Events Books

Is Jerusalem all that special? Does it compare with London, Paris, or Honolulu? Well, whether it does or not, here is an excellent book about Jerusalem in the twentieth century.

The book opens describing a city of about 70,000 people (45,000 of them Jews). And I found it interesting that the Jewish percentage of the city did not change all that much during the century, even though there were all sorts of political changes: World War One, the British Mandate, World War Two, Israeli independence, and the reunification of the city.

Some of the stories are fascinating, such as how on December 17, 1902, during a severe drought, Muslim authorities permitted Jews to pray for rain at the Tomb of David. Within hours, there was a huge rainstorm.

There's plenty of interesting historical material as well. We find about about King and Crane, and their report (they said that Jews ought not be given guardianship over Christian or Muslim holy places). We learn about the riots of April, 1920, in which Arab mobs attacked Jews, explaining that the Jews were their dogs. And we see how everyone fared in the period prior to World War Two, and how more Arab violence led to the scuttling of the Peel Plan to create a small Jewish refuge in the region to which European Jews could have fled. And how that violence then led to the infamous British White Paper of 1939, which very severely limited Jewish immigration.

One of the best parts of the book is the comparison between the Jewish and Arab parts of the city from 1948 to 1967, when the city was divided.

Probably the weakest part of the book is at the end, where there is some mention of attempts to achieve peace between Arabs and Jews in the city. I think no one has the perspective to discuss this very well right now. Those who boast of compromising words and predict that peace may be in the offing are taking a serious stand. And that stand, while it may have been tossed out casually, has been disproven by events. Most of the talk about peace from known Arab terrorists has been insincere. Nor has this insincerity been a surprise to most historians. I think Gilbert would have been better off to simply admit that there has been recent violence and recent peace proposals. And that it is possible that in the future, we'll all see that some of the violence was historically very significant, or that some of the peace proposals were actually significant. But that now, it is too early to say anything of the sort. And that would have been a good way to avoid overdramatizing any of the most recent happenings in the city.

Still, this is an excellent book, and I strongly recommend it.

Gilbert is magnificent in his ability to take a complicated history of events and tell them to the reader in a concise, readable text. He also refrains from editorializing the content towards one side of the struggle. I believe this book is essential for grasping the current unrest in the Old City and throughout Israel. As a recent visitor to Jerusalem, I only wish I could have read Gilbert's work prior to my trip.

I read Gilbert's modern history of Jerusalem a few months after I had lived in the city on a holiday. Sir Gilbert (he was knighted not long ago) has a unique genius in bringing the reader to real time through the voices of those who lived in the times. A balanced book with deep touches of humanity and pathos. One is in awe of how this small city has such a history of blood, tears and hopes. The amazing art of Gilbert's genius is that his skills are transparent to the reader and he is as much a teller of oral history in the way he brings the vast resource of his research and sources as told history. Highly recommended.

I really enjoyed this book. This book has given me a clearer idea of the history behind what is happening in the news. Thank you Mr. Gilbert for taking a complex subject and history turning it into something that most anyone can begin to understand.

This is another meticulous study by Sir Martin Gilbert, one of the most prominent, knowledgeable and admired experts in the Middle East. Here he provides a remarkable insight into the history of the City of Jerusalem during the 20th Century.

The author commences with a description of Jerusalem at the dawn of the 20th Century, as a small provincial town in the Ottoman Empire, comprising of a population totalling some 70,000 people. The majority being Jews (45,000) and the remainder mostly Arabs (25,000). The Century approaching it's end with the City's population being more than half a million, the majority Jewish but with some 25% being Arabs.

The book documents Jerusalem under Ottoman rule until their defeat by the British during the First World War. The writer then continues to illustrate the City under British rule through the Mandate period. Appropriate attention being paid to the Arab riots of 1929/36, describing many of the horrific incidents, the role of all the entities involved and the ensuing casualties. Many factors & commendable detail so often overlooked are included here.

The author analyses the City during the Second World War and how the latter affected it's occupants. It is clearly shown that the coming of peace to Europe did not bring peace to Jerusalem.

Indeed, from 1945-47 the writer describes Jerusalem as a City in turmoil, with the imminent end of British rule and the intended UN partition. A partition which unbelievably intended to leave the Hebrew University and the City's 99,000 Jews (one sixth of the total number of Jews in Palestine) outside of the intended borders of the Jewish state. The author describes this and the resentment that this intended move caused.

The ensuing conflict of 1948 is recounted including the siege of Jerusalem and the horrors suffered by the inhabitants. This extends to the 1967 Six Day War with detail also provided of the fighting for the Old City between Israel and Jordanian forces. Indeed, the author omits nothing, extending through the Yom Kippur War on to the Palestinian `intifada' of 1987/89 and the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin.

Numerous maps and photographs are provided in abundance. Notably inclusion is a photograph of the often ignored & forgotten bombing by British Army deserters of the civilian thoroughfare in Jerusalem's Ben Yehuda Street in February 1948, which killed over 50 innocent Jews. (A captured British soldier apparently boasting of his involvement, but complaining that he did not receive the £500 promised him & his colleagues by the Arab Mufti).

The carnage and destruction in the Ben Yehuda photograph rarely receives the light of day with most `neutral' sources tending to highlight the attack on the King David Hotel by the Stern gang. Photographs are also included of the devastation inflicted on Jerusalem's synagogues by Jordanian bombing in the 1948 conflict.

The writer concludes this excellent work by declaring that Jerusalem can be the `essence of peace' or the `source of conflict'; `the scene of riots' or `of reconciliation'; the `focus of celebration' or `of protest'; of `religious devotion' or `religious hatred'; of `quiet contemplation' or `loud exhortation'. Those who know the City of Jerusalem will know that indeed this City is unique. I highly recommend this book.

I also highly recommend a work covering the City's most recent political altercations by David Bar Illan entitled `Jerusalem; The Truth'. Coupled together these two books will provide a thorough grounding in the background to the City. Those with an interest in the City's Biblical history and it's prophetic element will enjoy John Hagee's `The Battle For Jerusalem' which includes a detailed coverage of the Palestinian `intifadas'.

Ludwig von Mises' "Liberalism" is another magnificent work by an underappreciated scholar and economist of the twentieth century.

During this critical time in history liberalism, as classically defined, was swept under the rug in favor of collectivism in Europe and progressivism in America. The First World War sealed this fate. The century became one that was plagued by war, economic crisis and dominated by fallacious political ideologies (Communism, Nazism, Fascism and other clones). Thus the word was altered, almost beyond its roots. In this tome, Mises attempts to salvage the true meaning of the term liberalism.

Mises raises the "positive" (not positivist philosophy - he squarely rejects this in his later works - see "Theory and History" and "Epistemological Problems of Economics") theory of liberalism as he understood it. This, as other reviewers have pointed out, was his response to those critics of his monumental critique in Socialism. They claimed that Mises had not given an alternative to a socialist society. In 1927 he gave them this as an answer.

"Liberalism" is, as another reviewer noted below, a great introductory book for anyone who is interested in classical liberal ideology. In fact, Mises has a wonderful list of referenced books and articles at the end of this book to help those who are studying political philosophy and economics.

This book, along with "Socialism", elevated Mises to the rightful position as one of the greatest political economists of the last 100 years. I am certain that its simplistic beauty is overlooked by most political philosophers because it was written by an economist. What is not known is that, as a Juris Doctorate, Mises was well versed in not only economic but political philosophy and law. Accompanied by his other great works, "Liberalism" is great, because it is a concise enunciation of his political philosophy.

Ludwig von Mises was a great champion of individual freedom and limited government. Much of his work was devoted to showing the impracticality of socialist and interventionist schemes. However, his work wasn't entirely negative. In the 1920s, he published LIBERALISM, which was his positive statement of the case for individual freedom, or what was then called "liberalism" (which is to say, "classical" liberalism rather than "Teddy Kennedy" liberalism).

There is much that could be said about this book, so I'll just hit on a couple points. First, as Hans-Herman Hoppe notes, von Mises argues for the right of succession. If one portion of a country (even down to an entity that can function as a "separate administrative unit") wishes to secede, it should have the right to do so. Although Mises opposed anarchism, this position "logically" leads to anarchism. If "the state" is a voluntary organization that permits small groups to secede, then it isn't much of a state. Murray Rothbard drew upon this insight in making the case for anarcho-capitalism. (See POWER AND MARKET.) Second, von Mises rejects the natural law tradition of other liberal thinkers. His case for equality before the law is based on utilitarianism. Men are unequal, but this limited equality permits the division of labor and promotes social peace.

This book also provides a good introduction to von Mises' thought. A couple other introductory works by him for the beginner are THE ANTI-CAPITALIST MENTALITY and PLANNING FOR FREEDOM.

It's a shame that the liberalism von Mises espouses must be pre-classed as "classical," since the word "liberal" has come to mean precisely the opposite of what von Mises and his predecessors in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries meant by the word. In today's lexicon, his liberalism is closer to libertarianism, although I caution readers not to dismiss this book if they dismiss the political movement.

What von Mises intends to show in easy to read eloquent prose is that capitalism and democracy are natural complements to a free society. Betwixt the two, prosperity and freedom of choice have been maximized beyond all other systems, and the general well-being benefits all, even those on the lowest economic rung. This is not a comprehensive exegesis of economics that one will find in von Mises' "Human Action." Rather, it is a general survey of the dominant themes that are given their fuller voice in his more detailed analysis. Thus, this book is an excellent introduction to democratic economics in general and to capitalism in particular.

What makes the book particularly engaging is its polemical tone. It is not a polemic, but it never loses sight of its opponents, and frequently takes socialism and critics of capitalism to task for their anxiety over the merits of being free.

After a brief introduction that is thoroughly engaging, von Mises covers four broad themes: (1) The foundations of liberalism and its policies; (2) liberalism's economic policies; (3) implications of liberalism in foreign policy; and (4) how liberalism is manifested in the political process. It's in the last section that he deals with doctrinaire liberalism and why, short of necessary regulations, the market must be free if man is to be free. Von Mises is unapologetically extreme in his views, and those of us who have come to expect an interventionist economic system will see why a "well-regulated" market economy has shortcomings. Alas, however, von Mises does not address the circumstances surrounding deceit, fraud, and other malfeasance (which is the book's only shortcoming).

The "liberal" of today will also learn a great deal about himself. Von Mises explores the reasons for socialism's popularity and staying power, despite its predeliction towards despotism, totalitarianism, and ineptitude. Socialism has no rational basis for existence, but it does have a very strong psychological dynamic that von Mises admits (and frankly doesn't discuss enough in this book).

After reading this short volume, readers will likely want to investigate these ideas further. Von Mises was a prolific author, and tackles many issues in any number of his works. Certainly, "Socialism" and "Human Action" are two of his major works that may find interest. Furthermore, one of von Mises' pupils was Frederick Hayek, one of the preeminent thinkers of the twentieth century.

If you want a concise, short, and eloquent introduction to classical liberalism, I can think of no better book to serve this function. Eschew some of the latter-day libertarians, and read from the foundational author of our times.

Mises wrote Liberalism in dark times. Depression and social unrest plagued Europe after the Great War. Fascists and Nazis were on the march in Italy, Germany, and Spain. Lenin and Stalin held Russia in an iron grip. It seemed that everyone was giving up on limited government and laissez faire. Mises understood that the future of civilization was at stake. Someone needed to revive the ideas of the enlightenment. Mises had already written lengthy books against inflation and socialism, but how many people outside of academia would read such long and sophisticated books? How could human reason prevail over the demagoguery of socialists and interventionists without a succinct statement of classical liberal arguments?

Liberalism is one of the most readable book that Mises wrote. It is concise and compelling. Mises makes a strong case for limited government in a mere 193 pages. The central message of this book is that capitalism is the only economic system that can deliver the prosperity and freedom that many of us take for granted in the West. Socialism leads inevitably to a rigid inefficient bureaucracy. Interventionism is a senseless, self defeating, absurd policy". Capitalism is the progressive system. Socialism is, in contrast, a reactionary system that would fail to feed the current population, were we to attempt to live under this system.

Given the length of this book, Mises does not explain his arguments as thoroughly, compared to Human Action or Socialism, an Economic and Sociological Analysis. Yet he does explain his main points, and these other books are long enough to deter many readers. For most people the detail of his other books is unnecessary, so reading Liberalism is a good way to economize on your time.

Times have changed. The fascists and Bolsheviks are long gone. Yet the ideas in this book remain relevant and important. There are still many people who reject the true liberalism of free markets in favor of welfare state liberalism. Also, socialism is not completely dead. Liberalism provides a means for people to understand the importance of liberty with relatively little effort. While the ideas in this book failed to turn interwar Europeans from socialism, it will surely contribute to the defense of liberty in the twenty-first century.

The audio version of this book makes an easy read even more accesible. Liberalism is hardly the most difficult book that Mises wrote. Yet it is well worthwhile, and the ability to listen to it fits with a busy schedule.

Mises wrote Liberalism in dark times. Depression and social unrest plagued Europe after the Great War. Fascists and Nazis were on the march in Italy, Germany, and Spain. Lenin and Stalin held Russia in an iron grip. It seemed that everyone was giving up on limited government and laissez faire. Mises understood that the future of civilization was at stake. Someone needed to revive the ideas of the enlightenment. Mises had already written lengthy books against inflation and socialism, but how many people outside of academia would read such long and sophisticated books? How could human reason prevail over the demagoguery of socialists and interventionists without a succinct statement of classical liberal arguments?

Liberalism is one of the most readable book that Mises wrote. It is concise and compelling. Mises makes a strong case for limited government in a mere 193 pages. The central message of this book is that capitalism is the only economic system that can deliver the prosperity and freedom that many of us take for granted in the West. Socialism leads inevitably to a rigid inefficient bureaucracy. Interventionism is a senseless, self defeating, absurd policy". Capitalism is the progressive system. Socialism is, in contrast, a reactionary system that would fail to feed the current population, were we to attempt to live under this system.

Given the length of this book, Mises does not explain his arguments as thoroughly, compared to Human Action or Socialism, an Economic and Sociological Analysis. Yet he does explain his main points, and these other books are long enough to deter many readers. For most people the detail of his other books is unnecessary, so reading Liberalism is a good way to economize on your time.

Times have changed. The fascists and Bolsheviks are long gone. Yet the ideas in this book remain relevant and important. There are still many people who reject the true liberalism of free markets in favor of welfare state liberalism. Also, socialism is not completely dead. Liberalism provides a means for people to understand the importance of liberty with relatively little effort. While the ideas in this book failed to turn interwar Europeans from socialism, it will surely contribute to the defense of liberty in the twenty-first century.

This book was written by the famous Italian statesman Niccolo Machiavelli in 1531. This book is a classic and I was pleasantly surprised that the content was not dated and the principles translate easily into the modern worlds of business and politics.
The author wrote this book as an instruction guide for governing princes in the 1500's when Italy was divided into city states and were being defeated by many foreign powers. I belive that the work is directed to Lorenzo de Medici by a letter included in the work and because at the end of the writing Machiavelli calls for a prince to unite and lead Italy against its oppressors.
The book is not unethical as I had imagined from my understanding of the ruthlessness of Machiavellian ethics. The author is only explaining tactics to use to maintain power in a kingdom or city state that are pragmatic for his time period.
Here are some examples of principles from the book:
1. When conquering a territory keep the current laws and institutions in place, but eliminate all the family of the defeated prince.
2. When trouble is sensed ahead of time it can be easily remedied, if you wait for it to show itself, it is to late.
3. Whoever is responsible for another becoming powerful, ruins himself.
4. There is no surer way of keeping possesion than by devastation.
5. Men do you harm either because they hate you or they fear you.
6. Violence must be inflicted once and for all, it must be over quickly.
7. Build your power through the people.
8. Power is maintained through religious institutions.
9. Neglect the art of war and you lose your state.
10. If you act virtuously, you will be undone by those who are not, make use of this or not according to need.
The above is just a small sampling of the lessons in this book. My review can not do this book justice, it is full of wisdom and life lessons. It is a guide book for business leaders and politicians. I strongly suggest adding this book to your home library and referring to it often.

The philosophies and applications to leadership given in this book are timeless truths with application in war, politics, business, and personal endeavors. The scope and complexity of Machiavelli's ideas are complimented by their basic simplicities. It can lead one to wonder that is today's leaders took more time to review the ideas laid out almost 500 years ago if the course of modern wars may have been different. Machiavelli's understanding of the difference between occupying and conquering a foreign land or enemy are sadly over looked in today's international politics.

"The wish to acquire is in truth very natural and common, and men always do so when they can, but when they cannot do so, yet wish to do so by any means, then there is folly and blame." Without out making this post about US Foreign Policy I will simply state that the truths of this book are vastly ignored buy those who try to lead today. This book encompasses thousands of years of practical application of leadership all of which has value today.

One of my favorite books and an annual read for anyone in a leadership position.

So, this idea of progress of being able all of a sudden to come into possession of perceptions that had not been accessible to us before, meant that now the self could now possibly be seen in ways that it had not previously been seen, and this was the hallmark of Renaissance humanists. When one looks at texts such as Niccolo Machiavelli's, (1469-1527) "The Prince," 1513, it becomes obvious that there is a different kind of emphasis that started to take shape around the notion of the self. This becomes particularly evident when you begin to compare Machiavelli and the Prince to works such as Sophocles and the Antigone. So, Machiavelli's theories of self aware role playing is essentially what he espouses, you have to be a self aware actor and performer. He is really the first; post modernism is always accredited with this notion that identity is performance. There is no such thing as identity it does not have a palpable existence, identity is merely the sum total of things you do, and the things you do are inconsistent. So this thing we call identity can only be the result of this kind of illusory coherent series of actions and representations consequently, the self itself is very questionable and very unstable and people always talk about this as one of the hallmarks of postmodern thinking. What I think is interesting is to read Machiavelli and think of him as the first postmodernist, as kind of a pre modern postmodernist. He has ideas about the self and about identity that come right out of postmodern thinking. He is so much about performing and role-playing, the self-made self, that whatever result you want you make it and you make it by the way you act, and the way you perform. Artful manipulation this is a challenge to the kinds of traditional definitions of the self as inspired by Divinity. In Machiavelli, of course, the Devine has no matter at all it has no place. Only what he talks about Fortuna, luck and not the Devine is what plays the ultimate role in determining the kind of life you are going to have. She quotes him "Fortune is the arbiter of ½ the things we do the other ½ to be controlled by ourselves." Therefore, there you have it, ½ luck, ½ our determination and your will so, that is about all you have to go on. So, where does that leave you, the luck part you can't do much about. Therefore, you have to focus on the ½ that you can do something about the ½ that you control. That is what his book the "Prince" is about that ½ and the rest of it you will never be able to control. "The prince need not necessarily have good qualities, but you should certainly appear to have them, you should appear to be compassionate faithful to his word, kind guiles and devout, and indeed you should be so, but his disposition should be such that if he needs to be opposite he knows how. You must realize this that a prince, especially a new prince cannot observe all the things that give men a reputation for virtue, because in order to maintain his state he is often forced to act in defiance of good faith, of charity and kindness or religion. He should know how to do evil if that is necessary." Therefore, at this point you can find this theme of the human agent who can invent himself. Therefore, the person can decide to invent himself. This kind of thinking, I think this is still how we think about ourselves, I think that this is still how we think about identities. This is a very modern idea, and it ties into this very modern idea about taking responsibility for one's self, which we adhere to. It has been just as debatable and just as contestable back then as it has been now. Even in the secular literature of the Renaissance there is always evidence of this kind of deep rooted skepticism about to which the extent we can be fully controllable or fully controlled agents.

Recommended reading for anyone interested in history, psychology, philosophy, and literature.

I was very pleased with the product and recommend it to those who are interested.

If you read this book you will probadly never look at the world the same way as you do now. Mr. M strips away the PR , Spin and gives the true way to manage the affairs of man in a successful manner.

A must read for any activists. Easy to understand and yet effective.

This is the how-to book I wish I had written. It's perfect for activists, charities, government agencies, even PTAs! No one can sell an idea or cause better than the person who believes in it--this book gives you the basics and more on how to get your campaign or event in the news.

The most difficult task for any activist or organization is getting noticed. With an influx of so many news agencies and mediums it's hard getting noticed by reporters and editors.

This book shows you how to make your cause 'interesting' to those who matter in getting your message across: the Media.

You'll learn how to do several things like give speeches, create an identity, use props & mascots and more.

Although it could have probablly included more in-depth detail and 'how-to' it was certainly worth the investment.

Bottom Line: Worthwhile addition for any activist or their organization. Invaluable for the person in charge of making causes and campaigns noticed!

Outstanding on all fronts. No jargon - all facts. Salzman shares his secrets and tells you how to figure out making your work into news. In this image-crazed age, this book is a must.

Gearing up a new issues education/activist organization, I read this invaluable tome. Then I called its author (Jason Salzman) to find proteges of his whom I might hire on the East Coast. After talking with him over a couple weeks, I hired him and have tremendously benefitted from his experience, wisdom and creativity. Not often we can hire the guy "who wrote the book." If you can't hire him yourself (try though), his book lays out the science and art of garnering media for you to tout your cause.

I must give Mr. Glenny credit for writing a very comprehensive and encompassing overview of the global nature of organized crime. He makes the point very clear that a number of crime organizations exist with the knowledge of, or as an extension to, many governments. Furthermore he does a good job of showing how some countries, such as India, are making attempts to combat this global plague.

This book does have two major shortcomings. The first is that the author does not do a good job of showing crime as more than a local feature with spot international implications. He uses human trafficking and drugs as one example of the international reach but fails to connect the dots on how country A's criminal syndicate works with country B's. There is also hardly a mention of the U.S. as anything more than an annoying pest. He goes to great lengths to avoid mentioning U.S. help in cutting Columbia's murder rate in half, eliminating opium from Vietnam and Cambodia. Reducing crime in the Philippines not to mention at home.

So despite what the book pretends, the criminals are not always winning. If you don't buy the U.S. look at the UK, Ireland, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Norway, Finland and Sweden as some examples of countries where organized crime has been dealt strong set backs. He also fails to mention Canada's defeat of its strongest criminal gang, the Hells Angels. All in all an interesting, but highly unbalanced work.

The title of Glenny's book, McMafia, encapsulates the reality of the modern phenomena of organized crime: in our globalized world, organized crime has attained a size, sophistication, wealth, and reach that is comparable to the most successful multi-national corporations. In a series of engrossing vignettes that detail the inner workings of the most prominent trans-national criminal syndicates, Glenny illustrates that in many instances, criminal syndicates surpass multi-national corporations in influence, efficiency and wealth. Glenny's book traces the origins of the globalization of organized crime to the destabilizing effects of the collapse of the former Soviet Union, and the utter unpreparedness, and apparent unwillingness, of national governments and global institutions to contain the ensuing chaos. The reluctance to act, motivated in part by political expediency, and in part by a willingness to look aside when criminal activity results in greater profits for legitimate corporations, has created a situation where a system of global racketeering threatens to eventually subsume the system of global trade. Already, according to Glenny, criminal activity accounts for nearly one-fifth of global GDP.

Glenny delineates a criminal economy that is sustained by a set of interlocking core criminal enterprises: smuggling; drug-trafficking; counterfeiting of goods and currency; human trafficking; illegal mineral extraction; arms trafficking; and financial fraud. Glenny's richly detailed portrayal of the operations of trans-national criminal syndicates paints a stark portrait of the wide and ever-growing gulf between men and women, the ultra-rich and the desperately poor, and ethnic majorities and ethnic minorities. Ineffective or non-existent financial controls, combined with irrational policies governing labor migration, drug prohibition, and commercial trade--as well as an insatiable appetite for illegal drugs, illicit sex, and cheap luxuries--exacerbate these divisions, and nurture an environment in which criminal activity not only thrives, but is often the only resort if an individual wishes to survive.

As McGlenny's sober assessment of the corrupt state of the global economy makes clear, until national governments, international institutions and civil society come to terms with the reality that the economic and political fates of the world's nations are inextricably interwoven and devise a coherent regulatory regime that governs the international movement of capital, goods, services and labor in a just and rational manner, our descent into global anarchy will only accelerate.

Misha Glenny took on a great task in attempting to provide an overview of organized crime around the world. On the whole, he does a good job in describing the nature of organized crime in various countries. Glenny makes it clear that virtually every nation has organized crime and that it is intertwined to one degree or another with government. This incestuous relationship is not news; rather the news is the growing scale of organized crime.

The subject matter of each chapter (a different nation or kind of crime, i.e., drug trade) is interesting, but Glenny'a verbiosity and penchant for smothering the reader in minute detail rob the book of true vibrancy. Reading it, I found, was a bit of a slog.

Where Glenny fails is in allowing his own political views to color his narrative. Glenny's hostility to the United States and, particularly, its current administration is palpable - and obnoxious. His remedy to the problem of world wide crime comes from the left: more global governance. His comment that "organized crime aand corruption will combine with protectionism and chauvinism to engender a very unstable and very dangerous world" is almost laughable. The world's mechanism for "global governance" for the past sixty years, the United Nations, has proven itself to be very corrupt, chauvinistic, protective of its own ever expanding mandate and an abetter of crime among even worse sins.

The intelligent and sophisticated reader will easily filter out Glenny's politics and appreciate "McMafia" for what it is: a reasonably competent, if wordy, overview of organized crime around the world. In that regard it is well done. I would say it is frightening, but the truth is that this kind of crime and its love-hate relationship with government has always existed. It is more the scale that has changed than anything else.

Jerry

I read this book like a novel and will never look at the world in quite the same way again. A bit of what Misha Glenny reports, I had intuited, much I was ignorant of, all I believe. It openned for me new layers of awareness about how the world works, and his style has so much forward momentum that no sooner have you finished reading about the Ukraine than you are launched into Israel, Dubai, India, and on and on. Each time based human stories of frightening and fascinating reality.

Watch Video Here: http://www.amazon.com/review/RN6OUHJHOY2DQ Bernard Chapin saying hello and glad to report on a book I couldn't put down.

"Mission Accomplished" documents an almost infinite number of people of all political persuasions (though mostly conservatives) and at high levels of government, media, and think-tanks, making statements either provably false, unlikely, or simply "me-too" support prior to, during, and post Iraq War II. The list even includes two of today's presidential contenders. Documentation even shows contradictions between varying members of the administration at about the same period of time.

"Mission Accomplished" also documents an incredible number of instances and individuals stating that "we have turned the corner in Iraq" or that "the next six months will be crucial in Iraq."

How could so many "experts" get it so wrong for so long? Would we be better off setting foreign policy with a dart board and roulette wheel?

"Mission Accomplished!", a terrific retrospective about how the Iraq venture failed, is an accurate and compelling look at the ongoing quagmire with humor on the side. Certifying those who framed the debate and carried out the execution of the war is assembled by authors Cerf and Navasky with an acuity that allows the reader to partake in the words of those who got us into this mess. Justice Brandeis said that "sunshine is the best disinfectant" and the words presented here are devastating in that exposition.

Nicely framed with quotes from Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld and others, we are reminded about how this war never had a clear purpose, let alone a clear strategy. This book is an equal opportunity employer...Democrats get the royal treatment, too, as they should. Cerf and Navasky present quotes then give "in fact" responses...all well-cited. Then, in the lower right-hand corner of each opposing page they offer remarks about predictions on how those experts thought the war and reconstruction would go. Everyone will have a favorite...mine is Thomas L. Friedman. An expert of limitless self-confidence, he's reduced to words after one should eat one's hat.

I think the authors hit things just right when they talk about the cost of the war, both in human and economic terms. Sure, this is a book with a light-hearted nature, but when the text is revealed, we understand about the folly of this war and the Bush administration who gave it to us...an administration that has never figured out what to do with all the shattered pieces. "Mission Accomplished!" is a good and timely read, especially in an election year. I highly recommend it.

what a sad book. It shows how gullible people are. no memory of history in their own lifetime.

Even if you have no interest in the War in Iraq, you owe it to yourself to read this book. Here the inmates, in their own words, reveal the the extent and depth of their delusions. Never right, yet never uncertain, they happily lead the country into a disastrous war with nothing but their vivid imaginations to back them up. The justifications change, but not the need, first to go, and then to remain. No news discourages them. No facts upset them. They are right and they know it. In a sense the press bears ultimate responsibility for allowing this madness to go on unchallenged year after year. As the authors make clear, the next six months will be critical in determining the outcome of this adventure (after all, the experts have been saying that for years...). I wonder what else the inmates have been up to?

Keep MISSION ACCOMPLISHED handy as you read news publications or take in radio and television commentary. When some prognosticator talks up reasons for war - whether it regards Iraq or what may be in Iran - look up that person in this book, as chances are they've been wrong before.

While MISSION ACCOMPLISHED is an easy read, if nothing else pay attention to the quotes in reverse type at the bottom of each page. Names of purportedly qualified commentators such as Thomas Friedman show up again and again predicting a conclusion to the Iraq disaster. These know-nothings don't quit after missing the mark once or twice. From 2002 through 2007, dingbats such as Friedman, William Kristol and Michael Ledeen provide consistently wrong forecasts, as if they were weathermen on acid. But they're not predicting sunshine only to get caught in the rain. These smug blowhards are responsible for promoting this illegal, immoral war and occupation that's cost millions life and limb.

Why do the NEW YORK TIMES, NATIONAL PUBLIC RADIO and other news organizations continue to provide a forum to these clowns? I've heard of short memories, but the people at the TIMES and N.P.R. are more forgetful than a Republican under oath.

Next time your news sources present pundits blathering about things getting better in Iraq or how quick and easy attacking Iran will be, reach for MISSION ACCOMPLISHED. Then call or write to ask why they present as "experts" individuals who couldn't qualify for Psychic Friends Network.

Buy MISSION ACCOMPLISHED!

I thought the Myths that Divide Us, was a very good book, and I learned things that I never knew. I had never even heard of the Rev. Sharpton situation until reading about it in this book or about John Thompson, thinking that it was racism that athlete's have to have a certain test score to play sports. Like, I said, I learned a lot from reading this book and I think other's would too, if they gave the book a chance, even if you don't agree. One good lesson, I got from the book is two wrongs don't make a right.

This was one of the most upsetting books I've ever read. There were chapters that moved me to tears. Truth can be bitter but it really does set you free. I learned more about Africa from Mr.Perazo's book than I did from 4 years of Black Studies in college. The majority of the book contends that race relations are as bad as they are because certain people profit by keeping us divided. It was a powerfull book and it left me with much to think about. It's not for kids but it ought to be a required text for college students.

This book is a welcome addition to the mountain of expository evidence, which depicts the cupidity and disingenuousness in which the civil rights industry is awash.

This book is surely one giant step toward the inevitable awakening of America. An awakening that will cause the entire world to condemn the narrow-mindedness and self-interest of all race hustlers, particularly the well known intellectual Lilliputians: Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton. The author points out the double standards of the civil rights industry whose very existence depends on pointing out racism everywhere, even when it isn't there. Perazzo exposes the hypocites with well researched facts and statistics illustrated with anecdotes.

This book harmonizes with Jared Taylor's books: "The Real American Dilemma" and "Paved With Good Intentions" et al, as isolated voices become a chorus demanding truth and reason in discussions of race.

This book should be read by everyone concerned with the future of America.

This book should be read twice, twice by everyone in Academe and in the media.

This is an excellent book. In it, John Perazzo examines, chapter by chapter, some of the common myths and sociological fables that continue to separate parts of the US populace today. Perhaps his most valuable contribution is showing how so-called leaders such as Jackson and Sharpton have twisted reality to suit their own ends. To me, the most compelling and honest part of the book looked at the myth of race in the United States. US blacks are clearly the most privileged people on earth, yet vicious racists such as Kwesei Mfume, Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton, and Carol Moseley-Brown continue to perpetuate groundless black grievance, hatred, and jealousy towards our larger society. This stands in direct contradiction to the tremendous achievements of many, many blacks, who are now predominantly members of the US middle-class. Perazzo correctly and explicitly points out (in Chapters 3 - 7) that a comparative handful of vicious racial hypocrites (Jackson, Sharpton, et al) distort and hinder (the "myths" in the title of the book) what ought to be an honest, helpful conversation on society in America today. As a black man, I feel privileged to live in the United States, and don't understand why anyone could possibly complain about how we've been treated here when we compare it to the horrid, brutal life common throughout Africa these days. Perazzo has authored an impressive appeal for us all to set aside the people who wish to gain by anger and bitterness, and he wants us all to work together for a common good. This is a great book - I'd highly recommend it. His extensive foot-noting and meticulous research make it a valuable text for those of us who want to help all Americans move forward peacefully and with our due intelligence. Buy it today at Amazon.com and pass it on to a friend.

"John Perazzo, must be some kind of a kook," I thought as I began to read. Why even attempt to write a book that would overturn everything that was general knowledge about race in America? However, far from being a kook Perazzo is an able writer that proves his points.
The Myths That Divide Us, if read by enough people might just unite us. The arguments, historical facts, and emotionally powerful story, lead to what should be an unavoidable conclusion to any reasonable mind, which is that the vast bulk of the racial divide in America is based on a series of lies generated by Americans that call themselves civil-rights leaders but are really just selfish unscrupulous people out to line their own pockets. This book is one of the very few books on social justice that can make a difference.

So mucy of what happened during the political development of Micronesia now come to light as a result of this well researched book. Until now, much of what transpired during the political status negotiations required tedious search in US government archives or the Library of Congress (if unclassified). Insightful!

Excellent and comprehensive review of US policy in Micronesia during a key period in its history. Fascinating insights into the relationships that influenced policy development. Thorough and scholarly research that should be a classic in years to come.

So much of what happened during the political development of Micronesia now come to light as a result of this well researched book. Until now, much of what transpired during the political status negotiations required tedious search in US government archives and the Library of Congress. That is if the documents were declassified. This book is insightful.

So much of what happened during the political development of Micronesia now come to light as a result of this well researched book. Until now, much of what transpired during the political status negotiations required tedious search in US government archives and the Library of Congress. That is if the documents were declassified. This book is insightful.

I speak as one who has lived in the Northern Mariana Islands for more than thirty years, and who had a role in the events (I was one of those who were interviewed) and who knew and worked with many of the central figures involved in them. Willens and Siemer have written a thoroughly researched and historically accurate work, and one which I enjoyed reading immensely -- as will anyone interested in this corner of the Pacific.

Here Chomsky compares and contrasts the responses of western governments (specifically, those of Clinton's USA and Blair's Britain) to two instances of "ethnic cleansing", both of which received extensive media attention at the end of the millennium. In Kosovo, there was NATO intervention, a 78-day bombing campaign, and a much-publicised war crimes tribunal; in East Timor, at the very most, a few regretful shakes of the head and perhaps the suspicion that we are not, as yet, quite living up to our high ideals of truth, justice and liberty. Chomsky collates some of the facts underlying this apparent irony and shows that, as usual, the paradox has a rather simple solution. For example: (1) The indictment against Milosevic confines itself largely to crimes committed after the bombing began; it seems logical to assume that (a) "ethnic cleansing" in Kosovo was not a major motivation for the bombing, and (b) any crimes committed before the bombing are not a major concern of our new generation of moral crusaders. Nevertheless, on the grounds that they sanctioned and participated in "ethnic cleansing", Milosevic and his cronies have been routinely portrayed as the worst enemies of human life and moral decency since Adolf Hitler. (2) The 1999 massacre in East Timor (much advertised in advance as the inevitable consequence if a referendum concerning independence from Indonesia should go the wrong way) was the latest episode in an extremely well-documented record of slaughter dating from the Indonesian invasion of 1975. All the atrocities, including the accession to power of the Indonesian leader Suharto in 1965, with its attendant third of a million casualties, were carried out with western backing and with US armament and training. The solution to that paradox, then, is obvious: the west has, as is traditional, no problem with genocide just so long as it's done by the right people. Chomsky is adept at drawing out the salient points (e.g. the timing of the Serbian war crimes indictment noted above) from voluminous and often skewed information; and, as befits a scientist, his sources of evidence are painstakingly documented. The focus on two contrasted sets of events throws the Standards of the West into sharp and unpleasant perspective.

Chomsky uses the NATO bombing of Milosevic as a framework for analyzing the direction of Western foreign policy, specifically in East Timor. While NATO (remember, not UN) forces were destroying non-military targets and infrastructure in the name of a "just cause", US sponsored paramilitaries were rampaging through E Timor slaughtering thousands. It is the awareness of this hypocrisy (as well as the well documented FACT that NATO bombing would worsen the humanitarian crisis it was designed to alleviate) that forms the framework for his analysis. With recent events in the world (easy to predict for those of us who actually know our own foreign policy, our history, and the history of the regions and people in question) Chomsky is one of the few, non PC, intellectuals who are willing to actually hold their own nation to the standards that we hold other nations to. Not surprisingly, CNN, Fox, and the other worthless entertainment disseminators masquerading as flag-waving "news" outlets refuse to cover the obvious issues raised by Chomsky (or Zinn, Fisk, Pilger, Nader, Roy, Herman, Said; the list is much to long to list). Oh well, its just the bodies and misery of the "evildoers" (read: Bush Daddy's old friends who no longer know their place) that are piling up in the name of corporate US hegemony. Also, beware of negative reviews like the one above (nothing wrong with negative reviews, but it woiuld be nice if they would at least attempt to deal with and refute Chomsky's thesis) that quote passages completely out of context.

This is scholar and public servant Noam Chomsky at his analytic best. The focus is "new internationalism where the brutal repression of whole ethnic groups will no longer be tolerated," as thunderingly stated by British Prime Minister Tony Blair. Never content with rhetoric, Chomsky examines the record of new internationalism for actual results, paticularly in test cases like East Timor, Kosovo, and NATO member Turkey with its repressed Kurdish population. The tone is sober, the style searching, the results depressing for a new millenium, demonstrating that more of the same old bloody double-standard wine is being served, this time in new rhetorical bottles. There's no need to editorialize on the professor's findings. They speak eloquently for themselves. Instead a salute is due him: his tireless ongoing pursuit of truth, pleasant or not, his refusal to bow down before the gods of government and media, his steady deep regard for the powerless and voiceless - all in modest, accessible fashion - recommend him as the conscience of the nation and the hope of a better America.

This is Chomsky at his continued best. His insight into and knowledge on American's involvement in Kosovo and East Timor is once again unparalled by other intellectuals. Chomsky is one of the most important assets to truth and knowledge ever to exist.

(...). I had always towed the party line about the evil Serbs and their misdeeds, but have changed my tune after reading this enlightening, if disturbing book. Some may accuse Chomsky of being an apologist for Serb atrocities, but it is clear after reading this text that all sides, most notably NATO, were engaged in quite troublesome behavior that cost many thousands of lives. I heard Bill O' Reilly dismiss Chomsky as a "revisionist," and it is sadly interesting that most critics of this and similar works simply stick a "communist", "liberal", or "revisionist" label on the author without ever addressing the points made within the work. If you are looking for a wealth of facts on deceitful and imperialist American policy in Serbia/Yugoslavia and Indonesia/East Timor, I doubt if a better source could be found.

The Newark Teacher Strike was an exhilarating book and it actually made me feel the
emotions that the teachers were going through. It astonished me to see that over 200
people were imprisoned due to this strike; although after reading further other actions
were more astounding. This book should be read by every teacher and soon-to-be
teacher to truly understand the command these teachers took upon themselves.
This book portrays the struggles of the teachers not only against the Board of
Education, but also against one another. There are powerful excerpts pertaining to
equality and differences. There is a lot to learn from this book, and some parts I found
so interesting that I actually read them again to make sure I was taking everything in.
This book transcends the ultimate message that no matter how difficult something may
be you should stand up for what you believe in.

Steve Golin takes great care as a historian to report the perspectives of the teachers who went on strike in 1970 and 1971 in his narrative "The Newark Teacher Strikes: Hopes on the Line." Emergent is the fact that what started the strikes is not what ended them and what teachers had begun fighting together for ended in their battling against each other because of their differences.

The first strike was almost inspiring. Teachers of different backgrounds banded together under the brotherhood of the union and fought for its say in decision making for schools. In his reporting, Golin uncovers the underpinnings of the teacher's tensions by the time of the second strike, which ended in nearly two hundred people arrested or placed in jail. Black, Jewish and Italian teachers were all seeking betterment for themselves and/or the quality of education, however, they grew to feel differently about the union. The ubiquitous issues of race, gender and class snuck up on the strikers. The equality of men and women as professionals in the workplace became a contributing factor to the increased tensions between teachers. Adding insult to injury were the pay differences between elementary and secondary teachers. Race, however, was one of the most powerful and destructive factors affecting the second strike. Golin also retells accounts of those sentenced to jail after the second strike and how their experience has changed their lives.
For the novice urban school teacher this book is an invaluable reality check revealing the extent to which our predecessors were willing to go to fighting for what they believe in. It made me question to what extent I would fight for what I believe in, should I be called upon to do so.

Steve Golin's The Newark Teacher Strikes is a thought provoking book which allows people from all walks of American life to get into the minds of the men and women who shaped the evolution of Newark Teacher's Union through the strikes that occurred. This book was not only about the efforts of Newark teachers trying to improve the educational system, but about teachers, men and women, "Blacks," Jews, and Italians alike, developing their own self identity and self importance in their career as educators in the public school system. Teachers tried to identify themselves as professionals yet were asked to join a Union which was typically organizations for non-professional.

The book also focuses on teachers in Newark in the midst of civil rights movements while trying to better the educational system for America's youth. In some cases, the changes the NTU desired were tied to the civil rights movement. Newark was a great example of how teacher unions developed during these times. The "Black" population grew from 11 percent in 1940 to 54 percent in 1970. Minority teachers were fighting for a place in society and for power and representation in governing, while at the same time working to improve education.

The concept of isolation is also addressed in this book: "Probably the worst thing in any strike is for the strikers to feel isolated." One of the biggest benefits of being part of a Union is the easing of the mind that a person is not alone in their feelings and thoughts. People can feed off each other's energy. People can listen to each other's stories and realize that they are not so different. Unions also validate the feelings and concerns in the minds of people.

Golin's approach to understanding the psychological aspect of people involved in the Union development in Newark was successful. Throughout the reading I found myself pondering the thoughts of the individuals who were brave enough in uncertain times to stand up for the principles of their convictions. Their thoughts and perspectives enlightened me. It made me prouder to be in education and realize that our work as educators is not yet done. Furthermore, I have concluded that our work does not have to take place just in our classrooms, but efforts outside the classroom in non-curricula arenas.

Brian R. Currie

Steve Gotlin's book, "The Newark Teacher Strikes, Hopes on the Line" explores the avenues and dilemmas placed on teachers within an urban school system. Fifty enticing and emotionally twisting teacher interviews touch all aspects of society. These enlightening dialogues pave the way for insights into the inner emotions and characteristics that create and symbolize a "teacher". The author delves into the many conflicts that arise between teachers and administration compounded by race, gender, class differences and other human characteristics that are prevalent within the once school district. Gotlin explores the feelings that churn up among educators during strikes and actions not only about higher wages or improved education for the students but also an instructors' concern for a say in the decision-making process. In the midst of two weeks of strikes, during 1970 and 1971, the Newark school system completely shut down and the consequences that filtered down to the children. Explore how all these quandaries were overcome within this astonishing book. With encapsulating scenarios and emotions running wild, I highly recommend this wonderful book to any person, teacher or non-teacher, to understand what teachers strive to accomplish everyday in school.

Steve Golin's "The Newark Teacher Strikes: Hopes on the Line" is an enthralling account of a paralyzing situation that landed close to two hundred teachers in jail. This book reveals the great effort of a Union trying to better the educational system in Newark, New Jersey in the early seventies. The author touches on issues that go deeper than politics, and teachers against administrators. He illuminates the great characteristics that the members of the Newark Teachers Union possessed. Golin uses interviews from over fifty teachers to capture the true reasoning behind the strikes - fighting for the rights of both teachers and students. The book reveals the humanity of the teachers in Newark. Struggling with an unfair monetary advantage for the teachers at the secondary level, those teachers fight to relinquish raises in order to equalize the pay scale for teachers at all levels. The ties that bind are delivered in an incredible account of an unwillingness to concede. I recommend this book to all who are in or interested in the education field as well as anyone who wants to learn about real life struggles and the uphill battles that the teachers in Newark would not give in to.