Events Books

Ideal for people who live outside North Korea and wish to learn about North Korea, people who live in North Korea and are confused or for Geoge W. Bush.

Very factual. A good complement to the general news on the subject.

I started reading this book a few days before the July 4th misstle launches. I was glad to get more information on North Korea which was a total mystery to me. Now I understand much more. The book reviews Korean history and how Confucianism has just as much influence in North Korea as communism does. Absolute devotion to the Great Leader is rewarded and the slightest deviation from that is punished by execution. How North Korea will play the nuclear card out is yet to be seen, but I don't think I want them to have nuclear weapons. They will use it for terrorism.

This is a concise and well written modern chronicle of North Korea. There are very few resources available on this "mysterious" country. I found the book to be engrossing, concise and most informative.

I love cher's concert book becouse i love her and i love her concerts.cher is a GREAT person to be a singer,a acter,and to make her own books. Cher was so luck do be married to Sonny.

The author dispenses a complete and concise guide that can be used by any organization in planning the benefit concert. The arrangement of chapters allows the committee to walk through the process knowing full well what is involved. Hollan's sense of humor is evident throughout the book and it is apparent that he has an uncanny ability to attend to detail without losing sight of the goal. Much of the book can be used by individuals or organizations in planning events other than concerts; his tips for dealing with sponsors and the media are very helpful. A great resource for any event planner!

I'm an aspiring promoter and I found this book simply outstanding. This book gave me a vivid picture on how to put on a fund raising event. It was very easy to read and gives valuable information for organizations to build a fund raising concert. I really don't like to read and I found Mr Hollan's personal experiences very interesting. I was further intrigue by the planning and professionalism outline in each chapter. For anyone wishing to put on a fundraising concert, I highly recommend this book. Thanks Mr. Hollan for writing such a great book!

The concert book is a must read for fund raisers. The author's practical experience and easy to read style will jump start your fund raising campaign to new heights.

The book is well written and presents an organized project plan useful for both the novice and seasoned fund raiser.

This excellent book is a light and easy read filled with many personal stories and observations from a career civil servant who `fought the good fight' to apply common sense and effective business practices to the federal government for thirty years. Anyone with any government experience, or business experience dealing with government organizations, will enjoy this book and probably get some ideas about how to overcome government bureaucracy and over-regulation.

If you are looking for new business, management, or leadership concepts, theories, or practices, you will be disappointed. What was new, and what made this book interesting and inspiring to me, was how Stone repeatedly applied sound business, management, and leadership concepts, theories, and practices to government organizations that had been institutionally insulated from such `distractions.' Stone's constant mantra of putting customers first, empowering employees, and cutting red tape helped lead many federal government organizations to a paradigm shift from a focus on regulations and violations to customers and helping them with compliance, and even the practice of federal agencies partnering with businesses to achieve mutually supporting goals.

As a retired career Marine officer, I particularly enjoyed reading about his efforts in the Department of Defense. His very first chapter, "Tackling a Job When You Haven't a Clue," clearly set the tone for the rest of the book with its honesty and humility. His initial experiences in the Pentagon (where he initially did not have a clue) were very similar to many of the jobs I had during my Marine career, and now with most of the government and military projects I have supported as a contractor. The lessons at the end of this chapter, and at the end of the next thirteen chapters (of sixteen total), were `right on target' and did a great job focusing on the main points to be learned from his stories and observations.

Very few longtime civil servants write their memoirs. This book shows that this is a mistake. The author makes the every day conflicts of civil service life live and breathe and shows how they can be overcome to serve great purposes in the public interest.

Introduction writer Tom Peters quotes Peter Drucker's aphorism that "Ninety percent of what we call 'management' consists of making it difficult to get things done." He produces "12 Lessons in Stone" which summarize his approaches. Stone used (1) Demos and Models; (2) Heroes; (3) Stories and Storytellers; (4) Chroniclers; (5) Cheerleaders and Recognition; (6) New Language; (7) Seekers (of change); (8) Protectors (of innovators); (9) Support Groups; (10) End Runs (around hierarchies)/Pull (from outsiders) Strategy; (11) Field/"Real People" Focus, and (12) Speed to push his goals forward.

The author himself describes his goals as "decentralization, deregulation, and devolution of authority in a value-centered organization." These were goals gradually developed after years of frustration mixed with achievement in the Defense Department, to which he had been recruited by the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Systems Analysis in 1969. He quickly clashed with the centralization of all authority for planning imposed during the seven plus years of Secretary Robert McNamara.

His first work was to research the question of how big the army should be. He led successful efforts to change the evaluation formula from on tons of artillery ammunition fired times lethal area per ton to one that applied informed military judgements to the weapons on both sides, what the army dubbed the Weighted Effect Indicators/Weighted Unit Value method. The effect of this change in formulas was to demonstrate the feasibility of NATO surpassing the Warsaw Pact in effectiveness, something later accomplished in the Carter and Reagan Administrations. From this effort, the author learned the power of asking naieve questions, such as "Why? What's that mean? Says who?"

The author subsequently went on to become assistant secretary of defense for installations, where he rapidly shrunk regulations and improved the quality of life for residents of military bases. This raised hackles which put him under a glass ceiling for awhile, but he recovered with the Clinton/Gore election in 1992, when he got appointed to the National Performance Review staff, and ultimately became its leader in reinventing government.

This book demonstrates his struggles and his triumphs and is essential reading for anyone seeking to aid in the cause of responsive government. "Some people look for things that went wrong and try to fix them," he said. "I look for things that went right and try to build upon them." He called himself "Mr. ReGo" (Reinventing Government) and "Energizer in Chief." His critics had undoubtedly had other words for him, but this book is a very clear record of his vision and accomplishments.

It is an extremely useful introduction to the whole field of Reinventing Government, with its orientation of customer service and customer satisfaction and the eliminations of excess regulation and bureaucratic red tape. It is one man's anecdotal summary, but it provides a firm basis for more rigorous empiricial investigations by others. It is a call to action as well as a memoir, and as such it will likely be heeded by dedicated professionals for many years to come.

"This is an exhilarating book, full of spirit and spark. It vividly and
passionately describes the author's groundbreaking, bureaucracy-busting work
as head of the National Performance Review. Ignited by Tom Peter's In Search
of Excellence,
Stone became Al Gore's right hand in working to reinvent government. His
book is filled with wonderful stories of revolutionaries from every rank and
level. It contains many great tidbits of advice and wisdom. The author used
to refer to himself as Energizer in Chief. His book is just that: an
energizer. It breathes the soul of civic revolution. It is full of fun as
well, an easy read. Stone is totally devoted to action that breaks down
ridiculous and often absurd barriers from getting the job done right. But
the book is full of humanity as well, as when Stone decides to retire so he
can live closer to his young grandchildren. If you want to touch clear,
decisive, humane leadership, if your soul needs a spark to re-ignite itself,
run -don't walk- to get this book."

This tell-it-like-it-was gem about the author's thirty years of public service is nothing less than remarkable. Adroitly written with good humor, Stone's quiet, but dogged steadfast nature is wonderfully evident in every page and makes you count your lucky stars that people like him actually join the ranks of our government. These experiences should serve as a guide for future generations of civil servants tackling the often thankless and misunderstood job of government service. But more than that - there is a lesson plan for all of us who navigate the treacherous waters of small and big organizations alike. I for one, plan to give this book to my twenty-one-year-old college graduate to read.

This is an outstanding book for understanding why the US military has such problems with confronting insurgency. Counterinsurgency is never easy, but the US has proved monumentally incompetent across generations of command. The book's thesis is that bad counterinsurgency doctrine made a successful intervention in Vietnam impossible, and that the conflict was lost as soon as it began.

The most crucial misconception is that there is no such thing as an organic, self developed insurgency. Insurgency was seen as the policy of a foreign nation seeking to intervene within a country, likely as a prelude to invasion. Insurgencies were dependent on foreign support for supplies, bases and command. Combatting an insurgency required severing the link between the foreign support and the insurgents.

Related to this was a belief that light military pressure, or even just the presence of US forces could compel the withdrawl of insurgent support, because such a presence would signify US resolve to oppose an invasion or intervention.

The application of this logic led to a dynamic where the US pressured North Vietnam in retaliation for VC attacks. North Vietnam interpreted that pressure not as a response to it's own policies but as a direct attack upon it's existence. Consequently it increased rather then decreased supplies and support for the VC, ultimately sending not just supplies but regular troops. In essence the US created exactly the scenario it's policies were intended to prevent.

That this is happening again in Iraq and Iran suggests too few people in command read this book.

I had the great privilege of taking many of Dr. Cable's classes while I was at the University of North Carolina at Wilmington. Dr. Cable is a true gift to the historical field. His courses were difficult, but his amazing story-telling ability shines both in class and in both of his books (conflict of myths and unholy grail). While reading his books, I can actually still hear his delivery and cadence. As we go further into a time when local squabbles and terrorists will engage the attention of our foreign policy, his writings and experiences are all the more appropriate.

Dr. Larry Cable's experience and intellectual appraisal for the counterinsurgency role of the U.S. armed forces in Southeast Asia are placed into perspective. While not completely supporting all U.S. activities regarding the reduction of irregular forces, Cable examines the reality on the ground that was the wake-up call for American military leaders in Vietnam. An extremely effective and important book that should be read as much for the intellectual value as the historical value.

This book analyzes how the US came to adopt the policy of using conventional tactics to fight the insurgency in Vietnam. It provides a great analysis of the American way of conducting war and gives examples of attempts to fight the war in other means. Author has/had first hand knowledge of what was going on behind the scenes in the 60's. This book is required reading at many military schools which realize our past failures and are trying to teach current military personnel how to avoid similar mistakes in the future.

This book is a collection of many of Saul Singer's columns and editorials for the Jerusalem Post.

One might think that there would be little for him to say. After all, Israel is a small nation. What it does probably isn't very important. Even if it were to do something drastically different, such as giving away most of its land, or starting a war with a neighbor, or forming a military alliance with Syria, one might wonder why that would be interesting. Worse, Israel's options are heavily constrained: it is unlikely to do much of anything at all.

Nevertheless, there's still quite a bit of value in these articles. For one thing, while Israel's options may be limited, it's still worth trying to keep track of what is happening in the region and in the world. A second point is that much of what is written about Israel is intentionally inaccurate, misleading, or simply thoughtless. It's good to have someone around to provide some accuracy and clarity. Finally, many of the problems we see in the Levant have larger implications, and this makes what Singer writes important for everyone.

One theme of Singer's is the folly of "evenhandedness." That is, the European Union tends to support the Arabs in their war against Israel. The United States purports to be a fair and honest broker that can bring peace to both sides. Singer points out more than once that this doesn't work. A neutral approach towards ending fights favors bullies. After all, if the aggressor and the victim are to be treated equally, why not be an aggressor? And this is in fact one of the reasons that we don't have serious progress towards peace between Israel and the Arabs.

I liked the variety of subjects that Singer addressed and found his views thoughtful and interesting. I recommend his book.

Topical essay collections are often a hit or miss proposition since the essays can appear dated by the time they are re-published in collection form. Yet somehow, writing about the Middle East never seems irrelevant no matter how much time has passed. This is true of Saul Singer's new book. Singer, Jerusalem Post editorial writer and columnist has collected much of his writings for the Post between the year 1998 and the summer of 2003, particularly those concerning the war on terrorism being fought and faced by both the United States and Israel. Singer contends this is the same war and I agree with him. The essays, most of which are unsigned editorials Singer penned for the Post and a number of which are from his weekly column "Interesting Times", are arranged largely, though not totally chronologically and each one is proceeded by an introduction written by Singer this summer, before the book was published. These introductions create a cohesiveness of the essays by tying them to current conditions. For example, on many occasions, post 9/11, the Post was critical of what it saw as American equivocation on Palestinian terrorism. In a number of his introductions to editorials of this nature, Singer acknowledges where his assumptions turned out to be pre-mature or mistaken.

Taken together the book is a striking history of the major issue of Islamic fascism facing Israel and the world since Sept. 2000. Looking back at these events reminded me of many things I had forgotten. It is always useful to go back and examine events one lived through since the perspective is very different when one has knowledge of the future.

From my perspective Singer, an American who made aliyah a number of years ago, is a centrist, which is to say he would give up land to create a Palestinian state if he thought such a state would live peacefully with Israel. But like much of today's "neo-cons", Singer believes that Israel must win the war in which it is engaged just as the United States must. He is scornful of Israel and American "elite" which try to appease the terrorists. It should also be noted that Singer is a firm believer in the free market and many of his editorials have called for serious economic reform of the Israeli economy, which is still essentially socialist.

All in all this book is a must read for anyone interested in a sensible review of the events affecting the peace of Israel and the United States over the past three years. And the Jerusalem Post is a must read for anyone looking for sensible commentary on the current world scene.

Covering the Palestinian/Arab war against Israel from 1997 to the present day, a writer for the Jerusalem Post presents here a series of essays that should be mandatory reading for anyone with the remotest interest in the Middle East.

The book covers a whole series of issues relating to the so called "peace process" which cannot all be addressed within the space of a review. One of the principal issues covered in this work is the ongoing construction of the so called "security wall/fence" along the boundaries of Judea/Samaria (West Bank) etc.. The "security wall/fence" being cited in the book as really being "constructed" by the Palestinians and not by the Israelis, with an elaboration being made that the structure only came into being following the many thousands of Palestinian terrorist attacks upon Israelis. Further amplification being made that if the Palestinian leadership fulfilled their requirement under the so called "road map" in disarming and disbanding the Palestinian terrorist groups then the "security wall/fence" would be irrelevant in any case.

Further to the "peace process" itself the book describes the European Union as largely taking the Palestinian side in the conflict and that a refusal to label the Palestinians as the "aggressors" has made the conflict virtually impossible to end by providing an "inbuilt incentive" for Palestinians to restart hostilities as soon as any "talks" break down. This is discussed in some detail. Reference is made to the Palestinian Authority, Yasser Arafat, Mahmoud Abbas, or anyone else in authority, having given no indication whatsoever of being prepared/willing to confront Hamas, Islamic Jihad and other terrorist groups. The latter shown to be allowed to operate freely by the Palestinian leadership within all the Palestinian autonomous areas.

Page 136 discusses the attitude depicted within these Palestinian groups where they claim a right to "retaliate" after Israel kills what is termed as one of their "terrorist masterminds" responsible for attacking Israelis etc.. The book discusses the matter at length and describes the underlying attitude of the Palestinian terrorist groups as being of "schoolyard logic" which cries "it all started when he hit me back".

The book makes a number of comparisons between Israel's "war against terrorism" and the parallel "war against terrorism" of the US. Both are described as facing the same enemy with the same strategy. The US & Israel both also depicted in the book as being at the receiving end of what the same "jihad" & an expansionist war by militant Islam that cannot tolerate any form of non-Islamic power.

Having said that, at the beginning of the book the writer describes his first visit to the US following the September 11th terrorist attacks and goes to some length to describe his shock at a fundamental difference in the society of both nations. The book recounts astonishment at the number of US civilians at outdoor cafes and shopping malls without the presence of any noticeable security guards checking people at the entrances etc.. Something described as a far cry from Israel's stringent, ever present security measures, which are depicted as an almost unnoticed part of everyday life in the Jewish state. The shock at the lack of such measures in the US being illustrated as an "almost reckless form of freedom". The book not decrying the situation in the US but just using this as an example of how terrorism has affected two nations in a different manner at the present time, as if the respective peoples currently live in "different worlds".

This is an extremely interesting, composed, well written, incisive study into the common threats facing the US, Israel and the West, as well as an informed insight into the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Highly recommended. Thank you.

I read many of the pages of this book in the Jerusalem Post where Saul Singer has both a weekly column, and often writes the editorial page. He is very insightful on the whole subject of the Terrorist war now being waged against Israel. And he understands very well the kinds of media - bias Israel continually faces. He is a very sane and balanced writer, a rationalist who builds his arguments carefully. He is also it can be seen a decent person motivated not by hatred of the ' enemy' but by a strong desire to find a way toward peace in a better Middle East. American born he too has a good insight into the political realities of the world's single superpower and of the US- Israel relationship. There is much to be learned from reading this excellent collection. And for the honest and open- minded there is a deeper understanding of the Arab - Israel conflict than is generally presented in the world's media.

I received this book in a timely manner, it is well written, and gave me the information I hoped.

This is a clearly written introduction to how the legislature works, right down to how to get around the different Congressional buildings. OK, so it's not exactly a graduate poli-sci text but Silverberg is the Editor of The Hill, so he's certainly got the credentials to put this book out. Sure wish we'd had this book *before* we'd done our first legislative visit!!

If there was ever a book for congress that you had to buy, this is it. In fact, if this was the only book you had to buy, buy this book before any other. It is the Bible of budgets, the Torah of truth, and the Koran of Congress.

This book has it all. It has information for the experienced legislator as well as useful information for any layman. It helpes me every time I have proposed any idea for a bill to my congressman, and has told me who my congressman even was (Tom Wolfe, a very withdrawn, yet supposedly experienced man).

It gives information vital for everyone to know, as well as extrememly interesting facts (there has been two extremely brutal fights in congress). There is also information for which I never had any idea about but am interested about now, such as information, as well as the origin, of jerrymandering.

There is just one thing that has the capacity, the brevity, the sum of the copious amount of words I put in this summary...
BUY THIS BOOK!

This was a Dummies book that didn't look down on me. It had a lot of info on it that was pretty cool. It sure helped me on my AP Government test. Also considering I'm interested in Government, it had a lot of useful ideas to help me write bill proposals and other things to Congress.

I also liked the foreward. Senator Daschle, we ned a lot more people in office like you.

Buy this book. It has good things that help you.

Have you ever wondered how the label "conservative" ceased to denote a serious poltical philosophy and became the prefered self designation of media hacks? If you want a specific contrast: think Ayn Rand vs. Ann Coulter! This didn't come about just because of the decline in American educational standards (although that is no doubt a related variable) but rather it is the end result of a premeditated poltical coup on the right. Paul Gottfried, who was an eyewitness to the process, has left us an account of how it was done and why.

This slender but data packed volume documents how representatives of the limited-government and traditionalist movements lost their positions, funding, and ultimately even their identity to a faction of crass Machiavellians who migrated into the conservative movement between the early Reagan years and the end of the Cold War. In a way it is hardly surprising that these genteel literary types were bested by battle hardened ex-Trotskyites fresh from the proxy wars of the left. The value of Gottfried's study is that he both memorialises and criticises the vanquished old right, ensuring that the epoch doesn't vanish down the memory hole, and that the cautionary lessons are laid out to be learned by whoever takes the time and effort.

The philosophical core of the book is Gottfried's implicit criticism of "value conservatism." Although he doesn't venture very far into the technical aspects of value-theory, enough is said to explain the tropism of "values" from presumed absolutes towards handy poltical slogans. The presumption of the old right was that "values" refered to a hierarchy of moral goods latent in the order of things, discovered, but not created by human minds. This is an implicitly theistic, or at least panentheistic, theory. Gottfried points out the rhetorical blunder of old right in resting its case on nominal rather than real values. By the time Russel Kirk and others started talking about "traditional values" the frame of reference had shifted (assuming it had ever been anywhere else) from absolute values to imputed values, that is to say: subjective evaluation of the sort that is used (legitimately) in economic theory. Unfortunately the appeal to imputed values in poltical rhetoric only encouraged the sort of value relativism that the old right claimed to be fighting. After that it was only a matter of time before some clever faction on the left realized that it could use this protean notion to insert its own agenda into the conservative program and take over the movement.

For that salient insight, as well as the documentation of nearly forgotten thinkers, this is a book to get and ponder upon. The only reason that I am giving it four rather than five stars is that there seem to be many loose ends in the text. Dr. Gottfried has a tendency to sally into criticism of other thinkers and then break off before making his own principles explicit. Perhaps he likes to hold his political cards close to his chest, or perhaps in his years of contention with the Straussians, their coy indirectness of expression has rubbed off on him. Whatever Gottfried's ultimate position may be, this is a book that should be read by paleoconservatives, libertarians, or anyone else who is interested in cognitivism in poltics and curious about its decline in America.

I finished this wonderful book a moment ago, and nothing about its portrayal of a baseless conservative movement struck me as untrue. But it left me wondering where an adequate base could possibly come from, a topic on which the author does not seem very hopeful, though this lack of hope has done nothing to discourage him from making spirited attacks on the Left and its neocon clones. In any case, my interest in Gottfried's work, which began with columns at LRC, continues to grow.

What perhaps struck me most about Gottfried's treatment of the American Right is how the events and ideas it documents, basic to understanding the American political landscape, are wholly ignored by practitioners of public and media "discourse." Gum-flappers Left and "Right" suppress or pass over any information that does not fit in to their carefully-monitored view of reality. Allowing remarks like Gottfried's into the mix might lead one to reflect seriously on the danger of accepting and promoting an established liberal secular theology of rights-talk, universalism, multiculturalism, and managerially-supervised diversity. Readers might also consider the extent to which acceptance of these ideas inclines regimes toward warmaking and enforcement of its conception of rights everywhere--a model we are never invited to use in our analysis of such debacles as the Iraq invasion. Finally, Gottfried's analysis of movement conservatism might lead thoughtful Righties into abandoning and even attacking the baseless hierarchy of GOP helpers. There is little danger of this happening, however, since the managers of "Right-wing" information would rather pant after the endless stream of flatulent, self-serving "books" researched and authored by unprincipled conservatives and their minicon servants, than take the time to consider the tirelessly-documented arguments made by thoughtful dissenters like Gottfried.

In the last few years, there have been a number of books that note that the conservative movement and the Republican Party is not conserving what it used to. These books include Pat Buchanan's "Where the Right Went Wrong," Bruce Bartlett's "Impostor" and Richard Viguerie's "Conservatives Betrayed." All of these books are worth reading, but they are pretty much limited to listing certain issues that conservatives are supposed to support: opposition to illegal immigration, a national interest foreign policy, limited government, states' rights, judicial restraint, opposition to gay rights and abortion etc. and how the Republican Party, George W. Bush, and/or the conservative movement have failed to live up to these principles.

This is a worthy endeavor, but they have one major shortcoming: they say "Where the Right Went Wrong" but they don't do that much of "How and Why the Right Went Wrong". Most of these books claim there was some golden age of conservatism: usually under Reagan, in some cases up to the 1994 "Republican Revolution," and then things suddenly went sour. Other than criticizing the neoconservatives (to differing degrees,) and the corrupting influence of power, they offer few ideas as to why this once great movement was doing very little of value today. And with the exclusion of Buchanan, most of these men had been relatively silent about the problem until it was far too late.

Paul Gottfried's book begins where these books end. Anyone who is familiar with the Prof. Gottfried's work knows that he has long been critical of the Republican Party and the neoconservatives. While he still has no love lost for either, this book doesn't expend much energy on them, but rather how they became so respected among otherwise right thinking conservatives.

Gottfried goes after many of the sacred cows and premises of the conservative movement--particularly it opposition to German historicism as "moral relavatism" and it's insistent on the importance of abstract "values" as being at the root of many of the Right's problems. While Gottfried shows respect to thinkers like Russell Kirk, he does not think all the problems are the result of too few Republican hacks reading "The Conservative Mind," and in fact looks at how certain aspect of Kirk and other conservative hero's thinking may have led us to the mess we are in now.

This book is a must read for anyone who wants to understand the state of the American Right and how it got there.

Paul Gottfried has, over the past twenty-five years, been one of the most astute and impressive writers on contemporary politics and society. His earlier volumes MULTICULTURALISM AND THE POLITICS OF GUILT and AFTER LIBERALISM have been significant contributions to the discussion of the nature of American (and European) society and the structures of authority---and how they came to be the way they are today. In this, his newest, volume, Gottfried analyzes both the history and "meaning" of what has been termed "American conservatism." Looking first at the older, pre-NATIONAL REVIEW "Right" of Robert Taft and others, he explores how publicists and others transformed that older "Right" into an anti-Communist "coalition" in the 1950s that, although it at least in part attempted to establish roots in a transatlantic Burkean tradition (with the work of Russell Kirk), soon found itself conflicted by divergent strains and impulses. The implosion of a formal Communist threat in the late 1980s and early '90s, and the influx of former Leftist/Trotskyite neo-conservatives in the 1970s and 1980s and their expropriation of the name "conservative," have transfigured what many people think of as the "Right" in America today, and the results have had extreme consequences both politically and socially.

Gottfried's analysis is fresh and his command of sources and knowledge of historical events and persons is quite impressive. Stylistic, this book reads quite well, unlike some dry-as-dust tomes.

In short, this is a book that demands attention from political scientists, historians, from journalists and observers both of American and European politics and society, and from those interested in not only what has taken place and what is taking place in the United States...but why.

I recently passed the Oral Assessment portion of the Foreign Service Exam and can attest to the relevance of William Shepard's experiences in "Consular Tales" to the type of hypothetical situations raised by the examiners. A Foreign Service candidate will learn not only from the specific examples cited in the book, but more importantly from Mr. Shepard's thought process while handling a wide variety of issues facing members of the diplomatic corps.

Page for the page, Consular Tales is the best study guide for preparing yourself to take the Foreign Service Exam.

I have been thinking about joining the U.S. Foreign Service and this first-hand account was absorbing and illuminating. I found the personal insight into an often challenging and dangerous career most impressive. It is written in a forthright manner with welcome touches of humor. I would recommend this book to anyone interested not only in traveling and working abroad but also to those who have already done so. It is also for those who like adventures and enjoy autobiographies. More from this author, please!

I thought that Consular Tales was a delightful book. It was fun, and imformative as well. It was the kind of book that I didn't want to put down and was sorry when it ended that I read it so fast. So many books nowadays are not well written but this was obviously written by a scholar and seasoned auther. Is this someone who has previously been published under another name? I hope that I will be able to read more fiction or non-fiction from this very accomplished author. Do we have another Sir Jeffrey Archer in William Shepard? I think Archer is a suburb storyteller as is Mr. Shepard. Lets have somemore tales from Mr. Shepard soon.

William Shepard tells us that when a colleague in the Foreign Service once asked him why, with a Harvard Law School degree and the prospect of a highly lucrative law career, he'd chosen the consular life, he said that it was because he "didn't want to wake up one morning later in life and wonder what living in Singapore would have been like." How fortunate for the United States that a man with Shepard's intelligence, compassion, humor, and grace chose the path he did, and so clearly relished it. This fascinating view of the consular life takes us around the world and across the decades: from Budapest, where Shepard regularly strolled the American Embassy courtyard with Cardinal Mindszenty during the prelate's years in residence there in sanctuary from Hungary's Communist regime; to Saigon, doing staff work for the secret negotiations that led to the Paris Peace Talks; to Singapore, where he tossed back a few San Miguel beers with the original Bill Bailey of the song; and finally to Bordeaux, where as Consul General he found money where there was none to fund a commemorative plaque for a French Resistance fighter by holding one less Consulate dinner party.

What struck me again and again in my reading was Shepard's commitment not only to the welfare of his country and its citizens abroad but his understanding, sympathy, and affection for the countries in which he served and for their citizens. This is a vivid tale of a life lived well and vibrantly, recounted with wit and elegance. It's sometimes surprising and always instructive, not only about what a consular job requires but also about the way to do it right. Shepard says that his hope in writing this book was to inspire young people to take the path of service he'd traveled. If I were a few years younger, I'd be filling out an application and packing my bags.

El magnifico Mexicano autor Carlos Fuentes nos ofrece sus opiniones sobre el Presidente Bush y como afecta Los Estados Unidos y el mundo en general. Mas bien el libro es como una seria de reflexiones como un diario sobre importante datos entre los anos Agosto de 2000 y Junio 2004. Es muy interestante,leer sus opiniones anos despues de varios asuntos que han pasado y ya podendo entender el afecto sobre el politico y economias del mundo. En realidad son opiniones y por eso no pueden ser corecto ni falso, son eso y nada mas, opiniones pero por refexiones de un intelectual internacional con capaz de hacer te pensar sobre sus ideas. Yo no estaba de acuerdo con todo lo que dice el senor Fuentes pero como tengo mucho respecto por Carlos Fuentes queria entender sus opiniones. Tambien tengo respecto para el Presidente Bush y el asunto en que nos encontramos . Aungue las ideas son generalmente como el titulo del libre, contra Bush, puedes leer este libro con una mente abrierto y ser mejor por el. Las ideas sobre el petropoder y la guerra tienen una linea transversal que es deficil disputar pero tambien hay otras razones que no estan explorado. Fuentes no dice nada nuevo pero siempre tiene un modo de presentar sus ideas con color y pensamiento. Las nociones de Fuentes son contra mis ideas pero sin embargo los entiendo y algunos hasta tienen merito. Te recomendo este libro y despues de leer usted puedes tener tu propia opinion sobre sus analysis.

Este libro es muy importante y tiene que ser leído por todos los latinos que viven en los Estados Unidos. Ahora bajo la administración de Bush todo ha sido hecho un caos de nuestra economía y de las pólizas internacionales con otros países, empezando con la guerra y las armas de "terrorismo". Fuentes es muy atrevido en escribir un libro con un tema llamado Contra Bush pero se supone que en este país uno tiene libertad de decir lo que uno quiera. Pero no me sorprendería si eso cambia también porque ahora hasta están cambiando la constitución bajo esta administración. Lo que es frustrante es que libros come este y películas como del Sr. Moore no hicieron ninguna diferencia en la ultima elección en Noviembre. La administración de Bush esta ganando el voto Latino, y una de las medias es por la televisión porque ahora esta metiendo políticos en canales Norte Americanos como Univision y Telemundo.

He recibido comentarios de personas americanas de que como alguien que no nacio ni vive en los Estados Unidos puede escribir un libro criticando al gobierno de Washington D.C.

Primero, me parece excelente que un intelectual mexicano haga una sintesis tan completa de ideas que le han surgido a lo largo del gobierno de W. Bush. El compendio de pensamientos del autor a lo largo de este desastroso gobierno americano sintetiza la frustracion de todos los que hemos tenido el tiempo de pensar cada paso que ha dado la administracion actual.

Segundo, los americanos tienden a meter sus narices en cada rincon de nuestros paises e incluso a hablar con supuesta propiedad y conocimiento de todos los temas e.g. el alegado alcoholismo de Lula puesto al "descubierto" por un periodista yanqui. Da gusto leer un libro tan critico al gobierno americano escrito con tanto conocimiento del tema y entendimiento del entorno completo.

Tercero, no se necesita ser adivino ni pensador de tiempo completo para darse cuenta de los atropellos al orden mundial que se hacen todos los dias por el gobierno de W. Bush. Fuentes hace alusion de los mejores momentos de esta administracion en el ambito de destruir tratados, acuerdos y relaciones internacionales para el unico objetivo de permanecer y enriquecerse.

Este libro no dice nada nuevo, los que hemos seguido el curso de la administracion Bush y sobretodo hemos dedicado el tiempo a pensar y reflexionar cada movimiento de su gobierno nos hemos dado cuentas de lo que se incluye y mas; pero es muy valioso el trabajo de Fuentes al atreverse a escribir lo que escribe y sobretodo al opinar tan abiertamente del desastre ideologico, politico e intelectual de W. Bush y su grupo nefasto en el poder.

Hoy dia para W. Bush es prioridad su bolsillo y el fundamentalismo neoconservador en el que vive Washington D.C. El mundo entero le grita en su cara otro tipo de prioridades: libertad, democracia, justicia, salud, alimentacion, investigaciones, entre muchisimas mas.

Estoy de acuerdo que este libro realmente no tiene nada "nuevo" a decir sobre la presidencia de George W. Bush. Sin embargo, es una obra mas filosofica que pone el presidente en el contexto del mundo y de la historia (hay muchos libros contraBushistas que enfocan solamente en el pueblo de los Estados Unidos, o que contienen paginas de especulaciones sin raices: estas cosas no encontrarás en Contra Bush). Por eso, vale la pena leerlo y tenerlo en tu coleccion.

Maybe the first thing I noticed was that whenever I heard the word "democracy" used, and considered its context and meaning, that what was really meant was "capitalism." A typical example might be "we must defend democracy..." where what was really meant is "we must defend capitalism..." Anyone who disagrees should consider all the democratically elected leftist governments the United States has deposed (esp. South and Central America) through secret (i.e. illegal) economic and military attacks, to be replaced by violent, right-wing dictatorships, sympathetic to capitalist business interests.

I noticed that most news stories of importance to the government or big business are obviously one-sided. I noticed that one rarely hears both sides of many stories, and when one does, it is usually one short, page 14 contrarian bit, against many more front page articles supporting the big business or State Department view.

I began noticing that the language used in these stories is always biased, e.g. when there is a dispute between a company and labor, it is always reported as "labor trouble," or "a strike by labor, causing..." all kinds of problems. It is never "Management refuses to pay fair wages and eliminate hazardous working conditions, forcing labor to strike."

I began noticing other loaded language, like calling every potential enemy (of the state) a "terrorist." Of course American troops bombing private homes, killing innocent (usually foreign) civilians are not terrorists! NO! They are "peace keepers." No doubt about it, Double Speak is now official American policy, and far too many people buy it (lock, stock and Tomahawk missile).

I noticed George Bush spewing propaganda during the early days of his war in Iraq. He came "on the air" at least 4-5 times a day (that I heard; probably much more) saying, with very little variation in wording, "we are right to be in Iraq." It was the same, simplified message, repeated over and over, with virtually no alternative opinions offered. It was classic, textbook propaganda, exactly as Joseph Goebbels (Minister for Public Enlightenment & Propaganda in Nazi Germany) described it.

I also noticed that government programs frequently fail to fully benefit the people they are supposed to benefit, but usually do produce millions or billions of dollars worth of profit for some industry. Do we suppose that is an accident? Really?

I noticed that at first Bush attacked Iraq to eliminate WMDs, then later it was to free Iraqis from the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, then finally it is to prevent civil war. What do we know about a suspect when he keeps changing his story? That he's a liar, of course.

The list of inequities, injustices, inconsistencies and outright scams, larceny and lies, "not to mention" the occasional slaughter of tens of thousands of innocent people, is endless. I name those cases which I recognized, even before reading Parenti, just to show that it's not that hard to recognize. And it's just not that hard to recognize the truth in what Parenti tells us.

Parenti's words ring absolutely true. The deck IS in fact stacked against the average American. The government (and especially the State) DOES IN FACT represent big money and big power, and most emphatically DOES NOT represent the average American citizen, though it certainly pretends to. Democracy exists only as a shell, to distract and divert the People, and convince us that everything is OK, or at least as well as possible.

I am not a "conspiracy theorist." That phrase is an example of what Parenti gently describes as "name calling," used by establishment media to discredit legitimate arguments which might threaten power. I knew that. But of course there ARE conspiracies. And there IS in fact a Big Conspiracy of capitalists against the people.

No, capitalists and people who work within and for that system do not necessarily meet with representatives of the government and state, in seedy motel rooms, wearing trenchcoats, after midnight, to plan their attacks. They don't need to. They all know their roles perfectly well, as they've been handed down to them, or which they've been indoctrinated for, and know that they must play them, if they want to STAY rich and in power. Money is in fact the root of all evil, with simple power not far behind.

Michael Parenti describes these cases and hundreds, perhaps thousands of similar ones, and explains them in the context of state, military, big business and big money power. He tells us the true story, unaltered by political and economic pressure, censorship and self-censorship, and the politics of exclusion (when is the last time YOUR leftist voice was heard in the major media?). It should be no surprise that power almost always wins, at the expense of everyone else, their claims to the contrary not withstanding. And all issues of justice and morality fall by the wayside, victims of capitalist money and state power.

I could go on, practically forever in fact, because the injustices, large and small, are practically infinite. But Parenti tells it much better than I, in fact most of us, ever could. The fact is, what Parenti tells us in Contrary Notions (and in his other books) is perfectly consistent with what can be observed every day, if we would just open our eyes. He tells the absolute, ugly truth, which every citizen should know if our society is EVER to change for the better.

Contrary Notions should be required reading for every American citizen who cares about Democracy and Justice (fat chance!). There is not a man (or woman) in America who tells the unvarnished truth about American politics, money and power more clearly and honestly than does Michael Parenti.

For me the comments on Clinton's bombing of Kosovo were very insightful. But I'm an easy sell since I am so sceptical about everything I read in the media.

I've been reading progressive books for 40 years, so I've read plenty. When reading this book by Dr. Michael Parenti it struck me that if there was only one book I could recommend everyone should read, it would have to be this one. It touches just enough, on everything that one should be aware of, to make sense of why the world is as it is and why it is time to question the capitalist economic paradigm that we live in. Dr. Parenti shows his ability to take complex class-based analysis of the world order and our personal lives within it and state the arguments for how we can create a better world in a way that should be understandable to every reader. At least those readers who are prepared to remove the blinders imposed on us all by capitalist indoctrination. This is indeed a "reader" that instills a working class consciousness in simple terms and equips one with a clear understanding of our class enemy and the need to build a real people's alternative. Buy it, read it and share it. You won't be sorry! I'm going to approach my local library and get them to purchase it as well.

This book is a wonderful addition to Parenti's body of work. I sat down and started reading and found myself reading every article. Touching on many of the areas Parenti has examined for years, it brings together his usual sharp, readable critique and an extraordinary amassing of interesting facts and accounts. With such an array of topics and ideas and representing such a wide scope of learning and reflection it's an education all its own. And it's so beautifully written (as Parenti's books always are). It's so nice to know that there are people who can write this way, with such economy of prose -- so elegant in style yet saying so much.