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He explains it!Review Date: 2007-07-20
This is NOT light bedtime reading!Review Date: 2006-12-14
Way beyond 5 Stars ! The one book that senior career Military Professionals should read !Review Date: 2006-12-06
Superb and comprehensiveReview Date: 2007-01-05
Gat is philosophically astute as well as deep; he knows history as well as theory; and he even treats, if briefly, the question of the causes of war. Above all, the book is animated by his personality: one can surmise that, yes, he's quite intellectual, but his is a mind that is always probing, curious and interesting. (There's a picture of the author on the back flap. He is youngish but he has bags under his eyes. He must read and write around the clock. I for one am grateful.) This is my book of the year.
A Must ReadReview Date: 2008-02-26
War in Human Civilization is split into three parts, "Warfare in the First Two Million Years: Environment, Genes, and Culture," "Agriculture, Civilization, and War," and "Modernity: the Dual Face of Janus." Gat begins by examining the fundamental motivations for violent conflict in nature. Adhering to the tenets of biological evolution, violent encounters were the product of competition for reproductive success--access to females and the resources necessary to attract and support them--and somatic resources, food. Gat proposes an "evolutionary calculus" in which the motivations for violent conflict are the direct or subsequent necessity of fitness. The evolutionarily selected behaviors that lead to violent conflict are (1) competition (2) retaliation to injure the enemy and/or reestablish deterrence, and (3) kin-based altruism, dictating that one's willingness for self-sacrifice decreases as the cost-benefit of genetic similarity decreases. Simply, the fight for survival and the protection of offspring, siblings, cousins, and so on, are innate.
Gat utilizes the ideologies of Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. In drawing a distinction between hunter-gathers and pre-state agriculturalists, he finds that the Hobbesian view of intrinsic violence "closer to the truth," but not entirely dominating. He examines archaeological and historical data and reveals that state-based warfare is actually less lethal than pre-state violence, contrary to the Rousseauite thesis of a naturally peaceful man coerced into conflict over state-imposed materialism. In other words, civilization has, by coercive power, enforced (internal) peace, the reality of violent conflict more manifest in the dominating fear of it than its actual practice. However, Gat also recognizes the potential for error in using archaeological evidence that may neither be comprehensive nor representative. The sheer scale of state-based warfare renders it more "spectacular" while the mortality rate (among a much larger population) decreases. From this foundation Gat analyzes the relationship between cultural and biological evolution. Both are reproductive, restrained, and unendingly competitive systems, though cultural reproduction occurs far faster as transmission is possible horizontally from any mind to another. Culture, according to Gat, is largely restrained by biological predispositions that, in turn, affect the selection of biological traits. This, importantly, can even be harmful to our biological fitness, as selection against these traits--such as a taste for sugary foods that previously served to favor ripe, and thereby nutritionally valuable, fruit--is weak. Gat identifies the advent of agriculture and animal husbandry and the development of the state and civilization as the two most influential "'take off' transitions" in human culture.
Production in the form of agriculture and animal husbandry led to population increases and the concentration of peoples and resources. This concentration allowed resource monopolization as well as the differential concentration and appropriation of the limited surpluses. Here the Rousseauite notion comes into play, proposing that "existing natural differences between people were enormously magnified and objectified by accumulated resources." This, in kind, reinforced stratification by creating dependence on a few monopolizers necessary for subsistence. Coercive mobilization of peoples, resources, and the growth of scale increased the size of violent conflicts. Professional fighting forces were established along pseudo-kin lines (soldier brotherhood), dictating that "us" is cohesive against "them." This practice also led to sedentary fortification of settlements and the state-created distinction between murder and feud, and war.
Modern war between nations takes its definitional origins from Prussian military philosopher Carl von Clausewitz. According to Clausewitz war is a political act involving prolonged instances of conflict utilizing violent force or the threat of force to make unfavorable the conditions of resistance to one's will. According to Gat this definition is inadequate, explaining only large-scale war, and ignores the fact that the greater magnitude of state-based warfare is actually less lethal than pre-state violence. Nevertheless, despite his broad and thorough analysis, Gat's loose and implicit definition of war as any form of violent conflict reduces all motivations--political, spiritual, and material--to nothing more than complex manifestations of a desire for sex and survival.
At its most basic, civilization increased the material cost of fighting by harming people and their productivity while adding considerable complexity to the innate motivations of reproductive and somatic resources. Prestige, honor, and power were developed as channels of resource monopolization, demonstrated by rulers' coffers and harems. Cultural links created by language, custom, and even ethnicity and nationalism formed communities similar to kin groups, making defense of these practices and similarities akin to the protection of one's genetic family. Gat views these cultural bonds, religion in particular, as the product of man's biological ability for extreme intellectual adaptation and curiosity: "We are compulsive meaning seekers." The development of written language created another means of connection while permitting the storage and transmission of vast amounts of knowledge, religion and mythology included. Interestingly enough, Gat points out that despite the peaceful creeds of both Christianity and Islam, both structurally accepted war, were utilized in its pursuit, and have been unable to "eradicate the motivations and realities that generated war." War has been a part of human existence for hundreds of thousands of years, but what of its role in the modern world?
In the last section of War in Human Civilization Gat looks to the development of nation-states, the peculiarity of Western success, the impact of technological innovation, and the role of affluent liberal democracies. Immanuel Kant proposed in Perpetual Peace that liberal democracies, particularly constitutional republics, would not war with one another because of the price members of those republics would have to pay to do so. Gat quickly recognizes that some historic republics have been militant and successful contrary to this thesis, but also that quantitative analysis of wars in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries show that very few conflicts were between two democratic states. Gat thoroughly examines the prospect of a democratic peace and delves extensively into the relevant literature and contemporary arguments, pointing out significant exceptions (like India and Pakistan) and errors (oversimplification, assumption, and vague definitions of "war" and "democracy"). In its original form, Gat rejects the democratic peace theory, framing his own in a complex and intricate examination of the organization and operation of modern affluent liberal democracies.
Gat recognizes the significance of globalized commerce, economic interdependence, and the pacifistic tendencies of these societies, and proposes that economic development renders the benefits of peace, and not the costs of war, prohibitive. He supports this claim with evidence of an overall decline in war in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries independent of democratic governments. This suggests that the existence of powerful liberal democracies produces benefits that affect peace globally. The citizens in these democracies, for example, have difficulty justifying killing, conquering, or taking territory. The tolerant democratic process can even be seen as making more palatable and readily practiced negotiation and compromise. Gat's view in this case is highly optimistic, asserting that the tenets of liberal democracy (life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness) make war unacceptable in all but the most drastic and threatening situations, "sometimes barely even then." In this complex ideological system, Gat is careful to mention a variety of related factors--the sexual revolution, decreasing birth rates, wealth, the shrinking size of the modern family, women's vote, and the advent of unprecedented destructive force in the nuclear age. Gat's affluent liberal democratic peace reconstruction, while more inclusive and explanatory, still remains assailable, if not only for its complexity and admitted exceptions.
In a modern sense, war can be symmetrical or asymmetrical, the force and advantage heavily in favor of one participant. The growing use of terrorism and guerilla tactics, combined with the replacement of the nation by the ideological sect as the center of gravity, has historically proved insurmountable for even the most powerful liberal democracies. Vietnam, Korea, Malaya, Algeria, Afghanistan, and Iraq are prominent examples. Gat's examination of insurgency, terrorism, deterrence, weapons of mass destruction, and the particular character of modern asymmetrical war are provocative. If deterrence, countermeasures, and prevention all fall short of effectively countering assault, then what?
War in Human Civilization is undoubtedly an exhausting and impressive work. "Is war grounded, perhaps inescapably, in human nature?" Gat says yes--and it is natural, explainable, and most importantly exceptional from other forms of conflict in nature because of human culture and the development of civilization through agriculture and animal husbandry, not any quality of its intrinsic character. The motivations and realities are the same. "That `war' is customarily defined as large-scale organized violence is merely a reflection of the fact that human societies have become large and organized." The ultimate causes of war are deeply rooted in our evolutionary history. War is a political act, but the politics that underlie its assumption were created in pursuit of the same elementary biological ends. The same evolutionary calculus that pushes us to crave candy and sex encompasses the array of variables necessary (though not always sufficient) that bring us to war. Gat, using a colossal reservoir of interdisciplinary knowledge, has forever changed our interpretation of war, violence, and our very nature.

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American foreign policy and its ramificationsReview Date: 2002-05-12
President Chirac endorses Mancham's "War on America"Review Date: 2002-05-05
Weekend Nation Seychelles 4th May 2002.
War On America as Seen From the Indian OceanReview Date: 2002-05-02
It is a masterpiece of inspiration, historical relevance, and the candid reality of post modern politics.
War on America As Seen from the Indian Ocean is a must read and must be discussed handbook for every Academic Honors Program student and demands its own course within America's High Schools and Universities as a study of Global Politics, Global Economy, Global Human Rights, and the Global cry of a people through her founding President and impassioned leader...my friend, HE Sir James Mancham.
At times I cried as I walked through the pages of your experience...
Unless our nation's Honors Students comprehend the complexity of a visionary's role in making history with desirable outcomes for the greater good, and step into that role, even to make a brief wrinkle in the fabric of time, our students are destined to repeat small town thinking, small town politics, small town isolation...and end up somewhere that is called nowhere with no one to care...
How to forsake a close allyReview Date: 2002-04-05
A reflection on American Foreign PolicyReview Date: 2002-03-06

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This guy really gets itReview Date: 2006-02-13
a true western warriorReview Date: 2006-02-07
Who better than William Perry Pendly, a true "western warrior" in every sense of the phrase, to bring us these inspiring stories of the men and women he has led and the court battles they have waged in their noble yet unsung effort to preserve true Republican ideals and the Western way of living.
Retired DiplomatReview Date: 2006-02-05
It is not that the federal government is deliberately malicious in dealing with its citizens; to so think would be paranoia. It is more that vast bureaucracies have their rules and guidelines, and for the well-meaning innocent caught up in the process, it often appears that even with the best of good will, the citizen will be wrong/wrong/wrong. And, if (s)he has the temerity to suggest the USG is wrong, it will be a painfully expensive and humiliating experience--and "common sense" is highly unlikely to be part of that process.
Pendley illustrates this reality in a series of highly readable case studies ranging from the grisly fate of those who encounter grizzly bears to why racecar driver Bobby Unser is a criminal. These stories would be funny, if they were not so infuriating. Over and over in the reading, one cries out for the official who would say, "Wait a minute; this is really too silly to continue." But you end with the impression that stopping the grinding mill before you are finely ground, is more a matter of luck (and good lawyers) than not. We need more Perry Pendleys; it is not only the West that requires warriors.
The Heart of AmericaReview Date: 2006-02-07
A real eye-opener and great readReview Date: 2006-02-04

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GREAT!!!Review Date: 2008-04-27
Marcia stakes a claim for independent votersReview Date: 2008-04-11
A passionate call to action for independent votersReview Date: 2008-04-10
A truly non-partisan look at politics.Review Date: 2008-03-28
Independent ThinkingReview Date: 2008-03-09
With an intense upcoming election in 2008, I would recommend this title to readers with an independent mindset.

A well written powerful book by a great man Review Date: 2007-12-28
Of course, Goldman and Berkman were among the many hundreds of non-naturalized Americans who were deported during the Mitchell Palmer Red Scare of 1919 for actively speaking out against American participation in World War I. Berkman himself was a terribly reviled figure. He served prison time for attempting to murder Henry Clay Frick while the latter was killing strikers and successfully crushing the union movement at Andrew Carnegie's steel plants in Homestead Pennsylvania in 1892.In this book Berkman gives a history of some of the martyrs in the struggle for the dignity of labor in the United States. He notes the case of the militant union activist Tom Mooney. An investigator from the Department of Labor concluded that the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce had been actively trying to frame Mooney for a variety of crimes. Mooney kept getting arrested and released but during a preparedness day parade in San Francisco in 1916 a bomb went off and Mooney, along with Warren Billings, was charged with having personally set off the bomb. Berkman notes that after Mooney's conviction many police witnesses came forward ( they were backed in this by the sworn testimony of three police officials) and said that they had been bribed and threatened so that they would perjure themselves. However Mooney's death sentence was only commuted to life imprisonment and he remained in prison until 1938.
From reading Goldman's and Pateman's introductory notes to this book I thought that the book might be a little patronizing when it was said that it was intentionally constructed with the most simplicity possible in order that the general worker might comprehend anarchism. But it is anything but patronizing. In this book Berkman exhorts the worker to understand how foolish she is to believe that she has the same interests as her bosses and how workers are duped into fighting wars for imperialism and profit.
He exhorts the working class to understand that it is the laborers who create the wealth of society not the bosses who shuffle papers, speculate on the stock market and figure out how to squeeze more work out of laborers while maximizing profits. It is the workers who should manage business enterprises themselves. He outlines his industrial syndicalist method which he believes provides the best chance to bring this society about. Workers should form councils in their individual workplaces made up of workers of all skill levels and crafts. These councils especially need to attract professionals like engineers. Industries of course need managers trained in technical matters but these managers are merely administrators of the industrial plans laid out for them by the workers of an individual firm and offer advice but certainly do not have any authority over the workers. All the workers need to acquire the basic outline of the sciences and methods of operation required to run their industries according to Berkman. The worker's council in one firm federates with other worker's councils at the local, regional and national levels.
Berkman explains that incentives to workers are pretty irrelevant. When one sees a lazy worker it is evidence that they are being forced into a line of work that is not stimulating to them. Under anarchism everyone will have the ability to be educated and trained for a line of work of their own choosing, to explore the possibilities of their own intellects, unhindered by the need to survive by enrolling in wage slavery for some job you don't like.
When workers have a direct ability to manage their own affairs in voluntary cooperation with their fellows, it exercises their intellects and gives them self-respect. It is quite the opposite in capitalism of course where the worker is directed and bullied and squeezed by the boss day in and day out.. It was this idea that inspired the Russian revolution, Berkman observes. The Bolsheviks on the contrary believed in a hierarchal one party dictatorship but in the several months before November 1917 they embraced anarchist ideas and rode to power on them. However within six months the soviets (workers councils) of the Russian soldiers, workers and peasants were emasculated, becoming only tools of a centralized dictatorship. The spirit of voluntarism and sacrifice evaporated which had motivated many poor and miserable Russians to defend their cities against the White armies and help get the factories and farms moving again. The philosophy of the Bolsheviks, as Berkman quotes Bukharin, was to make socialists out of Russians by making them undergo compulsory labor and executing anyone who objected. Having no say in how their country was governed, Russian workers and peasants lost enthusiasm for work. Workers started to desert their factors for rural areas. Bolshevik hoodlums came around to villages and terrorized people and requisitioned entire villages' agricultural produce. Then famine came along. Bolshevik commissars received the best rations of all and lived in decent comfort while the rest of the population starved. No one gave more fuel to the fire of counterrevolution than the Bolsheviks' own policies.
Berkman was a very courageous man. He could have been a good soldier and kept quiet about what was going on in Russia and hoped that things would get better. The refuge he and Emma Goldman found in Russia after 1919 was now closed to them and for the rest of his life he lived in France on a very precarious passport, deported a number of times but always managing to get some strings pulled to get back in. He committed suicide in 1936, too soon for him to see the anarchist revolution in Spain.
His discussion of the bourgeois criminal justice system and the proper treatment of counterrevolutionaries is interesting and thoughtful.
wonderful introduction to the aboveReview Date: 2004-01-12
Amazing Book!Review Date: 2006-04-05
What is Anarchism?Review Date: 2006-03-07
Anarchism as CommonsenseReview Date: 2005-01-14
He pulled it off masterfully. Berkman takes a commonsense and conversational tone throughout the book, and he covers considerable ground. He explains to readers how the capitalism is basically a system of wage slavery and he discusses the other great social harms it produces. He differentiates left anarchism from western European socialism (a system of reformist capitalism) and from Marxist socialism. In fact, Berkman often discusses the Bolsheviks in the USSR, who imposed an oppressive system of, effectively, state-capitalism that he witnessed first hand. Other topics include trade unions, war, religion, violence, revolution and others. Berkman is particularly effective in discussing how an anarchist revolution would not be one given to wanton destruction, that it would try to preserve as much life and infrastructure as possible. And he sketches how an anarchist society would operate.
Those who are completely unfamiliar with anarchism will find this book worthwhile. Anarchists will also find this book helpful because Berkman shows how to explain anarchism on an intuitive level.

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Excellent introduction to the the writings of Robert G. IngersollReview Date: 2008-05-12
A must read for all Americans who care about the constitutionReview Date: 2007-01-09
Short fast intro to Robert Ingersoll; whom I wish were around today Review Date: 2006-02-27
You can chew this up in an afternoon - or a few afternoons, if you'd like to savor it more. And it's completely readable prose - no archaic Victorian language here.
In fact, the main thing that makes one realize that this book isn't contemporary writing is the lack of cynicism and snarkiness aimed at the other side; religious zealots that want to insert God into public policy, law, education and so on.
There's no bitterness here, no anger at what has been lost or could be lost in our society if we overthrow rational thought, enlightenment and science over for any 2000 year old magic book.
Ingersoll's points about why God is not mentioned in the US Constitution and why that was such a bold important step in the evolution of society is something that I wish every fundamentalist in America would read and consider.
Tim Page's non-sycophantic intro to Ingersoll is also well-done, pointing out how remarkable he was, even if his writings never produced the single polished gem that might have kept his works known a little more in the early 21st century.
It's a valuable book for any freethinker in America today; cheap, and well put together. Highly recommended.
Ingersoll, where have you gone?Review Date: 2008-01-01
Ingersoll was a pragmatic agnostic and an incredible moral thinker. Then, as now, his skepticism kept him from reaching high political office. Readers will find that his reasoning is sound and powerfully convincing while his language remains approachable but still with its own inspirational beauty:
"You cannot be so poor that you cannot help somebody. Good nature is the cheapest commodity in the world; and love is the only thing that will pay ten per cent to borrower and lender both. Do not tell me that you have got to be rich! We have a false standard of greatness in the United States. We think here that a man must be great, that he must be notorious; that he must be extremely wealthy, or that his name must be upon the putrid lips of rumor. It is all a mistake. It is not necessary to be rich or to be great, or to be powerful, to be happy. The happy man is the successful man. Happiness is the legal tender of the soul. Joy is wealth." (Ingersoll 1877)
I cannot recommend this book strongly enough to anyone who is concerned with the state of America and its constitution, church and state relations, child abuse, and various other issues. Ingersoll reveals even the ridiculousness of today's political debates, where a candidate's faith is often more important than their political platform. Tim Page's introduction is informative and places Ingersoll's works in their historical and modern context. Also, Page has edited some of Ingersoll's essays, but not to their detriment. And really, at ten dollars (almost four days pay in Ingersoll's time, but probably less than an hours work for you), how can you go wrong?
He freed a lot of minds.Review Date: 2007-09-09
Any writing or speech attributable to Robert Ingersoll is worth reading and rereading. And those contained in What's God Got to Do with It? are no exceptions. This collection consists of a number of short works on a wide range of subjects. Like his admiration for Robert Burns and Thomas Paine. The unfairness of tax exempt status for churches. The ugliness of corporeal punishment of children. The futility of prayer and fasting. Women's rights and much, much more.
For those unfamiliar with the humanistic philosophy of Robert Ingersoll, this book would be a fine place to start. America sorely needs another Ingersoll now more than ever. He was one of the greats.

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A true gemReview Date: 2007-01-27
The Holly family gets to know neighbor James Day well, as he takes dance lessons at the same studio along with Sarah. Their parents, Morgan and Eileen and Serena and Ronald, become close friends. The children grow up in an almost idyllic world--with performances for the parents and friends in the attic that is their space, and art and dance classes, and a special school for Laurence.
Fred early on realizes he longs to live in the ivory tower that is the Joslyn Museum. He he takes classes there, volunteers, and dreams of being a museum director and leaving Omaha. As he gets older, he and his best friend James are exposed to the world of rock and roll, and first loves. Fred loves from afar, and helps his beloved though a rocky relationship with another boy. He is also angered by James' attraction to his debate coach, Neil; and does not quite understand his anger.
As they near age 18, the Vietnam War is raging. Suddenly Charlotte is ill--the annoying 11-year-old little sister who wanted to always hang out with the teenagers, who borrowed records and stole change--and their lives change forever.
This is Maureen Millea Smith's first novel, and it is a true gem. Intriguing and well-defined characters, a talent for depicting an era and a place, and a wonderful story combine to make this book nearly perfect.
Armchair Interviews: This would make a great book for a book club.
A literary star is born!Review Date: 2006-08-24
Masterful!Review Date: 2006-07-10
I was profoundly affected by Smith's precision in writing but most importantly by the novel's story. It is brilliant!
When Charlotte Comes HomeReview Date: 2006-05-14
Very Special First Novel!Review Date: 2006-05-09

If only people had listened!Review Date: 2001-07-11
Changed my life!Review Date: 2001-02-20
The Truth Straight From The SourceReview Date: 2001-12-12
I also like that it is Martin Luther King in his own words (not some opportunistic interpretation of his ideas) on subjects like:
Black Power
Affirmative Action
Poverty
Love
It also makes it painfully clear the Martin Luther King Jr. was far more extraordinary in his leadership than we give him credit for being today. He thought deeply, connected the dots, and put his life behind his ideals. This is a must read for anyone who hasn't already connected the dots between justice, religion and love.
Inspiring!Review Date: 1998-03-17
Truly remarkable. A worthy read for any generation and for any interest-whether your interest be in history or in education, in a lesson in passion or well-written prose. Martin's words asks us the difficult questions that we are so afraid to ask ourselves. A reading of this Classic treatise can certainly raise one above the chaos that still exists and inspire us to build a community of human beings.
A read worthy of a 9 for content and for force.
Civil Rights 1967Review Date: 2002-07-28
First, his program of nonviolent direct action was clearly winning the struggle against old fashioned southern segregation, and Dr. King was looking toward the next step. He believed that the next logical step toward setting people free was a massive government program addressing the problem of poverty.
Second, within the civil rights movement, a "black power" mentality was gaining prominence. Some argued that whites should be excluded from the civil rights movement, and that nonviolence should be abandoned. Dr. King insisted that this approach would only balkanize our country, having disastrous effect, especially on blacks.
As with his other books, the author's brilliance, his scholarship, and his Christian love all come through.
It would be best to read "Stride Toward Freedom" and "Why We Can't Wait" before reading this one.

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Transcending eras and bordersReview Date: 2003-07-26
Women on WarReview Date: 2004-07-12
An Elequent Response to War & All Its HorrorsReview Date: 2003-03-27
Brilliant, Rational, Timely, Vital and NecessaryReview Date: 2003-03-27
Blanche Wiesen Cook, author of ELEANOR ROOSEVELT
Naming war for what it really isReview Date: 2004-01-16
One of the great merits of Daniela Gioseffi's multi-merited "Women on War" is its documentation of the other side. In our obsession with battlefield glory and stories of combat heroics, we too often forget that women and children are the forgotten victims of war. Already extremely vulnerable, they become even more so when societies are ripped asunder by the mayhem of armed conflict. In listening to their voices, we are reminded that the allure of war too frequently blinds us to what it does to those who can least afford its violence.
Gioseffi's book collects women's perspectives on war from all corners of the globe and from ancient to contemporary times. The book is divided into four thematic sections: "Prophecies and Warnings," "Violence and Mourning," "Courage and Resistance," and "Hope and Survival." The entire collection is prefaced with a superb introductory essay, "Cassandra's Daughters." As suggested by the thematic section titles, the selections go beyond expressing the suffering and torment experienced by women in wartime. Just as importantly, the selections also include women's voices of resistance and women's voices that offer alternatives to the madness of war. Some of the selections are heart-breaking, others are inspiring, none are superfluous or redundant. if war in part arises, as Hedges maintains, because of our alienated need for meaning, one solution to the problem of war is to figure out how to live nonalienated existences. The selections in this collection, especially in the final two sections, offer either direct or indirect suggestions for celebrating rather than destroying life. One of my favorites is the "I Have All the Passion of Life" by Puerto Rican poet Lolita Lebron:
"...Whoever denies life its joy,
the wealth of its complexity,
its rainbow-like countenance,
its downpour and its universe
of beauty, its generous giving,
the caress, the grain
with fruit and delicacies,
the bud, the flower, pain and
laughter;
those who deny life its measure
of joy
are the unseeing ones." (p. 300)
In short, a superb resource for anyone concerned about creating an alternative to the war system. Highly recommended for both individual and group reading. Would be an ideal text in any peace studies course.

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I learned more about history from this series....Review Date: 2007-03-18
Clearly, Sinclair has his own political perspective (which is most visible in the last volumes as Lanny spends more time in the United States) but it doesn't detract from the scope of the novels. I wish I had read these while I was in college.. and wish that everyone responsible for foreign policy today had read them, too.
the core of a centuryReview Date: 2003-07-06
Iraq all over againReview Date: 2003-02-08
Beyond the historical references, the story is wonderfully told, and Lanny Budd's character is extraordinarily and realistically portrayed with true emotion and depth, quite an achievement for that period of time.
This series of books is exceptional and I hope to read all of them.
I should have given this series 1 million Stars! Review Date: 2005-06-01
series as their Bible!
What the 20th century was all aboutReview Date: 2002-05-04
While the main character Lanny Budd is fictional, the historical figures are fairly true to life. You have to remember that Upton Sinclair has a socialist/left wing bias or perspective, but he is fairly even handed and that should not discourage the right wing reader.
I think one of the most valuable thing you get is a perspecive on how things were viewed by the different sides as the events transpired.
The plot starts in pre WW1 Europe, and the following books takes you thru WW2.
The books have been out of print for years, so I have been buying these books at used/rare shops to get the whole series. I am glad to see they are being reprinted - long at last.
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Other books on war that I would recommend would be "War before Civilization. The Myth of the Peaceful Savage", by Lawrence Keeley; "How War Began" by Keith F. Otterbein; and "War and Peace and War: The Rise and Fall of Empires" by Peter Turchin.
Additionally, as a complement to "War on Human Civilization", I would also suggest reading the following works, whose scope is as amazingly global as Gat's: 1. Agrarian cultures: "Pre-industrial societies" by Patricia Crone; 2. Economy: "The world economy. A millennial perspective" (2001) plus "The world economy: Historical Statistics" (2003) by Angus Maddison (a combined edition of these two volumes is to appear on December 2007); 3. Government: "The History of Government" by S.E. Finer; 4. Ideas: "Ideas, a History from Fire to Freud", by Peter Watson; 5. Religion: "The Phenomenon of Religion: A Thematic Approach" by Moojan Momen.