Events Books

In "Marxism and Terrorism," Trotsky disparages people (mostly Anarchists) who seek to bring about the revolution prematurely by staging acts of "terrorism" such as assassinations of factory-owning capitalists and local politicians, or the bombing of factories. He says that such actions only move public opinion in favor of the capitalists, while the assassinated persons are easily and quickly replaced, and the oppressive social system itself remains largely unaffected. In Trotsky's own words, here is the situation which follows from an overt terrorist attack by an angry member of the working class: "The smoke from the explosion clears away, the successor of the murdered minister makes his appearance, life again settles into the old rut, the wheel of capitalist exploitation turns as before; only police repression grows more savage and brazen" (p. 10). Trotsky's perspective--which is also, in this case, Marx's--is that history is inevitably moving toward communism all on its own. The more the workers are exploited, the greater will be the number of people who side with them. Eventually, according to Marx and Trotsky, worker exploitation will become so bad that a critical mass of the people will see the "true face" of the for-profit economic system, and will take over the state in order to put in place a different economic system where everyone has ownership. Trying to speed up this inevitable historical occurrence by staging small-scale terrorist attacks is not just ineffective, but actually counterproductive, says Trotsky.

Probably the most striking thing about these writings, for me, was the realization of just how badly original Marxist thought has been distorted by the Latin American revolutionaries, beginning with Castro and Guevara. When you read this, it's almost as if Trotsky is speaking out directly *against* these groups, albeit 40+ years before they ever came to exist! The Latin American theory of GPP ("Prolonged Popular War") and Guevara's theory of FOCO warfare were both built on the idea that a tiny group of determined Marxist individuals can successfully foment a revolution. How? By taking to the countryside and staging hit-and-run attacks on government outposts (which is in fact exactly what was done by Castro's Cuban rebels). But such attacks almost perfectly fit Trotsky's definition of "terrorism," which as already noted he thought to be entirely counterproductive.

In a single twenty minute sitting, this tiny volume really helped to consolidate all that I've learned about Marx and Marxism over the past couple of months. I *highly* recommend it as a starting point for the student of history who is interested in understanding Marxism (which every student of history should be). It may be the best $3.50 I've ever spent on a book!

Edited to add: another book you should check out for concise exposition of radical political theories such as socialism and anarchism is The Great Political Theories, Vol. 2, by Michael Curtis. It's succinct and it's only $7.99 on Amazon. It's also considered somewhat of a classic for introducing undergraduate students to political philosophy. And a free online resource that is great for introducing Anarchism is the Anarchist FAQ (just google "Anarchist FAQ" and you'll see it, it's published by over a hundred different websites).

Title is misleading. Trotsky tries to point out how the state reacts to individual terrorism (political assasinations). His condemnation of terrorism by both the state and those who call themselves from the left is a wonderful reader.

This collection of articles by Russian revolutionary leader Leon Trotsky is an important contribution to the discussion on how to fight against an inhumane and brutal ruling order. It discusses the social roots of terrorism, and argues strongly that it is an obstacle to developing the organized leadership necessary for millions of toilers to take destiny in their own hands and transform society for the good of all humanity. Trotsky bases his observations on the long history of terror in Czarist Russia, and counterposes it to the successful mass revolutionary struggle led by the Bolsheviks that did topple the Czarist regime, established a workers and peasants government and overthrow capitalism.

This pamphlet also includes two articles from the 1930s. One explains why Trotsky and other revolutionary opponents of the Stalinist dictatorship that developed in the Soviet Union did not resort to terror. Another discusses Herschel Grynszpan, a Jewish youth who assassinated a Nazi official in Paris in 1938. Trotsky identifies with the emotions that led to Grynzspan�s act and calls for workers protests to stop the French government from executing him. But he argues �to all those capable of self-sacrifice in the struggle against despotism and bestiality: Seek another road! Not the lone revolutionary avenger but only a great revolutionary mass movement can free the oppressed.�

Other valuable writings by Trotsky on this question include: �How the Workers in Austria Should Fight Hitler,� �Individual Terror and Mass Terror,� and �A Revolutionary, not a Terrorist� all from Writings of Leon Trotsky, 1935-36. See also, Their Morals and Ours and History of the Russian Revolution, by Trotsky, and The Changing Face of U.S. Politics, by Jack Barnes.

Most people are concerned with finding eternal truths. Certainly preservation of the only form of intelligent life we know of is a noble aim, in other words the survival of our species. Yet something horrible happened in human history about six thousand years ago, and we became "a house divided against ourselves." And as long as society remains unjust, rebels who fight for freedom and equality will be defending ourselves against slanders of violence. Real revolutionaries abhor and denounce indiscriminant terrorism, because it is both immoral and counterproductive. September 11, 2001, was a classic case in point. Even though the choice of targets laid bare the World Trade Center and the Pentagon as monuments to ruthless avarice and violence, such acts do nothing whatsoever to unite or mobilize the exploited in their own liberation. But they DO however immediately mobilize the exploiters to deepen oppression and violence: Kabul was bombed that same night, and both Afghanistan and Iraq were devastated by wars, and the White House frantically scours for its next target. Trotsky denounced the grotesque hypocrisy of those who sermonize pacifism to the exploited while managing to not notice that the wealthy employ us to kill each other to protect their ownership of resources and manufacturing. Consider this book as a companion to Trotsky's pamphlet, Marxism and Terrorism, with a cogent explanation on why individual terrorism relegates workers to the role of spectators while opening their movement to provocation and victimization.

... This collection of essays by one of the leading revolutionaries of the 20th century provides a much-needed critical perspective on terrorism. Not from a moralizing point of view, but to show that by relying on individual �heroic� acts of violence like assassinations of government leaders, terrorist tactics ignore and devalue the masses of people as the most important agent of their own liberation. Though his examples are drawn from Hapsburg Austria, Tsarist Russia and Nazi Germany, when you read his words, you can easily see the relevance to liberation struggles taking place today from Palestine to Ireland to the Philippines. I especially like the way that Trotsky sympathizes with the hatred of the gross injustice that breeds terrorism, but at the same time explains that individual terrorist tactics are doomed to fail.

The fourth estate is supposed to expose nonsense in the public interest, but in this book, Radford exposes how the media itself purveys nonsense, betraying its contract with the American people.

Should be required reading for everyone -- arms you with the weapons you need to defend yourself from the daily onslought of error, half-truth, and ratings-pandering fake news.

There are hundreds of examples in this well-researched book of how the media distorts facts and displays its bias (not liberal or conservative, per se, but a coporate bias that panders to viewers who want spectacle, not facts).

Not since Neil Postman has there been a media critic who is so on the side of the critical thinker and so incisive in his critiques of the power of the media.

Highly recommended.

. I recommend this book for his discussions of the media and of advertising--his critique of AOL is worth the price of admission alone.
. When Radford is addressing the press, he's right on. As he accurately points out, the media's efforts to keep the populace worked up and scared yields some untoward results, for example, fear legislation. He's right on the money.
. His crusade, that we as Americans are lacking critical thinking skills, is an accurate assessment. But when he addresses matters of science and law, he's sometimes off the mark. Although he labels himself as a skeptic, it seems much of his approach is that of the modern American cynic--if you can attribute an action to base motives, then you must be right.
. On matters of law, I wish he and other writers would understand that the making of a claim, or even the filing of a lawsuit, is evidence of nothing beyond the claimant or counsel could afford the filing fee. A court judgment means something. A settlement sometimes does and sometimes doesn't. But filing a complaint means nothing.

I have to be honest, I don't watch a lot of news programs. I don't watch my local news nor the endless parade of talking heads that work the 24 hour news desk on any of the big cable news channels. There is a good reason for this . . .I was able to recognize much of what Ben Radford mentions in his book - cross pollination of products and their producers, advertising disguised as news, and that not all experts are as objective as they should be.
While Ben writes about the problems in the journalism and advertising trades, there is also the suggestion that the integrity and objectivity we desrve from the media at large will only be offered if we demand it.

Written in the spirit of Vance Packard and Ralph Nader, Ben Radford delivers a blistering critique of the subtle media forces that vie for our hearts, minds and wallets. Acerbic and witty, this is a provocative, engaging book that would be ideal for college media classes.

Robert E. Bartholomew, Ph.D.

By far one of the most useful books to be published in recent years, Media Mythmakers provides essential information that all people, especially those living within the USA, should arm themselves with.

The media is a powerful force in our lives - in our thoughts, our beliefs and most importantly, our actions. Radford examines this force with a critical and objective eye, dissecting its elements and penetrating the motivations, meanings, and effects it has upon civilization. Even the most cynical reader may be horrified by what Radford uncovers. Fascinating examples are provided throughout this well-written book. Best of all, however, are the realistic solutions for change.

As an editor, Radford is more than qualified to examine this realm and he does so with great skill. I was happy to discover that the book was extraordinarily well organized and written. I can see it used as a basis for many high school and university courses in journalism, communication and critical thinking. In an improved world, it might also be used by activists, media professionals, decision-makers, politicians - even concerned parents and students of life.

The reader is left with a media literacy that will serve them well throughout life and is necessary in our time. I highly recommend this book to one and all.

On March 15, 1979, General João Baptista Figuereido assumed power as the fifth military president of Brazil and extended an amnesty for all political crimes, both by state security agents and by opponents to the regime. While this amnesty assured there would be no trials for human rights abusers, ironically, it provided an opportunity for the most serious movement to challenge the practice of torture by the regime itself, that of the Brasil Nunca Mais project. It is the story of this project that Lawrence Weschler narrates in the first half of this book. Weschler explains how, during a very limited period of access, the members of the Brasil Nunca Mais project team were able to photocopy the carefully catalogued archives of the Supreme Military Court in order to make them public to the world. They filled a void in Brazil in taking up activities that the state never would- mainly that of telling the truth about this dark period in Brazilian history. Of course, the resulting report, Brasil Nunca Mais, speaks for itself. But Weschler's account of how it came to be is illuminating and as relevant today as when it was first published. It is particularly poignant that only recently, in November of 2005, did the Brazilian government move to declassify dictatorship-era files. Perhaps this signals that the Brazilian government is willing to fully engage with the legacies of the dictatorship, but for the time being Weschler's book offers one of the few windows on this shameful past.

The section on Uruguay is also thoroughly engaging and recounts all the anxieties of a citizen-initiated campaign to bring former torturers to justice. Weschler's skillful eyewitness accounts make the reader feel as if the petition drive were happening right now, as opposed to two decades ago.

A Miracle, A Universe is a thoroughly well-researched and thoughtful contribution to general human rights literature and should be read by anyone with an interest in social movements and human rights activism, not just those with an interest in Latin America.

Considering myself to be a young leftist, I had just read Michael Moore's books "Stupid White Men and Dude, Wheres my country?". Of course this was childs play to real writings and i decided to up myself a level. Being born in Australia of Uruguayan parents and living in Uruguay for a few years I already had some base knowledge on the tortures and dissapearences across Latin-America, this book told me more than I could of ever imagined. It opened my eyes to the reality of the situation and just how much the Brasilian and Uruguayan people had suffered, as well as all those other people who faced horrible fates at the hand of dictatorships. The author is completely nuetral and criticises both sides accordingly. This book was the turning point in my life, having always been one of those people that say, "I cant read books, i get to the 5th page and im bored". Now I read them by the dozen, my thirst for knowledge is unstoppable and i owe it to this book. Upon completion I had many emotions flowing through me, but one true desire overpowered them all...then and there I swore to do everything in my power to end these kind of abuses.

This book reads like a work of journalism. It was good because it explained the economic and social conditions that spawn totalitarian regimes and military takeovers. Very good bibliography if you want to further your study. Good Interviews. Very Thorough and Fair. More than I would have been. Names, Dates, and the history behind the story is always given.

An incredible book that describes a few horrific cultures of dictatorship that will hopefully be forever unrecognizable to people in the United States. The most fascinating parts of the book are the theories of how the dicatorships came to be (the Tupamaros in Uruguay and the backlash of the military, etc.); even more incredible is how the leaders of the respective dictatorships stayed in power out of necessary compromises with the government(some are still in power, which will be difficult to swallow after reading this book). It is, in the end, a hopeful book with a warning: "¡Nunca más!" The book asks "how do you come to terms with those that tortured?" (especially in the incredible situation of passing someone who tortured you in the street, described by someone in the book) Another point the author makes is that there can be forgiveness after such horror, and if there's not there may just be more torture. A very worthwhile read, but not for the squeamish.

Lastly, the book provides a good introduction to a much neglected country: Uruguay. There are very few accounts in English of Uruguay, and this is probably the best I've seen. I have also visited Uruguay; it is a fascinating country and well worth a visit. You get a real appreciation for the friendliness of the people after reading what a lot of them went through during "la dictadura."

This is a magnificent book about a terrible subject. From the sixties through till the mid-Eighties, almost the entire continent of South America fell under the sway, or rather the boot, of military dictatorship. The dictatorships were, without exception but with varying degrees of vigour, active in torturing political prisoners. Weschler does a masterful job in describing the various forces that contributed to the overthrow of democracy throughout the Southern cone (not the least of which was American insistence on training Southern militaries and police forces in counter-insurgency in the hope that Castro's example would not spread further south), but the book's focus is not only the depravities of the two regimes -- Brazil and Uruguay -- but on the efforts of survivors of torture and imprisonment to make their oppressors see and recognise their evils.

The first section, 'A miracle, a universe' recounts the incredible efforts that went into collating and publishing the account Brasil: Nunca Mais (Brazil: Never Again), a book which set forth the policies of systematic torture and denial of due process practiced by Brazil's dictators. The truly remarkable aspect of the work was that all the material was obtained from the regime's own archives, over a period of several years, and at great personal risk to the authors. It's an inspiring story, and one that demonstrates the power of the written word.

The second and longer part of the book, 'The reality of the world', centres of the efforts of a committe in Uruguay to call those accused of torture during the country's decade-plus period of military dictatorship to account. In an effort to hasten reconciliation (or so they claimed), the civilian government declared an amnesty for those imprisoned for subversion under the old regime; later this amnesty was extended to those who tortured their political enemies. A group of concerned citizens began an exhausting referendum campaign to put the second amnesty to a vote. Weschler makes their task as exciting as a Hollywood thriller, without ever losing sight of the horror and tragedy which had been their inspiration. It's a beautifully structured, patient, and gorgeously written piece of work. An afterword makes some more general claims about the need to speak up on the subject of torture. 'The scream that comes welling out of the torture chamber is thus double -- the body calling out to the soul, the self calling out to others -- and in both cases, it goes unanswered. Torture's stark lesson is precisely that enveloping silence: it aims to take that silence and introject it back into its victim, to replace the flame of subjectivity with an abject, hollow void.' It is through reading books like Weschler's, and discussing and acting on his suggestions and the example of those in Brazil and Uruguay and elsewhere, that this silence can be partly drowned out. The book deserves -- indeed, demands -- a wide readership.

While the rest of the world is predicting doom-day scenario about the recent terrorist activities, Dr. Susmit Kumar presents a refreshing take on the issue in his book "Modernization of Islam". The primary message of the book is that the current upheaval in Middle East will eventually lead to Modernization of Islam, much like the the World War II did for Europe. The book covers an array of topics like World War I and II, Middle east, US Economy, etc., and then very skillfully connects the dots to give a perspective on the whole matter. Some of the book's prediction about US economy are already coming true. For each chapter, the book starts with basics (which makes it easy for people who may have little background about the issue) and then delves into the intricate details of the issues. It is not surprising that the book has over 600 references! The book has a very engaging storytelling style which makes the book un-put-down-able. You will feel like reading this over and over again. You can just pick the book at any point and be totally immersed. After reading the book, you will feel like an expert on current affairs and will find yourself educating others around you!

Nothing in mankind is beautiful without a lot of effort - democracy and freedom in the Islamic world is no different. "The Modernization of Islam and the Creation of a Multipolar World Order" is a look the gradually changing world with a focus on the middle east and the Muslim world. Comparing the modern conflicts of today to how World Wars I and II began to purge Europe of its absolute monarchies, "The Modernization of Islam" is a thoughtful study of global transformation, offering an optimistic viewpoint of the region for a change. Highly recommended for community library religious and political collections.

Dr. Susmit Kumar gives us new hope that whatever is happening in the world today will have a beneficial outcome. Modernization of Islam carries the art of sharing with the reader a vein of optimisms by linking together an impressive mass of documented information (with 640 references/notes) regarding recent and past history concerning religion, politics and economy as well. Some information may be disturbing at the first glance as not all the truth indeed is revealed at the time of the historical facts. Millions of people may be benefited by expanding the vision of society beyond the apparent clashes of civilizations. This book definitely helps to prepare the mind of the reader for the unavoidable changes that history artfully jot on the global canvas towards a new world order.

Ac. Vimaleshananda Avt.

Dr. Kumar presents a fresh analysis of current events in "The Modernization of Islam". As the U.S. economy continues to weaken, so too will U.S. support weaken for its client states in the Islamic World, enabling fundamentalist groups to vie for power in the short term. However, the long term vision for the future is hopeful and benevolent, with a true democracy taking hold where local people control their local resources and economy. A must read for those interested in the upheavals we are witnessing today.

What will be the final outcome in Iraq? Is it possible to spread democracy throughout the Middle East and Northern Africa? How bad is America's economy? Could the Euro or gold surpass the dollar? These are just some of the questions debated in barbershops, at kitchen tables and on talk radio shows around the nation and world.

Dr. Susmit Kumar offers answers to those questions and provides solutions in his new book, "The Modernization of Islam" "There is not much America can do to stop the rise of Islamic Militancy in Iraq. Unfortunately, the extremists rising to power is a necessary step in the birthing process of democracy," reveals the previous member of the prestigious India Administrative Service, which influences and implements government policy

The Founding President of the Prout Institute of United States draws parallels between early 20th century Europe and present day Islamic society, "Had Europe not endured the labor pains of World Wars I and II, it might still be ruled by Monarchs." Dr. Kumar further explains after Islamic nations succumb to the grips of extremists, the people will eventually rise up against fundamentalism.

"It is at that point the majority of Islamic nations will become secular and democratic, like Turkey," he continues. Once Turkey gained it's independence in 1923, nationalists introduced several radical political, cultural and social reforms including closing the Islamic courts.

Dr. Kumar points out that it has remained free ever since shedding its fundamentalists' rule, "Despite being 99 percent Muslim, Turkey has been a fairly successful example of a secular democratic state for over 80 years." He adds that before a democratic rebirth can occur in Iraq or any other Islamic nation, the labor pains have to take place.

The war in Iraq has become the nation's most debated issue because of all that has been committed and allocated to fighting it. "But we have to leave," Dr. Kumar powerfully contends. "We cannot do anything more there and it is costing us our people, money and resources."

According to Dr. Kumar, the more than $2 billion spent per week by the U.S in Iraq should be spent on Americans or not at all bearing in mind the growing trade deficit ($700 billion per year) and budget deficits. In last 7 years, America's debt has increased from $5 trillion to $9 trillion, and, he adds, "The latest bestseller by a Nobel Prize winner in Economics predicts the total price tag of the war may surpass $3 trillion considering the indirect costs of veteran care."
These factors worry Dr. Kumar, "Taking advantage of our dollar being global currency, Fed just prints dollars whenever it feels necessary. Because of our huge debt, OPEC is considering a switch in oil pricing from the dollar to the Euro. If the Euro makes further gains and takes over has the global currency, a potential doomsday scenario could play out for the U.S. economy affecting America's military might." If America eventually faces this situation, it would be constrained financially and militarily leaving Middle Eastern and North African allies even more vulnerable.

Dr. Kumar offers an economic solution to that would help not only America, but also those countries struggling so badly financially that their people fall prey to the beliefs of Islamic Extremists. He advocates an economic system that increases the purchasing power of individuals, not the gross national product, "Developing the home-grown strengths of various societies and their peoples will allow them to participate on a more equal basis in the world to come."

He concludes by disclosing, "Democracies are built on equality and extremists fear it. That's why eventually equality will be the foundation of the modern Islam."

Dunbar Ogden's entire family was deeply effected by the stand he took in Little Rock. As a pastor's wife, I was particularly inspired by the courage of his wife, Dorothy. Having met her years later, I am convinced that this experience made her all the more effective in her own ministry, as she could genuinely empathize with those in ministry - and in fact, all walks of life - who have suffered injustice and persecution, both within and outside the church. I would highly recommend this book!

This is a profound book. I found myself writing the author to thank him--for sharing this story and this part of our history; for sharing so intimately of his father's life and the choices he made (I am inspired by his faith and actions); for exposing the realities behind the headlines and the snippets of history that were in our history books; for sharing his own journey; and overall for writing such an important book.

Essential reading for anyone interested in this dark chapter of the civil rights movement. The book is based on thorough research into personal and public files and on personal memories. The argument is spellbinding at three levels: 1)an account of precisely what happened when Orville Faubus tried to defy the federal law; 2)a highly sympathetic account of the support by the Presbyterian (white) pastor Dunbar H. Ogden for the nine students attempting to register at the school; and 3)a deeply moving account by Ogden's son, a renown theater historian, concerning his own search for understanding after fifty years. The book is a superb success.

Well written and gripping, this true story is one of the most interesting books I have ever read.

This is one of the most needed books for students today. The collaboration between unlikely allies and their story is just what students today need to read to be able to have strong examples of unity in times of important social and political growth. As a school librarian, I find this a must in my library not only for students but as a vital resource for teachers. We still have a tremendous amount of segregation in our schools today.This book is just the tool we need to revisit this issue and reflect on our committment to social justice.

I made a mistake. I didn't pay attention. I found this book on an Amazon list called "So you'd like to.. Find authors like Christopher Moore?" and I didn't notice that the only non-Christopher Moore books on the list were from this author. And the reviews are so glowing!

But the book just wasn't that great.

Turns out the Amazon List is by the author or one of his friends. The list person doesn't identify himself but has no other comments or lists. Also turns out none of the other reviewers have reviewed anything but his books.

I've been had and I am not happy.

If the author wants his books to be a hit, LYING and recruiting his buddies is not the way to go. Maybe he should work on revising instead of astroturfing.

I was thrilled to get this book, remembering what an impression Vigorito's first made on me. I now hesitate to go back and reread it because whatever magic happened back then (in my *cough* slightly younger years) might have been an artifact of the time. Please don't misunderstand me. NKoN is great. It's fun to read and full of whimsical and energetic characters, grandiose mad events, and a whooping brand of language that is nearly always almost impressive.

The problem is, when one of the characters starts to lecture another about the wrongfulness of this or that aspect of human society, it is all too clear that Vigorito is lecturing us, the readers. And not convincingly, interestingly, or well either. Yes, we are all stilted robots in a convoluted society; sure, childbirth can be orgasmic instead of painful, as shown on TV; &c. Breaks in the action such as these are jarring and unpleasant. O Tony, you wearer of (presumably) hemp necklace and possessor of luxurious hair, why distract us with your inchoate philosophy?

You can probably just ignore my whining. Four stars for NKoN because it's just so much fun and oh so readable. And if you're not as jaded as I am and in the right place in life (pre-grumbling), then maybe this book will blow your mind, just like "Just a Couple of Days" did to mine.

I finished it day before yesterday, but that independent clause doesn't do justice to the way I reached the last pages. I believe the typical verb here would be devoured, but to me that implies control over the situation, when in fact, I became mad, possessed, walking down the street in the morning on the way to work and in the afternoon on the way to lunch, not only walking while reading, but reading aloud, sometimes loudly, to the amusement and consternation of passers-by, reading a passage to a friend over lunch and discussing its implications and finally, and most ashamedly, reading while hiding in the bathroom at work, because I could not go on constructing spreadsheets without containing the last words within me.

It was sublime, energizing, beautiful, intelligent, sensual, startling, clever, well-devised and well-executed. The characters and plot were equally engaging and captivating and the pace leaves you breathless as you fly through the chapters.

It would seem incredible to me that a previous review labeled this a "laugh-out loud twister of a novel" considering while logging on to Amazon for the purpose of writing this review that exact phrase entered my mind as an appropriate description, except that having just read this book, such a thing no longer seems so unbelievable or out-of-reach.

This is a beautiful book, more than worthy of your time and a place on the favorites shelf of your bookcase.

Freakin spectaular book - a spiritual, synchronistic, loving and festively naughty adventure into the truth of love and freedom...

I loved this novel.. Highly recommended! There's a very good chance you will not see the world the same after this read. A breath of fresh air!

I have read many different types of books over the past 60 years, but this book is by far the best, fiction or nonfiction alike. Professor Rasnic has accomplished what many authors wish they had accomplished, by giving the legal perspective in a human and many time humerous way, makes for easier reading for those of us who may not always understand legaleaze. This book in my estimation should be on the required reading list for anyone who wishes to understand the legal aspects and history of American and Irish similarities during the same periods in time.

Ireland's history is a violent one and, as Fulbright Fellow Carol Daugherty Rasnic shows in this book's first chapter, this is not only true for the 20th century but dates back at least to the island's 1169 Norman conquest - and actually, even further, as the Viking invasion of the 8th, 9th and 10th centuries consisted of a series of rather aggressive campaigns as well. The difference, however, was that despite these bloody beginnings the Viking colonists were eventually absorbed into Irish culture and daily life; contributing thereto rather than continuing their attempts at its suppression. Conversely, throughout much of Ireland's subsequent history, suppression was the preferred method of government of both the Normans and their British descendants; who brought in English settlers not to cultivate the island together with their Irish neighbors but to drive those out, thus sowing the seeds of the hatred still plaguing its society today, and no more so than in the six provinces still constituting British-controlled Northern Ireland, after the ill-famed 1920 Partition which eventually brought independence to the island's southern part.

Inseparably linked to nationality was, particularly from the times of Henry VIII on, the issue of religion; the English settlers being Protestants belonging to the Church of England/Ireland, while the vast majority of the Irish hung on to their Catholic faith; thus suffering discrimination not only on the basis of their nationality but also that of their religious beliefs. Tracing the multiple facets of today's division to their historic origins, Professor Rasnic shows how the identification as "Catholic" and "Protestant" has long come to exceed a mere religious denomination, mixing with everything from a person's stance towards the British administration of Northern Ireland to his or her national/ethnic origin, area of residence and social environment; to the point that the religious label is used even by those who have little to no spiritual connection to the church whose faith they claim as their own.

In the eight chapters following the book's initial historic overview, the author takes an in-depth look at the major issues dominating contemporary Northern Ireland life and politics, from ethnic strife and the (particularly: "Orange," i.e. unionist) parades, apt to newly ignite the fires of hatred every summer, to issues of governance, the release of prisoners convicted of terrorist acts, "decommissioning" (i.e., disarmament of the paramilitary groups active on both sides of the conflict), the position of the police and the administration of (criminal) justice, human rights and instances of persisting discrimination, and finally, the sectarianism in the province's schools, threatening to perpetuate the existing divide for a long time to come. Particular emphasis is given to the terms and effects of the so-called Good Friday Agreement, the April 10, 1998 agreement between Northern Ireland's major political parties and the governments of Ireland and Great Britain designed to bring an end to the province's "Troubles."

Although the book is subtitled "An American Legal Perspective," this is by no means the work of an outsider: Professor Daugherty Rasnic herself is the daughter of Irish immigrants on both parents' sides, and prolonged stays in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland have intimately acquainted her with an island which, quite obviously, is not merely her ancestors' home but an inseparable part of her own identity as well. A lawyer by training, she moreover brings to the subject the analytical skills necessary to digest problems as intricate as those ravaging the province of Northern Ireland; and her interest in and experience with the American civil rights movement provides for a truly unique perspective, enabling her to not only put the Northern Irish situation into a larger European context but also draw comparisons to similar issues of racial strife and discrimination in the U.S.

Aware that the issues she addresses - particularly with regard to the legal aspects of the Good Friday Agreement - may well have the effect of a strong barbiturate on her non-lawyer readership, the author apologizes for having to address matters which "only a constitutional [law] purist could love." Quite unnecessarily so, however, as she does a marvelous job in explaining a set of highly complex questions of constitutional and international law which, I am sure, are confusing to many lawyers as well. Moreover, Professor Rasnic's manifold comments, anecdotes relating to her own experience and sections entitled "A Personal Perspective" provide a truly personal tone; while scholarly in its overall approach to the subject and dedication to detail, the book nevertheless reads more like a conversation with the author, reflecting much of her doubtlessly vivacious nature, passion, empathy and sense of humor - humor even in the face of adversity proving her yet again, as cliche (and maybe not just that) would have it, a true daughter of Irish parents.

In addition to all its other merits, this book also benefits from its author's easy access to over twenty principals and other individuals involved in the Northern Irish peace process, from then-First Minister David Trimble and Police Chief Constable Ronnie Flanagan to Northern Ireland Assembly members of virtually all political colors (with the notable exception of the Rev. Ian Paisley, whose camp seems to have been the only one to adopt an obstructionist attitude), judges, attorneys, clergymen, social workers and professors at various universities; all of who add their own insight and perspective on the "Troubles," and whose comments are faithfully reported; in many instances verbatim.

Professor Daugherty Rasnic concludes her analysis with the words of Irish poet William Butler Yeats: "I have spread my dreams under your feet. Tread softly because you tread on my dreams." Like the great poet's words, her book expresses the hope that, one day, Northern Ireland may find a lasting way out of its "Troubles" (and no doubt, she is watching the province's recent political developments with a certain sense of trepidation). With this book, she has made a contribution of her own to the search for such a path - and I have a feeling that it will not have been the only one.

Also recommended:
The Making of Ireland: A History
Battle of the Boyne 1690
Irish Freedom: The History of Nationalism in Ireland
1916: The Easter Rising
A Memoir
Michael Collins
Eyewitness Bloody Sunday: The Truth
The Crying Game (Collector's Edition)
Cal
In the Name of the Father

Northern Ireland: Can Sean And John Live In Peace? An American Legal Perspective by Carol Daugherty Rasnic (Professor of Employment and Labor Law, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, Virginia) is an impressively researched and presented study of the conflict in Northern Ireland, including the religious and political forces that drive it, as well as the law and the legal system as a means to deal with what the Irish called "the troubles". A thoughtful, exhaustive, scholarly inquiry, Northern Ireland is a sober and informative account and a very welcome contribution to academic International Studies modern reference collections concerned with global issues and conflicts in general, and Contemporary Irish Political History reading lists in particular.

The world has too many Northern Irelands, and most of the time we form our opinions from some politcal ideology we have, or some news report or TV program. What we really need to be honestly informed about these "trouble spots" such as the Middle East or Kashmire or Ireland is to read a well reserched and well written book like Carol D. Rasnic work. She has certainly paid her dues and told us about something she has studied and live in for many years.And most important, she has not taken sides.

This book allows the American reader to gain insight into the true nature of what Irish call "The Troubles".

The conflict between Catholic and Protestant factions is viewed from the perspective of a American woman. Her experience with segregation in the American South enabled her to understand the cultural and economic factors that divide these groups.

Her insight clarifies the fact that this is not simply a religious issue. It is one of long standing cultural and economic differences between all factions.

I found this book to be an invaluable aid in understanding the complex and difficult social hostilities that afflict these people of a common background.

Professor Rasnic has spent a great deal of time in Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. Her contacts with officials, politicians, clerics, and most of all, the Irish citizens gives her a special perspective. This was an enjoyable and educational read.

Are the father-centered family, private property, and the state necessary and inevitable part of all human societies?
Frederick Engels, coworker of Karl Marx, says no. Engels demonstrates that these three institutions arose in the fairly recent history of the human race, as a way to establish the rule of the many over the few. And, conversley, when these institutions are an obstacle to human progress, they can be dismantled.
Although this book was written about 125 years ago, the subject matter and his point of view sound surprisingly modern. Evelyn Reed, a Marxist anthropologist, writes a 1972 introduction that updates the original work from the point of view of 20th century anthropology debates abd the rise of modern women's movement. An additional short article by Engels, "The part played by labor in the transition from ape to man" is a lively piece that could be part of today's debates on human origin with almost no hint of its vintage (except maybe for his use of the term "man", instead of gender-neutral "humanity").

Marx and Engels made a fundamentally wrong guess about the nature of human beings. But it is very important to understand their line of reasoning, because they developed quite a few critical insights along the way. Due to political charge associated with their teachings it is practically impossible to find suitable third party narrative of their works. So, the only way to enlighten yourself is to dig right down into originals.

This is a serious, scientific and materialist analysis of development and change in human society and its institutions. Frederick Engels, who along with Karl Marx was one of the central founders of the modern communist movement, wrote this book in the late 1800s based on the latest developments in the then-new science of anthropology. Studying it can help us understand society and be better prepared to organize and work to change it.

Engels takes up the rise of the state and of the family and the oppression of women as early societies became more productive, making possible the division of groups of human beings into those who produce and those who live off them, and the need of the exploiters to perpetuate this state of affairs.

The Pathfinder Press edition also has a valuable introduction by Evelyn Reed, long-time socialist activist and author of works including "Woman's Evolution," "Sexism and Science," "Cosmetics, Fashion and the Exploitation of Women," and "Problems of Women's Liberation."

Why is society so cruel? It seems to be self-defeating. Why doesn't the war of the sexes ever end? In no other species do the two sexes battle against each other.

In this book we learn that things weren't always this way. In fact, oppression and exploitation are recent inventions, if we count that human history dates back EIGHTY thousand years since the rise of homo sapiens sapiens. At one point most cultures suddenly became sedentary and agriculturalist - and private property in the land emerged. Private property of land resulted in an overthrow of the matriarchal family by its male members and in the establishment of a separate group of men who violently protect unequal relationships (the state as we know it today). All happened together in a revolution that occurred in the course of just a few generations some SIX thousand years ago.

Nonetheless, the moral of this story is one of hope. If we were capable of remaking ourselves once, and based on that have advanced dramatically in a limited sense of creating material culture, then humankind can remake itself again and found a culture that enriches all aspects of everyone's lives. But this time the redesign will have to be conscious and conscientious, the beginning of a humane human history in which all participate on an equal basis. Such is the future that socialism and communism promise for us.

As a companion to this volume, be sure to read Women's Evolution, by Reed. Written a century later, it shows that anthropology's evidence overwhelmingly coincides with the theory Engels put forward in this book.

Was human society always overseen by a military and police force?
Was wealth and the means of producing more wealth always the private possession of individuals or a small section of society?
Were women always at the bottom of society, treated primarily as sex objects and machines for child-bearing and child-raising?

And is this humanity's destiny?
In this book published in 1884, Fredrich Engels answers the above questions in the negative. His book is based on anthropological data available in his day from societies around the globe. New discoveries since have confirmed his conclusions and the book is remarkably relevant today.

Any textbook that can incorporate sayings like "There's more sex on the Web than flies on a cowpie" (p. 287). Is a book written by authors who love what they do. This was by far the most "fun" textbook I've read, and easy to teach from.

I would recommend this seller. My purchase was delivered fast and as guaranteed.

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As an undergrad, this was a great book to read. It's written in a conversational style, yet it is still detailed and comprehensive in research, meta-analyses, and examples. The authors also have a sense of humor...which is nice and used sparingly, yet makes it even more enjoyable to read.

It also has an chapter on ethics which some textbooks seem to disregard. There are also real-life situation info-boxes where people can learn and apply what they learn to purchasing new cars, making more tips, and how to ward off telemarketers.

I'm writing this just at the end of the 2006 elections. I can't imagine how many millions were spent trying to persuade me that this candidate or that question on the ballot should be my choice. I'm astounded at how many phone calls I've received from Laura Bush, or that candidate who just wants to set the record straight about the lies her opponnent has been telling about her. And then there are the outright lies. The people for Question 4 tell us that this will eliminate smoking in public places and we should vote for 4 but not for 5. Question 4 relaxes some of the current laws, Question 5 strongly limits smoking nearly everywhere but casinos and brothels. Oh, and did I tell you about this fellow in Nigeria with the huge amount of money that's tied up in his country and if I will just pay some transfer fees....

This book looks at all aspects of persuasion from a scientific point of view. It's useful from two directions, how to be more persuasive, and how to resist persuasion. Most important, it's how to understand what's happening in out world.

I was pleased with the purchase. The item came fast and in the promised condition.

Weimer's "Policy Analysis -3rd edition" provides a well-organized, widely-covered, and easily-understandable introduction to policy analysis. Although we have to seek for other materials for an in-depth analysis of some topics, the book helps us start with Public Policy, Policy Analysis, and even economic policies. This is especially good for undergraduate level, since this provides how to study, investigate, and write policy paper.

This is one of the very best textbooks in the study of policy analysis.

The first part of the book sets the context. It provides a neat case study of the Canadian salmon fishery to give an example of basic policy analysis. Following this are chapters on the nature of policy analysis and the professional ethics related to the endeavor.

One of the most important elements of this book is the next section--the economics of policy analysis. The text discusses the logic of economics, why government intervention through making policy can make economic sense under certain conditions, and the danger of "government failure" (when governmernt actions may work against good economic sense).

The following section focuses on the variety of policy options available to government to address problems. Some "solutions" are market-based; others include regulations and taxes. The volume goes on to explore techniques such as cost-benefit analysis. Two case studies of policy analysis round out the substantive chapters. The last chapter focuses on the responsibility of policy analysts to both "do well" and to "do good."

Not an easy read, but a book that provides the basic underpinnings for understanding policy analysis--and how to do policy analysis.

This is 'the' book when it comes to public policy analysis. I have read the 3rd and 4th editions and both are great foundational books for anyone looking to do public policy analysis as a practitioner or academic researcher.

I read this book for a class and it gives a fantastic overview of the basics of policy analysis. It discusses the reasons for government intervention in markets, the analysis of policies and ways of going about doing a thorough policy analysis. Easy to read and very informative!