other jurists in notoriety, speculates why this is so, shows why Cardozo's reputation as a Supreme Court justice is dimmer than his reputation as a state judge, and dissects Cardozo's opinions. I thought that his discussion of Cardozo's literary style was especially masterful, as was his explanation of Cardozo's advantages in obtaining a great reputation.

The only part of the book I found lacking was Posner's discussion of individual cases, which was a bit less exciting than the rest of the book. Before reading the book I was not convinced that the infarmous Palsgraf case deserved its notoriety-- and I still don't get the Palsgraf mystique that seems to entrance so many other law professors and lawyers.

Greg and I are now in the process of completing an updated version of Celestial Delights, which will track naked-eye events from 2003 through 2010 (and in some cases beyond). It is slated for release in October by Celestial Arts, ISBN 1-58761-157-0, 7 x 10 inches.

Thank you all for your supportive comments!

I received this book as a gift in 1995 and have referred to it monthly sharing with others the upcoming events of the celestial sky. I hope the authors of this fine book will release same for the next ten years. I keep searching new releases for information regarding same. I look forward to the new release!

I agree with Steve from Ketchum, ID.
When will we be able to learn what to watch for from 2002 to 2010 in the beautiful sky here in Springdale (Zion National Park), Utah?

I hope you authors plan to do the next edition to cover 2001-2010. I found the current edition very useful for what to look for and when. Eclipses, times etc. All very helpful.

This book is easy to read and understand with lots of diagrams and illustrations. It covers everything from meteor showers to eclipses to viewing planets. There are illustrations to show exactly where to look in the sky (helpful for those of us who aren't too familiar with the constellations), and a calendar in the back which shows you what will be happening each month till 2010. I have always enjoyed astromony, but I always felt like I missed eclipses or forgot about meteor showers. This book will solve those problems!

Chemical And Biological Warfare analyzes the key issues related to chemical and biological warfare, detailing known chemical and biological agents, how they may be used in weaponry, and the possibilities of their use in modern conflicts. Readers seeking a technical survey of proliferation and basic concepts of chemical and biological weaponry receive more in-depth information here than in many titles.

A first class presentation of Chem/Bio warfare basics. Highly recommend it.

A first-rate survey of this important topic. Croddy has produced a calm and clear overview that should prove invaluable to both students and scholars.

I read, and enjoyed, Judith Miller's Germs book, but its sometimes superficial journalistic treatment left me wanting more concrete information: on chemical and biological agents, where they come from, who has them, how they could get used, what we can do to stop or counteract them, etc. I found all that and more in this excellent book, which, in spite of its straightforward presentation, is every bit as gripping as Germs. Croddy is no alarmist---he thinks a lot of the recent hoopla is overblown given the difficulties any terrorist would have spreading an agent like anthrax (and, thank God, he appears to be right on this score)---but there's plenty to get alarmed over in this book, and now is the right time to read it and digest its lessons, rather than waiting for the next chemical or biological panic attack.

Chemical and Biological Warfare: An Annotated Bibliography is a great book to read before bed, on the subway or lounging on the beach. It is sensitively written, and though the roto-protagonist isn't very well developed as a character, the subplot and the overall romance is beautiful. If you liked The Firm, you'll love this book. (I have gotten some great pick-up lines from this book, too!)