Events Books

Mr. Kofi Akosah-Sarpong wrote an excellent review of "Africa and the West" by Godfrey Mwakikagile, an academic author from Tanzania who has written many books about Africa, seven to date.

It is a major African work in the African Renaissance tradition and dignifies Africa, especially in the author's philosophical discussion of the African personality and Africa as an organic entity, in a way many African writers don't. And as always, as in his other reviews, Akosah-Sarpong captures the essence of the author's work few reviewers are able to.

There is, however, one semantic detail that needs to be clarified. The reviewer says: "Meanwhile, though the book deserves to be taken seriously, Mwakikagile states in the introductory chapter as if he wrote the book with another person by stating 'we' repeatedly."

As a well-read person himself, I'm sure Mr. Akosah-Sarpong knows it's common for writers, especially for academic authors, to use the first-person plural 'we,' instead if 'I,' in their writings; for example, by saying, "in the first chapter we discussed...," "We are going to address in the next chapter..." May be it comes from the imperial "We," when British kings said "we" instead of "I," and probably still do. It's acceptable in King's English.

One renowned African academic author is Professor Ali Mazrui in his book "Towards A Pax Africana" and others. As he states in the introduction to "Towards A Pax Africana": "In general terms we are concerned in this book with...We do not propose to limit ourselves to..." In chapter one, he states: "In this book we define diplomatic thought to be..." In chapter two: "In the last chapter we discussed utilization..." In chapter four: "We hope to discuss..." In chapter five: "We pointed out in the second chapter that..."

It does not mean Mazrui wrote the book with another person.

Otherwise Akosah-Sarpong's review of Mwakikagile's "Africa and the West," is not only excellent, but one of the best I have read of a major African book by one of Africa's prolific authors.

An impressive range of scholarship. The author's knowledge of the works of leading Western thinkers - from Kant and Fichte to Heidegger and Montesquieu and others - and of African philosophical traditions, is indisputable.

A lucid thinker of penetrating intelligence, Godfrey Mwakikagile is one of those Africans writing scholarly works to reclaim the dignity of the African personality that has been subjected to so much abuse since the imperial powers conquered Africa. Yet he is honest enough to admit Africa's mistakes, and shortcomings, including many in the glorious past of ancestral ways so much glorified by Afrocentric scholars.

This is a vital text in the study of African philosophy and identity, an area of abstract ideas in which the African mind is grossly underrated.

And the chapter on South Africa is a brilliant analysis of where this multiracial nation may be headed after the end of apartheid. The legacy of apartheid may be with us for generations to come; a bleak prospect for a country that is a beacon of hope on a troubled continent.

To be a modern African is perplexing experience. Not only is Africa the only region with the most dominant of foreign values, but the African, more especially the elites, are confused, transmitting such confusion unto the entire African personality, and making the African not only misunderstand himself/herself but difficult to explain himself/herself to the world about his/her personality.

Godfrey Mwakikagile, a Tanzanian journalist who worked with Tanzania's leading mass circulation "Daily News," echoing a familiar rallying cry, argues passionately for Africans to return to their native roots for balance and order. "Africa and the West" is also a reflective treatise, especially in its philosophical discussion of the importance of African values, history and tradition, African philosophical concepts, and way of life in pre-colonial times as compared to the advent of colonialism. "Africa and the West" is also an uncompromising demand for dignity and respect for Africans which they have been denied by today's leaders, which was not the case in pre-colonial times and continuing, as the author says, though contentiously, under traditional rulers in most societies across the continent today.

The author says the traditional leaders ruled by consultation and direct mass participation at village meetings. How to transform such pre-colonial consultation and direct mass participation across Africa's 2,000 ethnic groups in order to usher in democracy that fits the African environment is missing.

Mwakikagile recognizes Africa's natural beauty and abject poverty, diseases and disturbing ignorance, but his thesis aims at Africa's weak unity - "That is one of the main reasons why they [Africans] were conquered by foreigners, and why Africa is still weak and poor today." Before Mwakikagile attempts to answer why Africa's weak unity is the root cause of all its crises, he reveals the contradictory nature of Africa: Africa endowed with numerous world-class natural resources but at the same time Africa as "the only continent where it has been so easy for foreigners to take what does not belong to them." Why this? Weak co-operative spirit among Africans, more markedly their elites.

For Mwakikagile, Africa's weaknesses can be located in its personality. So to understand Africa, there is the need to psychoanalyze the African personality in relation to the world, "especially to the West." Why especially to the West? Because the West, more than any other people, conquered Africa, colonized it, brutalized it, demeaned its culture and indigenous institutions, and a large number of Africans, especially those who have been to Western schools, "were brainwashed into believing that they had no history they could be proud of; that all their customs and traditions were bad, and that even their languages were bad. Nothing good."

More than physical brutality to Africans such as Belgium's King Leopold ordering the amputation of Congolese for not meeting working (quotas) as expected in rubber farms or Germans brutalizing and killing Namibia's Herero ethnic group, the author demonstrates that the West's capture of Africa has been more at the metaphysical plain through propagation of ideas that skillfully but quietly demeaned African values. While he acknowledges that not all foreign ideas are destructive to Africa, he also states that not all foreign values are good either. It is here that Mwakikagile takes a swipe at Africentrism, a courageous venture aimed against the excesses of Afrocentric scholars. For Afrocentrists, there is nothing wrong with African values, and in their zeal to recall Africa's glorious past, have distorted Africa's values in order to "inflate our achievements."

His prejudices are firmly on the side of African Renaissance thinkers who recognize both the negative and the positive values of African culture and how to discuss them for the health of Africa's progress. This reveals the balances of Mwakikagile who is honest enough to criticize his own kind regardless of the wrath which he may spark, and which the African intelligentsia need for the health of the climate of the African Renaissance process.

Mwakikagile's piece adds to the struggles being waged by the new generation of African thinkers, journalists, and media outlets such as "Expo Times" (Sierra Leone), "West Africa" and "New African" magazines to open up the African culture, its negative aspects as well as its positive aspects, for eventual policy formulation. The reason being that colonialism did not help the growth of African values in relation to Africa's progress, and African elites, ever weaker, have not been able to mix their colonial legacies with African values unlike other ex-colonies in the development game. Meanwhile, though the book deserves to be taken seriously, Mwakikagile states in the introductory chapter as if he wrote the book with another person by stating "we" repeatedly.

A perfect rebuttal to the imperialist arrogance of the West.
Blunt in its assessment, incisive in its analysis, "Africa and
the West" is a vital work by one of Africa's most important
writers.

He may not be well-known like many others the continent has
produced; at least I have never heard of him, or read about him,
until recently. But that's probably because he's relatively new
on the literary scene, all his books on the market having been
published only since 1999. That alone is a credit to him, a mark
of distinction as a prolific author. And it does not diminish the
importance of his works.

"Africa and the West" is not only a definitive response to the
denigration of Africa by the West and others; it is also a major
achievement in the rehabilitation of the African personality
after centuries of subjugation by our conquerors. Godfrey
Mwakikagile has written an important academic book, which is
also a significant philosophical work about Africa, members
of the general public will find to be equally useful in their
study of the world's second largest yet least understood
continent.

Except for a number of typos, the publisher's fault, the work is
virtually flawless: unassailable its logic, well-documented, and
passionate in its defense of the African personality as a
spiritual and organic whole reminiscent of German nationalist
philosopher Johann Fichte in his lectures he delivered at the
University of Berlin, and published as "Addresses to German
Nation."

In one of the most important books written by an
African about African identity and the concept of the
African personality, Godfrey Mwakikagile's work,
"Africa and the West," is a compelling argument for a
return to roots, what Amilcar Cabral calls "a return to
the source," in Africa's quest for peace and stability,
equality and justice. Born and raised in Tanzania where
he also worked as a journalist at the country's main
newspaper, "Daily News," and at the Ministry of
Information and Broadcasting before going for further
studies in the United States, the author knows Africa
well. His book is also a philosophical treatise,
especially in its discussion of the importance of
African values, philosophical concepts, and way of life
before the advent of colonial rule. The work is also
an uncompromising demand for dignity and respect which
the vast majority of Africans are denied by their
leaders who constitute the modern African state, which
was not the case under traditional rulers in most
societies across the continent; they ruled by
consultation and direct mass participation at village
meetings. The book is also a blunt assessment of
post-apartheid South Africa whose economy is still
dominated by whites, as are most of its institutions.
The chapter on Afrocentrism is one of the most
courageous statements ever made against the excesses
of Afrocentric scholars, by an African scholar himself,
who is honest enought to criticize his own kind
regardless of the wrath he may incur. The book is also
an important work in the history of Africa's conquest
and subsequent colonization by the imperial powers. But
the author could have done better if he had concluded
this important study with a much longer chapter. The
last chapter has some very strong points, but is just
too short. Nevertheless, the book is recommended for
scholars and laymen alike, and has undoubtedly earned
its place in some major public libraries, and in
institutions of higher learning where it is used for
undergraduate and graduate studies like all the other
books by the author. He has a thorough command of the
subject, and the book is well-written without scholarly
pretensions.

This book was used as the underlying basis to understanding the policy process in my graduate level class that I took recently.

Overall I would give this book 5 stars because it is relatively thorough and it encompasses a great deal in a concise model that is easy to understand.

Kingdon discusses that his model is set within three streams, problem, policy and political. Each of these streams have their own unique characteristics that work to help merge with the others. When these streams, ideally all three, a policy window opens where action on policy can occur by a decision-making body such as Congress. With the help of policy entrepreneuers, national mood, policy communities, and much more as agents amongst these streams, each work to produce change on the agenda.

As this class was titled the policy process that I took, it explained how it began but this book does not cover how the process moves once something has been acted upon on the agenda.

If you are looking for understanding more about activity leading up to action, this is a great book. If you are looking to understand the process afterwards, this may not be the right book, but it will help you understand the forces leading up to a process of change.

Definitely, I would recommend this for any political science class at the undergraduate level. I am glad that I was fortunate enough to have it assigned in my grad level policy process class.

Kingdon has produced an innovative and useful theory of the policy process. This book is clearly not intended for the lay reader, but for political scientists and policy specialists interested in theorizing about policy formation.

Kingdon's writing style is somewhat formal, and at times stiff, but the book is easy to get through. Kingdon provides many concrete examples of the ideas he discusses, making the abstract principles easier to understand.

Recommended for classes on the policy process, especially in conjunction with Baumgarter and Jones' Agendas and Instability in American Politics.

I am in the graduate program at American University's School of Public Affairs. This book was required for one of the core classes. The theory--the dynamic, fluid model that Kingdon builds in this book has been practically adopted as THE mantra within policy formation/agenda setting research.
The book is well organized and easy to follow. It is not a challenging read but I found sections of the book to be a bit dry. Also, be ready to contend with literally hundreds of fluid metaphors that Kingdon employs throughout the book.

John Kingdon attempts to answer very difficult questions in his work "Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies." What makes an idea's time come? What makes people in and around government attend to some subjects and not to others? In short, Kingdon explores how ideas become policy in his 1994 award-winning book.

The book makes many interesting conclusions, as Kingdon uses scientific research methods to discuss how ideas become policy. It is amazing that Kingdon is able to quantify how influential certain groups are to policy formulation and implementation. In doing this, he looks at the influence of groups in and outside of government. Kingdon then goes onto his major two concepts of the policy primeval soup and the political stream. Both of these are wonderful illustrations of how policymaking happens.

In the end, this is a great book for public policy students. My only complaint is that Kingdon is oftentimes too wordy. It seems that he could have written a much more effective piece by summing it up in a 40-page journal article. In any event, the book is worth the read, even if some chapters are only skimmed.

Agenda setting, in the world of politics, is when a problem becomes identified as an issue that calls for government attention, discussion, and--possibly--decision making. This book is one of the most important works on agenda-setting.

John Kingdon has stated that:

Political events flow along according to their own dynamics and their own rules. Participants perceive swings in national mood, elections bring new administrations to power and new partisan or ideological distributions to Congress, and interest groups of various descriptions press (or fail to press) their demands on government.

The author sees three streams that must come together for an issue to be placed on the agenda--a political stream (just noted above), a policy stream (in which some policy proposal emerges as "best"), and a problem stream (a problem develops that people label as important). If they come together and if the window of opportunity for success is there, then the issue can become an agenda item. If the streams do not come together, agenda placement is unsuccessful--as with President Clinton's health care plan. That plan had two of three requirements in place. One, the political stream was supportive. A new President had been elected with his party having a majority in both houses of Congress; furthermore, Clinton outlined as a campaign issue support for a more ambitious health care program for Americans. The confluence of these two factors produced something like a "mandate" for change. Two, the problem stream saw health care bubbling up toward the top. That is, increasingly, people seemed to define health care as a serious problem about which something had to be done.

Nonetheless, no major initiative emerged to be fully considered. Clinton's plan was very nearly DOA (dead on arrival) once serious discussion began. Why? No single policy proposal garnered enough support. Democrats supported several different plans--such as a single payer system (in which government becomes the insurer), "pay or play" (in which businesses would largely fund health care insurance), and the Clinton plan itself (which focused on managed care). Thus, the policy stream never did "come together" around any single proposal. As a result, the initiative died and no substantial changes were forthcoming in the health care system.

What emerges in each stream is, to a large extent, "contingent," depending upon many factors--including chance. The result is unpredictability.

It may be that this work overemphasizes chance and contingency and underplays the role of human agency (for instance, the role of policy entrepreneurs who labot to get issues placed on the agenda and acted upon). Nonetheless, this is an exemplary work and well worth attending to if one is interested in setting the political agenda.

John Warden was the strategist of the air campaign in the 1991 Gulf War. In 1998, he updated his influential book. A must read for anyone interested in the military, its past, present and future.

John Warden's book earned high praise because of its author's role in planning operation Desert Storm, but although the book is a very good synthesis of air warfare theory it is not either groundbreaking or revolutionary. In fact most of its arguments were presented for the first time by the pioneers of air power of the 1920s and 30s like Giulio Duhet and William Mitschell. Warden's contribution has more to do with the revival of those forgotten theories and the presentation of a complete picture of aerial operations instead of inventing new methods of war. Central to his thesis is the idea that air superiority is crucial, that a campaign will be lost if the enemy has it, that in many circumsatnces it alone can win a war, and that its possession is needed before other actions on the ground or in the air can be undertaken.

Warden also places emphasis on thorough training saying that if something is going to be done in war, it ought to be practiced in peace, and if it has not be practiced, losses are likely to be high and the plan is unlikely to go as expected. He analyzes the three kinds of inderdiction (distant, indermediate and close) and he gives an interesting definition of the term "close air support": "It is an air operation that theoritically could and would be done by ground forces on their own, if sufficient troops or artillery were available".

The author repeats often the great value of striking the enemy's center of gravity, that timing is everything in the commitment of air reserves and that ground and naval forces can serve as an adjunct to air forces in the battle for air superiority. His opinion that fighting defensively is the worst way to fight an air war is uneiversally accepted as is his thesis that numbers are important, so important that a primary goal of the operational commander ought to be to make sure that his forces outnumber the enemy every time they meet. Modern research using the Lancaster equations has also proved his argument that the large force almost always inflicts greater absolute casualties on the smaller force and thath it also suffers less in the process.

John Warden also explains in the Epilogue how his concept of ideas was implemented in the Desert Storm campaign of 1991. In that case the enemy was visualized as a target system of five concentric rings (leadership, key production, infrastructure, population and field forces) with the leadership ring at the center. In the case of Iraq, the US goal was "to reduce the energy level of the entire system enough to reach our peace objectives" which were to eject "Iraq out of Kuwait and an Iraq that would not be a strategically threatening regional superpower for the next decade".

On the minus side of the book are the extremely poor black and white pictures.

A fresh and renovated review on a complicated topic such as Strategy. Interesting and updated points of view with a simple and easy language. A must for any military aviator.

Colonel John A. Warden III was one of the most distinguished officers of his generation. A veteran fighter pilot, he was--is--as well a true defense intellectual--not the sort of individual often touted by the so-called "defense reform movement," but a true warrior-scholar in the classic image of, say, a J. F. C. Fuller--or a George Patton. Not one to shy away from controversy, Warden was convinced in the 1980's that the United States Air Force--had strayed away from its first principles. It had become a stove-piped, tribal organization, riven by discord and confusion between its "strategic" and "tactical" communities. Warden, in this brilliant work (written as a thesis at the National Defense University), posited an exciting new vision of the centrality of air power in national defense. This book served as an important departure point for the service's subsequent "Global Reach--Global Power" strategic planning framework issued in 1990. By that time, Warden was running Checkmate, a key office in Air Force planning. Through his own initiative and vision, he and a small team of "weapons officers" planned Instant Thunder, the first major response to Saddam Hussein's aggression in the Gulf. Warden briefed Instant Thunder to the Air Force Vice Chief of Staff (the Chief was away), and then on his suggestion to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Gen. Colin Powell. Powell sent him to CENTCOM to brief Norman Schwarzkopf. His reaction was enthusiastic, and Warden was directed to brief Instant Thunder in the Gulf, to the CENTAF air component commander, General Charles Horner. Horner, brilliant in his own right, accepted much of what Warden said. But the personal chemistry between the two men was bad, and Warden returned to the States, leaving behind a small staff of acolytes and experts, most notably Lt. Col. David A. Deptula. It was the partnership of Deptula, Gen. Buster Glosson, Gen. Horner, and (back in Checkmate) John Warden that made the Desert Storm air campaign a success. After the war, Warden became commander of the Air Command and Staff College, making notable (and badly needed) changes to its curriculum. This book is a "must read" by anyone who would consider themselves a military and/or air power professional. There are Americans alive today because of John Warden's work. Warden never made general, largely because of petty jealousies by senior people above him. He was--is--a consumate professional and true patriot: never complaining, never self-advocating, always keeping true to his core beliefs. But his truest legacy is this book and the thinking it has inspired--thinking that has lead to five notable American victories over the last decade. Buy it, read it, keep it, use it!

Col. Warden adds new material to this important work on strategy, especially new material on what happened after the Gulf War. This book is many things. It is a history of airpower. It is a fresh look at the application of airpower. It is a guide for anyone in the military or business world who wants to compete or attack a system. Very readable. With Col Warden's reputation as the architect of the Air Campaign against Iraq, he has demonstrated that he can apply his ideas in real world situations. Outstanding read.

This book by James Kaplan provides an in depth look at John F. Kennedy Int'l Airport in NYC. But in doing this it is looking at a small town with it's different people and functions. Everything from the medical staff, to the guy who changes all the lightbulbs in the ground are given a face in this incredible book. It's a fast read, and it will answer all your questions. It's not just for people who like airports or for New Yorkers. It is for everyone who should marvel at how special a place JFK really is. It leaves you hoping that Kaplan will adopt the same methods with other institutions around the country.

I never thought I'd be fascinated by baggage handlers or traffic cops at an airport. But this book changed all that. It is a wonderful adventure from the most exciting moments in the cockpit to the control tower to the ticket counter to the kitchen and beyond. It takes you to 30,000 feet all the way down to the guts of the airport operations. From the beginning account of an actual plane crash to everything else, I could not put this book down. If you're the least bit interested in commercial airliners or airports, this is a must read.

This book is a very interesting, very well-worded, literary look at a non-literary, quantitative fact of late 20th century life.

For those who appreciate a well-written story of late 20th century America, this is a great book. For those who are afraid of flying and all associated with it, this book will entertain you and help you. And if you love to fly and want the answers to some of those nagging "how does this work" questions, this is a great book.

James Kaplan does a superb job of bringing JFK International Airport to life. He allows the reader to sneak a peek behind the scenes at the airport and to learn more about how things work. By describing the history of JFK International, I have an even greater appreciation for the people and institutions that make air travel what it is today

Extremely well written with terrific detail. This book takes you inside the workings of the airport. It gives you a view of JFK and particular events that are relevant to the airport that you would not have without the benefit of this book. The real testament to this book for me is that since I've read it, every time something happens that has to do with JFK (TWA 800 etc.), I wish that Mr. Kaplan would incorporate it in a sequel so that I could understand it through his perspective. Kaplan's chapter on his experience of flying in the cockpit of the Concorde is worth finding this book even though it now appears to be out of print.

Reviewed by: Tyrone Vincent Banks of Betsie's Literary Page

A strategy for coping with the pain caused by the events of 9/11.

Dr. Elaine I. Duval has written this book to aid those who are still scarred by the horrific events of September 11, 2001. Many of us have heard the calming words and reassurances of our spiritual and political leaders as the country existed for a short time blanketed by American flags and patriotic assemblies. The events of 9/11 became a call to arms as our country retaliated by attacking those that have caused us such pain and terror. We are now enthralled in a war spawned by this cowardly act and now more blood is spilling. Many of us feel that the country is spiraling towards a decay that cannot be stopped. In the authors own description we are now in a broken state and this brokenness can be repaired through God.

Many have moved past 9/11 and focus intently on the combat in the Middle East. We want to see justice and those responsible punished for their acts. As this broken country struggles to rebound from 9/11 many are pointing fingers with the hopes that blaming someone else will serve as a form of retribution. This surreal event - the tragic morning on September 11, 2001 will never leave our minds and will always be in our hearts - but there is a way to heal.

We must not blame God for this tragedy. Instead, we must stand tall and work harder at strengthening our resolve to honor and respect each other. We are given a chance to rebuild our lives and make it better. Dr. Duval compares our country to Christ and the pain and death that he overcame. He was "broken" beyond repair however, he was resurrected and his words and love continues to comfort those in need of spiritual healing.

I can recall that tragic day and the days that followed. People were kind to each other as we shared in the hurt and pain. Every house displayed the American Flag proudly and the "Proud to be an American" bumper stickers adorned every vehicle. Individual differences did not matter, 9/11 affected many countries in different ways and we enjoyed a brotherhood that you rarely see today. For a moment, just a moment, the tragedy created a society where crime rates dropped, people were kind to each other and we comforted anyone in need of comfort.
As time went by, that all dissolved and continues to fade away.

"America After Siege: Roadmap to Victory After 9/11" should be read as you read the bible or whatever book represents your faith. America has been given a chance to be reborn out of the ashes of 9/11. Together we can go forward and live the lives as dictated by God, Allah or whatever deity you choose to worship.

This book will open up a train of thought and internal reflection that will vary depending on the person reading these words. Instead of reviewing this book and relaying the poetry and words that I've read, I have chosen to digest these words and make them a part of myself. I challenge myself to return to the brotherhood and Christianity that enveloped my being after 9/11. I have not forgotten the events but I now remind myself of the calm that followed the storm prior to our quest for justice. The battle will continue to rage and those who do not fight as instruments of war can become instruments of faith.

Even if you believe that you have "healed" emotionally after 9/11, read this book and you will be enlightened. Dr. Duval's simple words represent complex feelings and emotions that are necessary to embrace as we move forward with our lives. Read this book and share it with others. There is a message to spread and that message starts with you...

America After the Siege: Roadmap to Victory after 9/11 by Elaine Duval is a compelling, passionate account of post-9/11 America and an appell on all its inhabitants to seek the opportunity for renewal in crisis. Duval's 13 poems, each separated by an image of the American flag, is deeply rooted in both patriotic and religious belief in the project "America". One of my favorite lines in the book comes from her eleventh poem, "Rebuilding Twin Steeples: The Sacred Temples of Individual Lives and The Signature Buildings of Our Cities." Duval writes: "We cannot rebuild unless we follow, The blueprint of the Master Builder, For we cannot rebuild unless the foundations are firmly established in Him; For truly, we'll labor in vain, If we seek to establish our own fragile foundations." The truth of these words ring in the reader's minds. Duval warns the readers to look first to their own hearts before rebuilding in the physical realm.

Duval's work reaches beyond the Christian belief system to touch to the heart of the matter. We cannot rely on our own principles to rebuild the world to a place of harmony and grace. A Higher Power, whether it be named God or some other term, must accompany our journey to find peace in this world. Duval encourages her readers to rise above, dear sister and brothers, to see the beauty in the brokenness and to reach for a greater harmony embedded in the Spirit of humanity.

Christine Louise Hohlbaum, American-born book reviewer, award-winning writer and author of the world-renowned Diary of a Mother, lives near Munich, Germany with her husband and two children. Visit her Web site at http://www.diaryofamother.com for a taste of her zany writings.

Moving. Deeply thought provoking. Soul-searching. These are just a few words to describe America After Siege, Roadmap To Victory After 9/11. This engaging group of prophetic poems, or as I perceive them to be psalms, ushers the reader into a deep and holy place, a place of remembrance, of sorrow, and terror, and the reminder of God's unwavering love and the call to worship Him in spirit and in truth. In America After Siege, Dr. Elaine Duvall tells us, only then can we be sheltered in His protection. Broken, backslidden America is compelled `to re-enter the sacred chambers of intimacy with her ever-loving God' in the pages of this book. On the terrible day in America's history, people flooded into the churches and synagogues to pray. They prayed in groups on street corners. They prayed in their homes. In the heart of believers, there was the hope of a wave of repentance and revival that would rise out of the brokenness. After reading the poems within this book, I realized God is calling out to us through so many people. There really can be no excuse in saying to Him we did not know any better to turn away from our transgressions. I highly recommend America After Siege, Roadmap To Victory After 9/11. It is beautifully written, and a book you can pass down to the next generation. It speaks to the heart of America, the melting pot of the nations. I have no doubt your heart will be touched as you read these moving poems. Highly recommended.

I have read several works since our nation's tragedy on 9/11. Some touched my heart deeply, other's angered me, but Dr. Duval's sparked many a deep emotion inside of me. One of love and loyalty for my country, tenderness for those who suffered loss of loved ones, forgiveness, hope and understanding of some of the whys. That was a tall order that she fulfilled.
Told in poetic form, the author expresses within these pages emotions that have laid dormant within many of us. She gently guides us back to our Creator with words that sooth the spirit and bring understanding to the soul.
Through reading her work, I truly believe she has a finger on America's pulse and perhaps her words should be read with an open mind and taken to heart.
I recommend this read America; I believe it will bless and enhance you.
Well done Dr. Duval
Shirley Johnson
Senior Reviewer
MidWest Book Review

What happened to the America of the days following 9/11? The America that united in its pain and bewilderment, its grief and anger? The America that sought solace again in the God of its founders?

The answer to this question ---whether it be apathy, lack of understanding, or simply being overwhelmed---now haunts our nation as an acrid division over the war on terror. It is now time that we step back into the powerful emotions of those days after 9/11 and begin our response afresh.

The outline for America's eventual victory against the forces of terror is contained in the stirring book by Dr. Elaine I. Duval,
America After the Siege: Roadmap to Victory After 9/11.

Written in the dynamic and powerful voice of the Old Testament prophets, this book takes readers to a place where they can clearly hear the voice of a loving and mournful God, a God who is passionately calling His children back into His embrace.

The book begins with a recital of the shock and pain we felt on 9/11 as we watched the unthinkable happen before our eyes. We are captured up once more in the emotions of that bloody day and the grief-filled days that followed.

As the reader re-experiences those unbearable, excruciating emotions again, aching in the hopelessness of 9/11, the voice shifts to one of compassion and hope. The author shares the inspiring vision of a strong and united America along with a road map for the journey to fulfilling this vision.

It is to our own detriment that we ignore this clarion call to return to the God of our founding fathers. We would be wise, therefore, to heed the call to return to Him, seeking His righteousness, grace, and mercy as we seek to heal the wounds that continue to bleed, draining us of the power necessary to prevail against the evil in today's world.

This book is a powerful and timely reminder of how far we have fallen away from God and how desperately He is pursuing our return to Him.

America After Siege should be required reading for anyone who cares about America and her safety in today's climate of evil and terror.

It's concise, easy to read, and has great citations. I hate reading books that have obvious political bias and this avoids it. At times I think the guy is a liberal and other times I think he's a conservative. Most of the time I think he's an unbiased observer. Enjoy!

Professor Bagby skillfully manages an enviable feat: his book is simultaneously concise, crammed with valuable detail, and eminently readable. It's not only a valuable resource for students and teachers alike, it's thoroughly enjoyable and difficult to put down. But these are merely the stylistic prerequisites. The book's real strengths lie in the material itself.

Bagby charts the institutional matrix of interests and authority that determine foreign policy, and how the push and pull of individual personalities affects policy decisions within that framework. In this way, while emphasizing the importance of historical actors, Bagby delineates the institutional constraints on the spectrum of options available to the architects of U.S. foreign policy.

He does his readers a great service by engaging the topic beyond conventional pieties while refraining from polemic. The book includes valuable discussions of socio-economic, diplomatic, and strategic relations with allies and enemies alike. Bagby illustrates how these relations produce competing interests and motivations, the management of which constitutes U.S. foreign policy.

In addition Bagby summarizes competing scholarly interpretations of key foreign policy engagements, such as the Vietnam War.

Most importantly, without reducing his interpretation to a restrictive ideological stance, Bagby spells out the differences, evident in the historical record, between stated foreign policy motives and actual U.S. diplomatic and military practices.

This is a remarkable and measured study of the U.S. role on the world stage during "the American Century," a valuable introductory guide to understanding how American foreign policy is constructed and in what manner that policy shapes the world.

Up to date and complete If you are looking for a book about American Diplomacy you will surely appreciate this one. It is comprehensive and easy to read. The author has taken great care in avoiding omissions. I learned more American History from this book than I had from volumes before it came to my hands. With impeccable simplicity, the author manages to serve the reader the vast subject of America's International Relations at the White House's table with rich insights. You'll have the impression that you have been actually sitting with the Presidents, when there decisions were made. I could not put Bagby's book down from beginning to end, for it provided me with tools to understand along the history of the world in the Twenties Century. From Wilson to Clinton, Bagby explains the nine different policies of the United States and how they worked to introduce American Democracy and its complications to every single spot of the world. Fantastic!, a book you might want to keep for consultations in your personal bookcase.

Up to date and complete If you are looking for a book about American Diplomacy you will surely appreciate this one. It is comprehensive and easy to read. The author has taken great care in avoiding omissions. I learned more American History from this book than I had from volumes before it came to my hands. With impeccable simplicity, the author manages to serve the reader the vast subject of America's International Relations at the White House's table with rich insights. You'll have the impression that you have been actually sitting with the Presidents, when there decisions were made. I could not put Bagby's book down from beginning to end, for it provided me with tools to understand along the history of the world in the Twenties Century. From Wilson to Clinton, Bagby explains the nine different policies of the United States and how they worked to introduce American Democracy and its complications to every single spot of the world. Fantastic!, a book you might want to keep for consultations in your personal bookcase.

Up to date and complete If you are looking for a book about American Diplomacy you will surely appreciate this one. It is comprehensive and easy to read. The author has taken great care in avoiding omissions. I learned more American History from this book than I had from volumes before it came to my hands. With impeccable simplicity, the author manages to serve the reader the vast subject of America's International Relations at the White House's table with rich insights. You'll have the impression that you have been actually sitting with the Presidents, when there decisions were made. I could not put Bagby's book down from beginning to end, for it provided me with tools to understand along the history of the world in the Twenties Century. From Wilson to Clinton, Bagby explains the nine different policies of the United States and how they worked to introduce American Democracy and its complications to every single spot of the world. Fantastic!, a book you might want to keep for consultations in your personal bookcase.

This is an easy reading but powerful book about what it means to be an American and the formation and development of our culture and shared values. It is scholerly but entertaining. It should be mandatory reading for all high school and college students. In a time that people are looking for their roots and cultural identity, this book is a must.

As a social studies teacher (middle grades and secondary level), this book has provided me with invaluable discussion points and lesson plan ideas. In a time when we are trying to make learning relevant and exciting for our young students, this text will be a tremendous aid to me while I facilitate real learning in a public school classroom. John McElroy has genuinely motivated me to teach both history and civics in a whole new light. For all readers of this book, be aware that a resurgence of pride in our country is bound to occur! Furthermore, all Americans will frequently internally recognize the principles that are inherent in American culture. Of course, it is not a primer for zealous nationalism; rather, it is a honest exploration into the realm of the history of American culture. It is entertaining and informative. It is the best book I have read in several years!

Over the years I have read hundreds of books about America and this book is clearly one of the most stunning. In general, the book is well researched, well organized, and very readable. It explains America to Americans and to the world in a different and very clear and convincing way. Through most of the book I was enthralled. Most of his examples are well chosen, precise, concise, and convincing. But it is not perfect.

There are, in my opinion, two areas in the book which fail to match the high quality of thought, reason, and rationale found through most of it. First, in the chapter about Social Beliefs, McElroy appears to see America's history from the perspective of the proverbial WASP (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant) and thus he ignores the lack of inclusion in the American mainstream at various times of such groups as Eastern European immigrants, Catholic immigrants, non-Christian immigrants, Asian immigrants, and Hispanic immigrants. He also neglects to mention that, in general, Americans of mixed raced were/are denigrated by both of the races from which they were/are descended. And he concludes the chapter by saying that if immigrants fail to succeed socially and economically in America it is no one's fault but there own. How amazingly naive.

Second, all of his fairness and impartiality and perspective seem to fall apart in the concluding section in which he views a very narrow period of time in America (the last 40 years or so) and suggests that many of the values on which this country was founded and built have fallen to the wayside. He concludes by saying there are some signs that things might get better over time. Certainly damning with faint praise. He sounds like an ultra conservative radio commentator. It spoils the flavor of the entire book. It is almost as if the rest of the book was just a way of reeling the reader in so that he could present this final diatribe. A sad finish to an otherwise excellent book.

I agree that every American should read this book -- and everybody else for that matter. I don't agree that it's scholarly. Rather, it's a joy to read -- easy to understand even for a person with two master's degrees! Between McElroy's chapter on How American Culture was Formed and Ken Burns' Lewis & Clark, I don't know which makes my blood run red-white-and-bluer. And as a child of the anti-establishment `60s, it's done a lot toward helping me understand why we Americans do what we do. It's the best history book I've ever read, the best history course I've ever taken or taught. I'm buying it for my home library for my grandchildren to use as a resource. We're also using it as a resource for a book on urban planning.

Beliefs A book review

Its been said that we learn nothing from history. This appears to be true, but only to the extent that history is ignored. When we pay attention to history, we are bound to learn something. A good dose of history can sometimes put us back on a road we've tended to leave. This may be the case while reading a brief account of how America and the American way of came to be.

In some 230 pages John Harmon McElroy reminds readers of the various reasons America developed as it did. McElroy, in American Beliefs (1999) from Ivan Dee Publishers, Chicago, expounds upon twenty-five beliefs or ideas that have contributed to America's development. The book, subtitled: "What keeps a big country and a diverse people united," has ten chapters. McElroy, professor emeritus of English at the University of Arizona, would have his readers look at the things which have kept us, as a people, together instead of the things which have so often divided us.

The 24 beliefs are listed under seven of the ten chapter headings: Primary Beliefs of American Culture, Immigrant Beliefs, Frontier Beliefs, Religious and Moral Beliefs, Social Beliefs, Political Beliefs and Beliefs on Human Nature. Along the way in his treatment of these beliefs McElroy shows how it came about that the land which developed into America was different from developments in Canada, Central & western South America and in Brazil. All of these areas were receiving European emigrants at about the same time, but development here was much different than in the other regions. So the author works to give a broad overview of history and how America came forth in a unique way.

One example of the beliefs McElroy presents is one we might think is only common sense: everyone must work. Such an idea or belief, it seems, developed in contrast to what was usual in England and much of northern Europe, the areas from which most people came. In the old country there was an aristocracy in which certain people, because of their birthrights, were expected to be served by others, those lesser-born people. This system did not work on these shores as there was simply to much to do, to survive...no place for lazy bones. So those who expected to be served were told, in effect, work or die. (Sounds like: 2 Thessalonians 3:10 "For even when we were with you, this we commanded you, that if any would not work, neither should he eat.") So those who had wished to be served, worked..and the belief that everyone must work became a part of our culture, and pretty much remains that way today. While people reach different economic stages, none is considered a nobleman by birth.and this was a new idea.

McElroy takes a little different twist on the idea that America is a chosen land, as being chosen of God. On page 131 he says: "The United States is God's country in the sense that Americans for many generations have felt that their nation has been especially blessed by God, that it could never have been established and endured so successfully without God's favor and protection. The belief is also true in the sense that, as a people, Americans have believed that God has wanted to use America as part of a divine plan for the redemption of mankind, by the creation of a new nation modeled on new principles of behavior. America is also a 'chosen country' in the sense that those who created it were mostly those who chose to emigrate to it and descendants."

Of special interested in these days of much discussion about the idea of Freedom of Religion, McElroy addresses the 'free exercise' clause of that first amendment to the U-S Constitution. Like many who insist that the Constitution only makes sense when its original intent is maintained, he makes this statement which needs to resound in many courts and public places today: "No provision of the Constitution protects any citizen from being offended by the religious practices of another citizen." How often we have instituted some legislation because someone is offended by religion, but the Constitution says there shall be 'freedom to exercise' our religious positions, regardless of any offense received., perhaps limited only to the extent of causing some public hazard. This clearly points out the value of history because as we have gotten away from initial Constitutional meanings, we have wandered off the road into confusion.

The books concludes with some observations, that much has happened in this culture in the past 40 years or so, perhaps instigated by the Supreme Court's decision to eliminate school prayers. "It is certain," he says, " that since WW-II some principles of American culture have been emphasized to the detriment of others. The principle of freedom, for instance, has been promoted without regard to responsibility, calls for improvement have been made without regard to practicality, and equality has sometimes been demanded with a zeal that ignores differences among individuals. Too often in the last 40 years of the 20th century, it seems, America's cultural history has been set aside in favor of uncompromising ideologies."

The book is an easy read and recommended for anyone interested in American history, especially high school and college students needing a better appreciation of what it means to be an American.

Dan Schobert August 29, 1999

This book is *not* designed for casual readers of the law. However, it remains perhaps the most comprehensive review of American Constitutional history available in a single volume. This is still used on college campuses, and should be read by anyone who wants to peruse some of the central arguments that have shaped this country.

This a good book for undergraduates seeking to understand the Constitution and judicial decisions that shape the application of the Constitution. Very informative and easily read. But this is not a good book for pre-law or law students. The material is too cursory and there is no analysis of the cases.

I first used this text in the seventh edition (Mason, Beaney and Stephenson) in my undergraduate Constitutional Law class, and it has remained a constant resource for me. I have invested in two of the upgraded editions, including this latest 14th edition.

Mason et al. has a wonderful style of combining accessible and interesting narrative essays with case law summaries and texts from rulings. The authors state in the preface that they see constitutional law development as 'an intricate blend of history and politics.' The Supreme Court functions in the real world (indeed, has a long-standing tradition of not deciding 'moot' cases, but rather only adjudicating in real life situations).

The chapters rely heavily on case law and texts from decisions, but each chapter is introduced by an essay that sets tone, context, and highlights of particular interest. Where appropriate, the authors draw in texts from beyond case law - for example, in the chapter dealing with Congress, the Court and the Presidency, the authors bring in excerpts from the Federalist papers, and with the chapter on the development of due process, they excerpt Justice Cardozo's papers.

This is a broadly sweeping text that covers the whole Constitution, each article of the primary text, various amendments dealing with governmental and procedural issues, and many chapters dealing with rights and liberties contained in both the Bill of Rights (first ten amendments) and other amendments. It includes indexes of cases, a good chart of Justices of the Supreme Court, and the full text of the Constitution and amendments.

This is a book more intended for the student of political science or history who wishes to gain a better understanding of the processes and content of Constitutional Law at both the advanced undergraduate and graduate level. It may be useful as a secondary text in a law school's Constitutional Law class, also. It is not light reading, particularly in the case law sections, but the essays are worthwhile and can generally be read as stand-alone texts for those who want to get the broad overview without the case detail - however, beware of this approach, for the law and process is built on the details.

American Constitutional Law: Introductory Essays and Selected Cases by Alpheus Thomas Mason and Donald Grier Stephenson is a book that when read you'll find an intricate blend of history and politics.

This is an excellent book for those studing constitutional law as there are plenty of case study with selected readings, queries, and key terms associated with each particular case. You'll get a real good dose of the constitution here and why decisions are the way they are at that time. Applying standards drawn from the constitution, the Supreme Court is the ultimate arbitor and guardian of individual privilege and governmental prerogative alike.

This book gives the reader a broad understanding of the present with respect to the past and includes relevant extrajudicial material. A very good introductory book on American Constitutional Law.

For any student of American constitutional law, this book is the best exposition of the fundamentals of the U.S. Constitution and the Supreme Court. Further enquiry into the subject is not possible without an understanding of the ideas presented in this book.

American Destiny: God's Role in America is an inspirational quote book like no other. It motivates the reader to investigate and understand our American forefather's true vision in founding our Constitutional Republic.

Even though it is part of American history, the strong faith of our Nation's Founding Fathers is unfortunately absent from many educational programs today. This handy book offers a welcome introduction to the inspiration and motivation of our Founding Fathers, and anyone interested in history will appreciate it.

WOW...What a book! I knew that we were founded as a "Christian" nation, but I didn't realize the magnitude of it. This book will give you a whole new view of the mighty men who founded this nation, and the passion in which they did it are found in their words. I am so thankful for this book. Everyone American should be required to read it, especially our young students! If our young people can understand our heritage, it will fill our nation with hope once again. Don't go any further without getting this book

I am amazed that this is out of print! I wanted to find a few copies for gifts. This is a book of quotes from our founding fathers that reveals the true Christian origins of our country. Until I read this in History class, I never knew what the second amendment REALLY said. I wish every politician and lawmaker would read this book. It should be required in every civics/history class in America. If you want to know what really made America great, find this book and read it...you'll pass it around, I guarantee it.

Not only would I highly recommend this as a great coffee table gift book, but it's also a fantastic resource for `history lessons' and how they relate to contemporary America. It's a great conversation starter as well. Especially interesting to me was some of the quotes and documentation related to the founding of our nation's top Ivy League universities. The publisher's web site is another terrific related resource. Read. Enjoy. Give.

American Power and the New Mandarins, first published in 1967, is a collection of essays by Noam Chomsky about the Vietnam War and related subjects. Originally famous for his contributions to linguistics, Chomsky began writing extensively about U.S. foreign policy during the Vietnam War, and this collection is the first of his many political books. While the subject matter is a bit dated, those who are interested in either the intellectual climate during the Vietnam era or the origins of Chomsky's career as a critic of U.S. policy will find plenty to interest them in this book.

Chomsky's primary goal in American Power and the New Mandarins is not to convince the reader that the Vietnam War was wrong. On this issue, he says that "Anyone who puts a fraction of his mind to the task can construct a case [against the war] that is overwhelming" (9). Rather, his goal is to illustrate the degree to which American intellectuals supported the war, or at least the assumptions behind it. Many people remember the Vietnam War as a time of widespread protest against U.S. policy, with intellectuals and the youth leading the way. Chomsky argues that the war's "opponents" were often not concerned with the moral issues related to the war, but rather with the fact that the war seemed to be unwinnable and was costing too many American lives. The implication is that these intellectuals would not be protesting if the U.S. had crushed the Vietnamese resistance without significant loss of American life (Vietnamese life being irrelevant).

The book is made up of eight essays of varying length, and an introduction and an epilogue.

- In "Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship," Chomsky introduces the concept of the "new mandarins"--those who claim the authority to determine policy based on their allegedly "scientific" understanding of human nature and technology. These "new mandarins" believe that their knowledge gives them the right to restructure society in Vietnam and elsewhere, regardless of the wishes of the local population. In addition, Chomsky argues that many intellectuals tend to accept the status quo and support the basic assumptions of U.S. policy--that Western nations always know best, and force is justified to keep Third World countries from going down the "wrong" path. This essay is not very concise or organized; Chomsky has plenty of evidence to present but it flows out in no particular order. Chomsky devotes nearly 50 pages to criticizing a single historian's book about the Spanish Civil War--an excellent example, in Chomsky's opinion, of "the deep-seated bias of liberal historians," (93) but a cumbersome way to make his point. Still, whatever its organizational shortcomings, this essay presents plenty of evidence to illustrate the biases of liberal intellectuals in favor of American power.

- In "The Revolutionary Pacifism of A. J. Muste: On the Backgrounds of the Pacific War," Chomsky explains the parallels between the Vietnam War and Japanese expansion in China in the 1930's. In both cases, defenders of government policy appealed to "the high moral character of the intervention, the benefits it would bring to the suffering masses" (183). Both America and Japan tried to set up puppet governments to serve their interests, and responded to doubts about their actions by emphasizing the "Communist" threat (196).

- "The Logic of Withdrawal" discusses the political strength of the NLF (Vietcong) and the continuing resistance of the United States to any political settlement that might allow the Vietnamese a fair choice between the NLF and other alternatives. Chomsky ridicules the idea that an NLF political victory could pose any threat to America's survival, comparing this to the Nazis' claim that "a Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy was threatening the survival of Germany" (249).

- "The Bitter Heritage" is Chomsky's review of Arthur Schlesinger's book of the same name. Schlesinger expresses the "liberal" view that the United States had made a tactical error by fighting a costly war, but that American motives were pure. Chomsky argues that this view represents the extreme limit of mainstream opposition to the war in the United States. The view that "the United States has no unilateral right to determine by force the course of development of the nations of the Third World" (297) is not considered to be "responsible criticism" (296).

- In "Some Thoughts on Intellectuals and the Schools" and "The Responsibility of Intellectuals," Chomsky continues his criticism of intellectuals who endorse the irresponsible use of American power.

- "On Resistance" and "Supplement to 'On Resistance'" are Chomsky's statements about how to protest the war. Chomsky argues that resistance should remain nonviolent, not only because of moral considerations, but also because violence "will surely fail, will simply frighten and alienate some who can be reached, and will further encourage the ideologists and administrators of repression" (374-5). Chomsky endorses the refusal to be drafted as an ideal means of resistance, since it directly impedes the government's ability to carry out its policies and can be used to make a visible statement as well.

If you are a Chomsky fan, you will probably enjoy this book; his writing style and basic outlook have remained consistent over the decades. He has written plenty of books and essays about more recent events, however, so if you are interested in American power in general rather than Vietnam in particular, you might want to check the newer ones out first.

During the Vietnam war the United States used its enormous military power to try to install in South Vietnam a minority government of U.S. choice, with its military operations based on the knowledge that the people there were the enemy. This country killed millions and left Vietnam (and the rest of Indochina) devastated. A Wall Street Journal report in 1997 estimated that perhaps 500,000 children in Vietnam suffer from serious birth defects resulting from the U.S. use of chemical weapons there. Seems fairly reasonable to protest against this, surely?... This was and is a groundbreaking book, and ....

This is a collection of essays from 1966 through 1968, Noam Chomsky's first political book, published in 1969 when he was fourty years old, after he had established himself as the Einstein of linguistics. Of course, it's a little bit dated but it's remarkable how little Chomsky's critique has changed, how cogent it was from its very beginning. Many of the thoughts in this book, certainly on resistance to the state, have great pertinancy today.

His target was the liberal intelligensia, the "best and the brightest." These brethren (Douglas Pike, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Samuel Huntington, Walt Rostow, Dean Rusk, New York Times correspondent Neal Sheehan et. al), Chomsky shows quite compellingly, helped engineer and/or provided intellectual rationalization for one of the most barbaric wars in human history. These rationalizations were quite openly expressed in the newspapers, journals of opinion, congressional testimony, U.S. AID reports, and so on. They went something like this: We are fighting against the National Liberation Front, the so-called Viet Cong which enjoys great support amongst the South Vietnamese population and has received little aid from the North. The fact that it is to a large extent supported by the population is irrelevant. The NLF threaten our security. No indiginous force in South Vietnam, with the exception of the Buddhists, has any remotely comparable level of support. Therefore, since we can't compete in the political field, in 1954 we violated the Geneva agreements and set up a terror and torture regime in South Vietnam, with large numbers of American "advisors" helping, that used extreme violence to help compensate for its lack of political support. We made sure that the seventeenth parallel, intended in the Geneva accords as only a temporary demarcation line, was made permanent and sabotoged efforts to hold the elections in 1956 for national reunification called for in the accords. We're weak politically but we are unrivaled militarily and in the other resources of violence at our disposal. In the late 50's our response began to elicit a violent reaction from the NLF, the main target of our repression. Our allies are almost always the most feudal, reactionary and brutal elements of South Vietnam, who can never elicit any support amongst the general population. So we have to destroy the NLF, which means to "dislodge it from its constituency" which means we have to destroy its supporters and all of their homes, villages, natural environment, and so on, which means we have to take actions that will perhaps exterminate those supporters, the rural population of South Vietnam. We, who believe in behaviorist psychology, don't see anything wrong with what we are doing and believe it is fundamentally just and in the best interests of the people of South Vietnam who are perhaps somewhat unfit for self-government. We held "free and fair" elections that excluded any "neutralist," communist, socialist, NLF sympathizers and other such rascals from taking part.

The debate in the mainsteam on this issue was between people on the one hand like Joe Alsop on the right, who argued that if America just kept applying more and more military force i.e. tried to wipe Vietnam off the planet it could eventually prevail and on the other hand people on the "left" like Schlesinger Jr. who prayed that this policy would work yet thought it would be too costly in the long run. Chomsky expresses thoughts that would come to any remotely civilized human being upon viewing this spectacle.

Chomsky also devotes an iconoclastic, though at times somewhat ponderously written chapter to the Spanish civil war, a very good chapter on the background to Japan's role in World War Two and demolishes the establishment myths about the Cold War. He urges intellectuals to be iconoclasts, to serve truth and justice, not power and privillege.

Also of some interest is a paraphrase of a quote from Harry Truman by James Warburg that Chomsky quotes. In the first edition Chomsky attributed the quote exclusively to Truman; it was corrected and attributed to Warburg, very similar to Truman's original quote, in the second edition of the book published shortly after. If one reads any serious journal of the Social Sciences or other such fields one often finds a list of errors at the end of even favorable reviews. But the commissars jumped on it and it has been the subject of dozens of articles and hundreds of references over the years. Schlesinger in "Cycles Of American History" declared that Chomsky had fabricated the quote. It is a tribute to Chomsky that they were quite unable to address his main arguments and chose to endlessly quible over the trivial quote (one of the lesser canards about him, behind the one about his support for the Khmer Rouge and the one about his support for Robert Faurisson).

Chomsky's first political book, _American Power_ is a devastating critique for the U.S. foray into Southeast Asia, which Chomsky considers to be little more than modified imperialism. The book starts somewhat slowly, first with an extended essay focusing largely on the Spanish Civil War, which though interesting, seems like a strange place to begin the discussion. The second essay focuses on the decision of drop nuclear weapons during World War II, and the absence of "war guilt" in the U.S. over that action. The second essay, like the first, is interesting, though not seemingly directly related to Chomsky's Vietnam critique. The remainder of work focuses quite squarely on Vietnam, and offers the sort of moral outrage that Chomsky contends was conspicuously lacking from the liberal academics of the time. The entire underpinning of Chomsky's premise has to do with the morality of U.S. action, rather than the pragmatism that he chides others for basing their positions on.

The book is quite powerful in many of its conclusions. A few criticisms: there is extensive use of irony throughout the work, occasionally to the point of excess; while Chomsky eviscerates a half dozen of the "liberal intelligensia", it's difficult for me, as someone who was not alive to witness the war, to know if these voices typify the liberal objections to the war, or if Chomsky has cherry-picked these individuals (obviously Schlesinger was a major voice, but I'm not familiar with the others); if you don't have some conception of the forces behind the Spanish Civil War, the first essay will be somewhat confusing. It was for me, anyway.

Altogether though, particularly in light the U.S. invasion of Iraq, many of Chomsky's ideas have taken on a new urgency. The comparision between Vietnam and Iraq will come very naturally as you read _American Power_. It is well worth our time to make this comparison. Chomsky's thesis is as valid now as it was in 1969.

I recently reread Chomsky's classic. It's very enlightening to see the parallels as well as the differences between the role America's "intelligencia" played during the Vietnam War and the role they are playing now with just another war "won".