Events Books

An invaluable glimpse into the lives of the people affected by "free trade." Concise and eloquent: the perfect book to hand to someone who believes that more trade is necessarily better trade.

Shafted is a powerful and punchy read! I recommend this book to all those concerned about the future of our economy and the effects of free trade on working people in America. The testimonies reveal the devastating effects of free trade on workers, family farmers and farmworkers. These testimonies also reveal, however, that people refuse to sit back and allow biased economic policies to destroy their livelihoods and their families. By fighting to expose the myth of "free trade," the working people in Shafted are demanding a shift in the values of America - from the unjust and exploitative values of corporate America to fundamental values of the global community - human rights, justice and dignity of people everywhere.

I've always been a domestic policy wonk, and for a long time kept my head buried in the international sand. This book made me wake up and realize that the line between domestic and international is no more, and that it's time to get serious about a cohesive, solid global movement to protect the environment, workers, and basic human dignity. Not a movement based on ignorance, slogans, and bandanaded rebels, but one based on solid information and real-world relevance. Shafted could prove to be a huge step in that kind of a movement. I hope so.

This may be the best introduction available both to the problems of "free trade" and to what a congressional hearing might look like if Congress were focused on the needs of people rather than the needs of campaign contributors.

"Shafted" is an easy-to-read and powerful window into the human side of the effects of free trade. It's one thing to read statistics and another to hear stories directly from those affected. The book is based on a congressional briefing in Washington D.C. where a delegation of America's working poor was able to tell members of Congress and the American public how free trade has impacted their lives. "Shafted" is separated into four parts: Farmers, Workers, Farmworkers, and Analysts. What is great about the book is that it includes stories and analyses from people of different backgrounds, including racial, ethnic, and work backgrounds. I especially liked the contributions in the Analysts section (the analysts coming from the Public Citizen organization, Cornell University, American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, and California Senate Select Committee on International Trade). I found them accessible and to the point, lacking loads of economic and political jargon. Throughout the book you'll also find short excerpts from important historic documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Civil Political Rights, American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man.

This is an important book that addresses a growing menace in our society and in the international arena. It does not provide a suggested plan of action, however it does include resources to further educate yourself and to get involved.

"Shafted" is a quick and powerful read that'll open your eyes to another side of America that we hardly get the chance to hear from. And it shows how people are bravely standing up for what they believe it. An invaluable book!

At the Tehran Conference in 1943, Stalin toasted the summary executions of 50,000 German officers, Churchill privately proposed a number of some 100 major war criminals, Roosevelt kept silent, swayed alternately by Hans Morgenthau, Jr., who proposed some 2500 summary executions, and Henry Stimson, who preferred trials. That Stimson should ultimately prevail in the debate owes as much to accidents of history as to any profound historical moment culminating in Nuremberg. How Nuremberg ultimately played out, and the subsequent notion of holding leaders personally responsible for war crimes, is a tale well worth reading.

Gary Jonathan Bass's book, Stay the Hand of Vengeance, debunks several of the myths that grow from such moments. Still, in reviving the story of Leipzig (trials of German officers after World War I) and Constantinople/Malta (trials of Ottoman officers after World War I), Bass has presented not just a useful set of anecdotes on trials that failed and one that succeeded beyond expectation or intention, but a careful history of what drove efforts to hold such trials in the first place, of the limited political will behind them, the complexity and likelihood of failure.

Bass offers two principle insights: first, liberal states have a tendency to support individual accountability through trials for leaders responsible for war crimes that is unique (illiberal states prefer summary executions without second thought). Second, the tendency for liberal states to desire individual accountability and punishment ("legalism," as Bass uses the term) varies directly with the quantity of suffering experienced by that state: France loses 14 times as many men as America in World War I, and Britain 10 times as many men, and both are far more interested in war crimes trials. America, on the other hand, supported prosecutions for those responsible for unrestricted submarine warfare. The first goal of liberal states is to punish those who have harmed their own citizens. The second goal is to do so without risking their own troops. Bass calls this "selfishness."

The principle defect with Bass's amazingly rich work (and apparently, his first academic work following the Let's Go Guide to Egypt and Israel) is that it was published before 9-11, before Guantanamo, the trial of Saddam, the death of Slobodan Milosevic in The Hague, the ongoing efforts in Arusha and Rwanda, and the preliminary flickerings of prosecutions before the International Criminal Court for offenses in Darfur, Sudan, and Uganda. An update is urgently needed.

Vainly, one hopes Bass's insights into war crimes trials and the politics behind them will prove unnecessary. Those who anticipate that new monstrous figures will arise in this century may be well-served by a careful read of Bass's work, in that the prospects and pitfalls of trials as a means of addressing global villainy deserve this sort of well-researched, attentively reasoned, albeit somewhat disheartening, treatment.

"In the last analysis," Bass concludes, "the two international war crimes tribunals in The Hague and Arusha stand largely as testaments to the failure of America and the West."

Indeed: a bit more willpower at the right time, and gross atrocities might have been averted. The thing is, this indictment applies not only to these grand tribunals, but to all criminal courts generally: but for a bit more will, courage, restraint, honor, or whatever other moral virtue proved lacking, nearly all crime might be averted. Hence, the issue is not whether courts reduce criminality, but what to do with the folks guilty of the worst order thereof. And at the least, Bass's work provides some suggestions on when they will likely fail, or prove worse than failures, and how to limit total risks of prosecuting the worst villains of history.

Gary Jonathan Bass's book is a riveting, thoughtful read into what has been a long-neglected chapter of history. Piecing it all together wasn't easy. Mr. Bass takes sound scholarship, adds good reporting, and weaves a tale that I, frankly, could not put down. Read it. You won't regret it.

The man has courage to deal with these issues read the book

If you care even a little bit about international justice, you have to read this groundbreaking book. The research is incredibly painstaking--there's unbelievable stuff about the war crimes tribunal after the Napoleonic Wars, and a riveting reconstruction of the failed tribunal after the Armenian genocide. But there's also great journalism about the search for justice in the Balkans. It looks like international tribunals are going to be the next big thing; this is the definitive history, and the definitive analysis.

This book is thoroughly researched and footnoted and very well written. It culminates in a balanced account of the development of the International War Crimes Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and exposes the role of Western nations in supporting- and in some cases, obstructing the tribunal's work. Bass' thesis is that Western nations value human rights and the rule of law,- but not more than the lives of their own soldiers - thus accounting for the sporadic Western support for War Crimes tribunals. This is provocative book which has many insights into the complexities of international organizations, human rights, and diplomacy.

What an extraordinary book! I received this book in the mail when the pain over my 17 year old daughter leaving home, for no apparent reason, had just reached the "unbearable" stage. Through tears, I read the entire book within 24 hours. Before reading "Surviving Ophelia", I felt like the only (parenting professional) mom in the world who has poured 110% into my daughter only to suffer the ultimate pain. The question is always, "Why?" While my daughter is out in the world putting herself in harms way, I stand in the "gap" of, "Nothing we can do, she's 17." This book provided a blatant dose of solace, links to some tangible help and yielded some sense to a senseless situation. In essence, sometimes it's not about the child. Sometimes it is not about the way we parent. Sometimes there is no pat answer and no one to blame. I think any mother who is going through a rough time with her adolescent daughter can learn, and grow, and find strength in the words of "Surviving Ophelia." If you are looking for psycho-babble and parenting advice this is not that kind of book. If you are looking for good reading, mature insight and a bright ray of hope, this book passes many parenting books by a mile.

This book was recommended to me by a friend and I am glad I read it. I applaud all the contributors to this book for their bravery and honesty. It is a worthwhile book to read for parents of adolescent/teenage girls.

I can't wait for the next book in the Ophelia series. They have been such a comfort to me during my daughter's pre-adolescence. The stories are frightening because I, like most moms, worry about what direction my girl could be heading when she makes choices I disagree with. At the same time, it's comforting to be reminded that lots of other moms and daughters have come through this difficult time and made the best of whatever it brought them. The stories are so honest and so raw they can be shocking -- but that raw honesty brings with it an integrity that kept me reading and inspired admiration for Ms. Dellasega and for all the daughters & moms who shared their stories in this book.

This book is a must-read for any parent with a challenging teenage daughter. I cried while reading sections of the book, but it helped to reassure me that I am not alone as I watch my daughter stumble along the rocky path between adolescence and adulthood. This is a totally brilliant and much-needed book.

This collection of narratives by moms with "troubled" daughters should definitely be on the bookshelf of every mom with a girl... even if she isn't yet "in trouble." The relationship between mothers and daughters has always been complicated, and you'll find if you search the internet, what Dellasega says about there being no community for women to exchange their experiences is true. There are plenty of places for parents to ask questions and share experiences about toddlers, and pregnancy, but it's like the communities disappear as soon as the real trouble starts.

This book, as well as Dellasega's website, which you can find in the book's notes (which I found out about through an online discussion of her book) try to create a community (both online and off) of moms' and daughters' voices for those who need it, and those who might someday need it. And how will we know we need it, until it's too late? Read this book now...

Couldn't put this book down. Delgado tells a touching and troubling story: I was touched by how openly he spoke about his fears and feelings. I was troubled by the reality in Iraq that he revealed. Delgado was relatively fair and honest in portraying his superiors and peers and situation in the Army--it is not easy to talk about such an important moment in your life with objectivity. It shows a great amount of maturity in such a young author.

If you are for or against the war, Buddhist or not---this is a book about the moments in your life that change who you are forever. Delgado's was a beautiful and painful transformation from a confused, naive college student to a Buddhist, veteran and activist.

Everyone should read this book.

I found Aidan Delgado's willingness to share both his evolving convictions as well as his weakness and doubts throughout the Iraq experience to be deeply touching. His transparent honesty is unexpected and moving. This sifting, without pretense, of the humanity out of the horror of Abu Ghraib gives us all a glimpse of our own potential...either way.

The Sutras of Abu Ghraib is a vivid description of a soldier's life in Iraq, and also of the life that led him to war and brought him back as a conscientious objector. An American Buddhist serving with the U.S. Army in Iraq, Delgado stuck out among his fellow soldiers as well as among Iraqis, and his book highlights the difficulty of a lonely, disassociated soldier trying to disentangle himself from what became for him an intolerably immoral war. Even if often ridiculed for his Buddhist principles, made to feel embarrassed about his application for conscientious objector, and even called a "terrorist sympathizer", Delgado describes how some soldiers - even the ones he least expected - were honestly understanding and even sympathetic, and this was the real love and brotherhood he found in the Army. Ranging from hilarious accounts of the absurdities of life to gloomy and disheartening stories of the real face of war, The Sutras of Abu Ghraib flies the reader from sandy deserts in southern Iraq, to sunny beaches in Florida, back through the dark bowels of Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad, and into the heart and soul of a naïve soldier turned peace activist. A must read for anyone interested in the realities of the war in Iraq and in the hopeful possibility for personal growth and triumph in face of the worst challenges of life.

This well-written book will hold your attention from beginning to end. A true story that reads like a novel with a range of "characters" that you care about - or strongly dislike. Mr. Delgado helps one to understand the situations and attitudes that make the abuse that took place at Abu Gharib (and other places) possible. He can feel proud that he took a stand to live up to his principles.

Aidan Delgado's book is not about THE war - my brother's book is about his war.

Filled with some great moments, many comic and dreadful at the same time, Aidan's book shines brightest when he shows us his war, internal and external, through his eyes and then again through his hindsight.

To some, his insights and reflections may initially come off as precocious if not awkward, but as you come to know the writer, come to see him as he no doubt sees himself, you find the juxtaposition appropriate. A young man too smart and too wise for the insanity of the situation and too self-conscious and self-aware to lose himself to THE WAR. In the tradition of books like "The Way of the Peaceful Warrior" a reader growths along side the writer until, at the books conclusion, you feel the mixed relief and emptiness of "what next."

Even in the writing of the book, Aidan seems to recognize this inherent clash between his youth, his paygrade, his growing wisdom and thoughtfulness and the over-wrought social context into which his words fall. Normally, books like this are penned by seasoned men, graying at the temples and we are ready to accept their memories and insights. Despite Aidan's youth, his "voice" is truly captured in his writing.

As N. Chomsky brilliantly states, `Alex Carey draws the veil of deceit and imposed ignorance in the struggle for freedom and justice.'
Alex Carey shows how corporate propaganda protects corporate power (the few) against democracy (the many). Skilled manipulation conceals the real human nature and the needs of the common man in the interest of corporate efficiency and profit, in other words, in the interest of the privileged segments of society.

The effectiveness of propaganda depends on the availability of emotionally charged symbols and ideas. The most powerful ones are nationalist symbols. Therefore, corporate propaganda tries to identify the free-enterprise system with US national values, and strong unions, interventionist governments, communists and alleged liberal fellow travelers with threats to national security, subversion and tyranny.
A surveillance network detects early signs of ideological drifts. Corrective persuasion is immediately disseminated through the media, completely controlled by fellow megacorporations. As the social scientist H.D. Lasswell said: `propaganda is the one means of mass mobilization which is cheaper than violence, bribery or other possible control techniques.'

Another means of manipulation is the filtering of social science studies. Only those which improve the industry's image and interests are propagated.
Alex Carey shows the nonsense and fundamental hypocrisy of alleged `basic' social experiments (the Hawthorne studies, the experiments of K. Lewin and F. Herzberg), which `prove' that salary, job security and good working conditions are only of secondary importance for employees. In the meantime, corporations pocket superprofits.
Alex Carey's dissection of the Hawthorne studies is simply devastating. He unmasks social scientists as servants of power and union busters.

This book contains also excellent historical information (the McCarthy crusade, the great steel strike of 1919) and exposes rightly the link between propaganda and the pragmatism of Dewey and W. James (the promotion of false beliefs is justified if they are socially useful).

This is a very revealing book and a must read for all those wanting to understand the world we live in.

Alex Carey's work is absolutely some of the best. My favorite quote of his is this: "The 20th century has been characterized by three developments of great political importance: the growth of democracy, the growth of corporate power, and the growth of corporate propaganda as a means of protecting corporate power against democracy." This has become a touchstone for Sheldon Rampton and me in our books Toxic Sludge Is Good for You, Trust Us, We're Experts, and our writing for PR Watch. Carey is much missed.

Mr. Andrew Lohrey informs us in his introduction, to this collection of essays by the late Australian psychologist Alex Carey, that Carey was prevented from going to college by his parents after he finished secondary school as they wanted him to manage their sheep farm which he did with such success that he could sell it about a decade later and enter a university.

Here and there this book is dreadfully dry, particularly towards the end. His ideas probably would have been made clearer and much better organized if he would have been able to put together a regular book instead of a book of essays put together by someone else but he died in 1988 before he could get it done. But the topics he discusses are very important especially now when business and government propaganda has never been more powerful.

The main title of this book describes what big business and their intellectual and political minions have tried to do particularly in the United States as rights to vote and to organize in this country were extended to large segments of the population of this country over the last hundred years. Carey's old friend Noam Chomsky quotes in his preface the numerous intellectual advocates (Walter Lipmann, Harold Laswell,etc.) of what Thomas Jefferson called late in his life "a single and splendid government of an aristocracy" made up of the "banking institutions and monyed incorporations" whom he feared would destroy the freedoms gained during the American revolution. Many prominent liberal intellectuals devoted loyal service to the state during World War one particularly in the government propaganda agencies putting out massive bogus atrocity stories about the Germans and turning a largely anti-war population in a short period into a bunch of maniacs looking to destroy everything remotely connected with Germany and German culture. A young German soldier named Adolf Hitler was deeply impressed with the allied propaganda effort and blamed German weakness in this field for their defeat and vowed that Germany would learn its lessons by the time the next war came around.

The best part of Carey's text, by far, is about the first five chapters. The first topic discussed is the Americanization movement begun in the few years before World War one by big busisiness associatons who were particularly worried about such events as the victory of the IWW led strike of textile workers in Lawrence Massachusetts in 1912. Big business was particularly worried about the influence of IWW-type radicalism on the U.S. immigrant population which mostly worked under very bad conditions at very low wages and set to work with a somwhat successful drive to inculate immigrants as well as the population at large with "American" values like free enterprise and the status quo and social harmony and against alien values like socialism or the welfare state or non-pliable unions. Out of this campaign came the Fourth of July holiday signed into law into 1918. This campaign culminated in the government crushing of the labor movement during 1919-21 under the cover of chasing communists and German spies.

The labor movement, says Carey, did not recover until the Great Depression which forced the U.S. government to enact very basic welfare legislation and protection of unions. This greatly alarmed important segments of big business. The National Association of Manufacturers literature in 1938 warned of the "hazard facing industrialists" of the "newly realized political power of the masses."

The end of World War two saw the beginnings of a massive attack on independent thinkers and organized labor under the cover of a red scare. After a lag in the early 1970's, the elites in this country began to steer this country towards a very markedly right wing political climate, seeing the rise of previously regarded fringe elements as represented by such think tanks as the American Enterprise Institute and the Heritage foundation which featured such profound thinkers as former Nixon and Ford treasury secretary William Simon who fulminated about how the Carter administration was steering the country towards collectivist totalitarianism.

He goes into some detail examining the right wing apparatus in his native Australia. He ends with discussion of some matters dealing with industrial psychology and industrial sociology culminating in a study of the Hawthorne studies, laborious research at an Illinois assembly plant made up of female workers in the late 20's and early 30's where a group of industrial psychologists tried to secure evidence that workers don't care about money and just want to be left alone to do the wonderful jobs that the labor market has forced on them. The Hawthorne chapter is in large part almost unintelligible and very dry, probably inevitable given that it is a scientific paper.

Carey points out that citizens living in totalitarian regimes have no choice but to tow the government line out of fear for their personal safeties. In free societies, Carey explains that more subtle means are used to keep populations under control. Specifically, propaganda is used to ensure that most people will think in a manner that is consistent with the corporate agenda (such as belief in the free market and business' right to unlimited profit). Carey documents how Americans and Australians have been subjected to corporate propaganda during most of the 20th Century, and explains how these efforts have perverted our democracy (for example, American's over willingness to fight communists, real or imagined, to protect capitalism). Indeed, while many Americans were conditioned during the Cold War to believe that propaganda existed only in the Soviet Union, China and other communist regimes, Carey persuasively argues that propaganda actually played (and continues to play) a more critical role in molding the attitudes of citizens in democracies.

"Taking the Risk Out of Democracy : Corporate Propaganda Versus Freedom and Liberty" is a pioneering work in the field of corporate propaganda analysis which reveals just how much of a major force corporate propaganda is in contemporary society. Alex Carey quotes the business press as stating that the public mind is the greatest "hazard facing industrialists."

"Taking the Risk Out of Democracy : Corporate Propaganda Versus Freedom and Liberty" points out that there are two types of propaganda, each of which have specific societal functions. The first type is aimed at the educated, articulate sectors of the population that are involved in in decision making and setting the agenda for others to adhere to. The second type of propaganda is aimed at the unwashed masses, to keep them distracted so as they don't interfere in the public arena where they have no business in being. All in all, "Taking the Risk Out of Democracy : Corporate Propaganda Versus Freedom and Liberty remains a seminal analysis of corporate propaganda and its uses in creating an obedient elite and a subserviant citizenry. Very enjoyable.

In 1987, President Ronald Wilson Reagan nominated Judge Robert H. Bork to the United States Supreme Court. Leftist pressure groups immediate launched a strident attack on Judge Bork and his record, including such tactics as printing his video rental history in newspapers. The ensuing firestorm gave the American lexicon a new verb - to Bork.

In 1990, Robert Bork first published this book as an explanation of his judicial philosophy, attempting to clear his name. The book has three parts. The first part gives a history of the Supreme Court, showing how the use of judicial activism (judges ruling based on the biases of their own class, rather than on the wording of the Constitution) has been a part of the Court since the early days of the Republic. The second part of the book deals with various theories of Constitutional practice. And, the third part is Judge Bork's memoirs of his nomination battles.

Overall, even after all these years, I still found this to be a fascinating book. In particular, his history of judicial activism was highly enlightening.

What I couldn't help but wonder is how things have changed since this book came out in 1990. The recent firestorm of criticism of the Supreme Court's radical expansion of the power of eminent domain in the case of Kelo v. City of New London, have produced no great groundswell of support for reigning in the Court's activism. Indeed, after the initial criticism, most Americans accepted the new rules of eminent domain as the new law of the land. The activism of the Court was accepted.

So, was this a highly influential book? I suppose that only time will tell. But, I must say that as a history of the United States Supreme Court, and as an explanation of the theories of reasoning used by judicial thinkers, it is absolutely excellent. I loved this book and highly recommend it.

Judge Bork is a brilliant thinker. Book is a masterpiece of brilliant deduction and understanding of critical political, educational and judicial issues in America, and provides the reader with a foundational grasp of why there is such volatile division between political ideologies in America. We need more thinkers and writers like Judge Bork.

The Tempting of America is the finest book ever written in defense of the judicial theory known as 'original understanding.' In this brilliant tome, Bork enunciates the dangers and abuses (by activist judges of the Right as well as the Left) inherent in rejecting the original understanding, shows the logical impossibility of constructing an unbiased alternative and shows that the original understanding is not only what the Founding Fathers intended, but is the only safe and non-partisan way to allow a free people to govern itself.

Complaints? This book is a heavy, intellectual read, not for the faint of heart. It merits attention and study--but it will reward your efforts ten-fold.

Now for the good stuff: After I read Bork's book, I told fellow law students there were few law school courses I would not trade for it. I only wish I had read it before sitting through Constitutional Law.

Yet the book would be worth the reading for anyone interested in the law. It is likely the most complete and well-reasoned statement of the conservative position (and arguably the historical "American" position) on judicial philosophy, legal practice, and several key political doctrines, including the separation of powers, federalism, and the Madisonian system. He begins:

"In the Past few decades American institutions have struggled with the temptations of politics. Professions and academic disciplines that once possessed a life and structure of their own have steadily succumbed, in some cases almost entirely, to the belief that nothing matters beyond politically desirable results, however achieved. . . . It is coming to be denied that anything counts, not objectivity, not even intellectual honesty, that stands in the way of the `correct' political outcome."

He goes on to describe the greatest threat to the law today:

"In the law, the moment of temptation is the moment of choice, when a judge realizes that in the case before him his strongly held view of justice . . . is not embodied in a statute or any provision of the Constitution. He then must choose between his version of justice and abiding by the American form of government. Yet the desire to do justice, whose nature seems to him obvious, is compelling, while the concept of constitutional process is abstract, rather arid, and the abstinence it counsels unsatisfying. To give in to temptation, this one time, solves an urgent human problem, and a faint crack appears in the American foundation. A judge has begun to rule where a legislator should."

Bork argues that these result-oriented decisions have moved holdings steadily to the left for the last half century. As a result, many Americans do not like those outcomes and are no longer "deceived by the claim that those results are compelled by the actual Constitution." Soon the law may go the way of the press, Bork fears, losing legitimacy with a large part of the public. And conservative activism would only make it worse.

"Conservatives . . . may decide to join the game and seek activist judges with conservative views. Should that come to pass, those who have tempted the courts to political judging will have gained nothing for themselves but will have destroyed a great and essential institution. . . . There are only two sides. Either the Constitution and statutes are law, which means their principles are known and control judges, or they are malleable texts that judges may rewrite to see that particular groups or political causes win."

Bork answers a likely question: "What does it mean to say a judge is bound by the law?" It means he is bound by the only thing that can be called law: the principles of the text, whether Constitution or statute, as generally understood at the enactment." He notes that the lay reader may wonder at this statement. Isn't that obvious?

"Of course, the judge is bound to apply the law as those who made the law wanted him to. That is the common, everyday view of what law is. I stress the point only because that commonsense view is hotly, extensively and eruditely denied by constitutional sophisticates, particularly those who teach the subject in law schools."

Here, Bork argues, commonsense is sound. He quotes Justice Story. "A constitution of government is addressed to the common sense of the people; and never was designed for trials of logical skill or visionary speculation."

Bork resumes: "Story might have been addressing today's constitutional cognoscenti, who would have judges remake the historic Constitution from such materials as natural law, conventional morality, prophetic vision, the understanding of an ideal democracy, or what have you. No matter the base from which they start, they all wind up in the same place, prescribing a new constitutional law that is much more egalitarian and socially permissive than either the Constitution or the American public. That, surely, is the point of their efforts."

Some of my most engaging law school professors saw everything as relative, and the law as an evolutionary force, changing the times and changing with the times. Any appeal to original intent is an appeal to something not only irrelevant but also unknowable. (Of course, the original intent of a contract is evident from the four corners of the document, right? But that's not possible with the Constitution apparently, nor are the numerous speeches and ratifying conventions any help.) Here Bork concedes a distinction. For hair splitters, sure--original intent "calls for speculation." But the ORIGINAL UNDERSTANDING is not at all hard to determine. The reason so many are unhappy with the doctrine of original understanding is not--as they claim--that they have philosophical questions about epistemology. Activists deride appeals to original understanding because they fear such a rule would never have won for them the great civil rights cases of the late 20th century--and those they hope yet to win.

But Bork disagrees. Here his book becomes a tremendous resource. He examines the history of the Court and most of the great cases, explaining that many revisionist cases could have reached the same results through an appeal to original understanding and would have strained logic less in doing so. BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION is the most stunning example Bork cites of a case in which the Court felt compelled to look outside the original understanding of the Constitution when it did not need to. The result is that the century's most immediately, even dangerously controversial decision was based on an argument few could accept. It need not have been this way. Bork's discussion of the this point alone will be worth the price of the book for some.

Bork has no raging desire to see the poor cases overturned, however. Out of respect both for stare decisis and the integrity of the Court itself, Bork would not even reverse the most badly reasoned case of the 20th century, ROE V. WADE. To be more precise, Bork places Roe in a group of cases "so embedded in the life of the nation, so accepted by society, so fundamental to the . . . expectations of individuals . . . that the result should not be changed now." (*I believe he has since modified this position.)

This brings up another interesting issue. Bork makes the case for judicial integrity, the most important commitment of any judge. The temptation to fudge the law to help bad facts is one the judge must resist, because any time the law is compromised, it is weakened. The judge's task is simple:

"In a constitutional democracy the moral content of law must be given by the morality of the framer or legislator, never by the morality of the judge. The sole task of the latter--and it is a task quite large enough for anyone's wisdom, skill, and virtue--is to translate the framer's or the legislator's morality into a rule to govern unforeseen circumstances. That abstinence from giving his own desires free play, that continuing and self-conscious renunciation of power, that is the morality of the jurist."

WHO IS ROBERT BORK TO TALK ABOUT A DISCIPLINED JUDICIARY, ABOUT PERSONAL OR PROFESSIONAL INTEGRITY, some will ask. The second half of his book addresses just that. He describes in detail the nomination process he endured and the lies told about him in the campaign to keep him off the bench. For example, his position in a number of cases was exactly the opposite of the way it was described in the hearings. He received a ringing endorsement from the ABA before taking a seat on the D.C. Court of Appeals. Once there he decided a number of cases in favor of women and minorities. But in the Senate confirmation hearings he was asked, "Why are you against women?" He repeatedly directed Senators Kennedy, Biden, and others to the pages in the opinions proving he had in fact held exactly the opposite. But as they say, a lie told often enough begins to seem true--and such was the case with the lies told about Bork. During one private moment of peculiar candor, Ted Kennedy shook Bork's hand and said, "Nothing personal." Then they vilified him.

Bork's book then, is his public defense. In that it is unique. Not only did the Reagan administration do little to defend him, so unprepared were they for the unprecedented campaign to destroy a judicial nominee, but Bork himself made no public defense.

"The public interest generated by the enormous campaign against me caused dozens of reporters to seek interviews, and television and radio talk programs repeatedly asked me to appear. Despite the unanswered hostile campaign, I decided that it was improper for a judicial nominee to wage a counter campaign by discussing his views on substantive issues anywhere before the Senate, even if it meant letting slanders go unanswered."

Toward the end White House strategists plead with Bork and his wife to appear on a Barbara Walters special. "But . . . we decided we would rather go down than compromise ourselves with what would be, in effect, a personal media appeal." White House advisors thought this a serious mistake; some thought it cost him a seat on the bench. "However that may be, I continue to think that was the right decision.

"The entire process of a judicial confirmation was politicized more than ever before in America's history, but at least I did not contribute to that."

This book may be heavy going in places, but this is because the author deals with a complex and important subject. The single most compelling lesson is how an intellectual elite has become forced to rely on the least democratic element of our government in order to negate the results of free elections, all in the name of "liberalism"! It should be a basic text of any American Government class.

This book is full of enlightening facts that you don't hear in the press. Miller and File are real experts on this stuff. This book is well worth the buy and I have recommended it to all of my colleagues.

This book is great, should be required reading for every US household.

This is obviously written by people with great knowledge about a difficult set of subjects. What sets this book apart from others is that the authors present the material in a fashion that everyone can digest and therefore come to understand the very complex issues surrounding global terrorism.

The book fully addressed and shed light on almost 40 topics regarding the war on terrorism. It gave me a greater understand of WHY the U.S. is a target, HOW al Qaeda operates, WHO bin Laden is, HOW the US and its allies can and are responding.

Ever wonder about the history of the Arab/Israeli conflicts?, the history of the conflicts in Northern Ireland?, what makes al Qaeda different from other terrorist groups? ...its all in here, and then some.

The book lists more more than 40 terrorist groups operating trhoughout the world, what their "cause" is, and the their bases of operation. It identiifes terrorist orgranizations on each continent, and by country. It gives some detail and information about states that sponsor terrorism, and the complex politics involved in each case.

Overall, the book is a "must read." It really gave me a clearer understanding of the global politics in play when it comes to the issue of terrorism.

Great detail and facts about:
What IS terrorism -its defined in many ways, this book clarifies why different countries and even different parts of the US gov. define it differently.

The al Qaeda organization and its global reach,

Terrorist operations in: Africa, Middle East, Europe, Latin AMerica, Asia, etc.

Terrorism and International Law

and it even presents a balanced viewpoint on the hot issue of Civil Liberties.

Overall- I give it 5 stars, and that's because I couldn't give it 6.

To the authors -GREAT job!

This book is exactly what I was looking for. It is well-written, clear, comprehensive, interesting, and very insightful. I learned more from this one book than from two months worth of newspapers, magazines and TV news programs. I give it my highest recommendation, and encourage every American to buy it!

A great, comprehensive guide that helped me to understand why this happened in a historical context. Also helped me to get a better grasp of what to expect with the war against Afghanistan and Al Qaeda. Now I know why this happened and what to expect. The news media seems to breeze over historical elements in favor of status quo Anthrax and millitary events but this book really helped me to get caught up on my facts. Highly recommended!

This book is an excellent study of the all too timely
issue of international terrorism. Unlike much of the coverage
of the tragic events of September 11th, and of
other terrorist atrocities in the past, it provides a scholarly, but highly accessible, account of the wider context of these events, including the history of terrorism and the search for a working definition of the term.
It also provides a concise history of the major terrorist organisations, and also clearly lays out the range of possible responses in the international community to the threat
of terrorism. This book packs a great deal into a relatively
small, and very readable, format--take the time to read it and you will not only be better informed, but also provoked to think more deeply about this crucial contemporary issue.

When Americans express their concerns about the Nation, and what they want for future generations, they want safe streets, quality education and the freedom to pursue the joy and happiness that this World can provide. At the 1995 Million Man March, Minister Farrakhan urged all to refrain from drug abuse, not to disrespect self or others, and not to harm any person. Coincidentally, the U.S. crime rate has dropped since the Million Man March to it's lowest rate in over 10 years. A Torchlight for America offers the same guidance in a clear, straight forward context.

This book was amazing as I read through the captivating pages. As a social scientist living in Japan I believe that this is a must read as well as one to be translated. As a student and teacher I found the statistics to be quite informative, concise and worth adding to my bibliography for an upcoming book I am finishing. This book is a must read for any any nation desperately trying to survive (including America) in this 21st century!

My name is Matthew. I first read A Torchlight For America while a college student. The book is clear, concise and well-written.

If you are even a little interested about Min. Farrakhan, read this book. This is a good chance to hear him without the media or anyone else interjecting. Min. Farrakhan has a track record (more than 45 years at the time of this writing ) of teaching the truth to the powerless. He has a proven track record of reforming people. He has a proven methodology for teaching Islam to people who have no knowledge of the faith. He has a proven track record of unifying Muslims, Jews and Christians (see: http://www.noi.org or http://www.finalcall.com ). He is a guiding light for people.

I am thankful to God for Min. Farrakhan. God has used Min. Farrakhan to guide me into healthy personal, professional, and emotional relationships.

If you still think funny about him in spite of my testamony, read this book, and e-mail me about it: bro_matthew@yahoo.com .

I am sure reading this book will make you see differently. I am sure Min. Farrakhan's brilliance will illuminate everyone who reads it.

Peace. *Bro. Matthew

Every American should read Min Farrakhan's book. It answers the painful realities that must be addressed if this country is to realize its full potential and destiny. It is a book for all races, faiths, creeds and colors. Written in a clear, concise and direct language, "A Torchligh for America" is a must read for any progressive thinking person who is serious about solving America's problems.

As a middle-aged, college educated, white man I find it amazing that I cannot find critism with Rev. Farrakhan. After all the propaganda against him I was prepared to hate the man. Then I actuallly read him. And I listened to his entire sermon on C-SPAN, not just once, but twice. The man speaks with righteousness- not self-righteousness, but the righteousness of God. From my own studies and sources I know that he speaks the truth. If he has a hidden agenda, other than speaking truth to power, I do not see it. This man has the Spirit within him and there is no guile to his words. I could have remained anonymous here, but I choose to acknowlege a great man. And no, I am not a Muslim, nor do I plan to convert....

How well do you think you know the ancient philosophers. How much do you know about the Russian revolution, or the Peloponnesian War. Do you understand quantum mechanics, the Theory of Relativity or Aristotle's Metaphysics? Can you speak intelligently about Conservatism and Liberalism? This book will challenge your intelligence. It will challenge the amount of information you think you possess for everything from ancient philosophy through the Renaissance to modern politics and pop culture. I found myself constantly checking to see exactly who it was Mr. Richey was quoting because I had never heard of the person. Or I found myself checking historical facts regarding a person or event that I thought I knew all about. This is a book that will challenge not how smart you think are, but how much you think you understand about what you know. It will challenge you to think about why our society seems to be going down the drain, and what we might do to slow or stop the spiral. There is definitely a conservative slant to Mr. Richey's writings, but it is hard to disagree with his arguments. I look forward to more of Mr. Richey's writings, hopefully expounding upon some of the many subjects found in this work.

How well do you think you know the ancient philosophers. How much do you know about the Russian revolution, or the Peloponnesian War. Do you understand quantum mechanics, the Theory of Relativity or Aristotle's Metaphysics? Can you speak intelligently about Conservatism and Liberalism? This book will challenge your intelligence. It will challenge the amount of information you think you possess for everything from ancient philosophy through the Renaissance to modern politics and pop culture. I found myself constantly checking to see exactly who it was Mr. Richey was quoting because I had never heard of the person. Or I found myself checking historical facts regarding a person or event that I thought I knew all about. This is a book that will challenge not how smart you think are, but how much you think you understand about what you know. It will challenge you to think about why our society seems to be going down the drain, and what we might do to slow or stop the spiral. There is definitely a conservative slant to Mr. Richey's writings, but it is hard to disagree with his arguments. I look forward to more of Mr. Richey's writings, hopefully expounding upon some of the many subjects found in this work.

How well do you think you know the ancient philosophers. How much do you know about the Russian revolution, or the Peloponnesian War. Do you understand quantum mechanics, the Theory of Relativity or Aristotle's Metaphysics? Can you speak intelligently about Conservatism and Liberalism? This book will challenge your intelligence. It will challenge the amount of information you think you possess for everything from ancient philosophy through the Renaissance to modern politics and pop culture. I found myself constantly checking to see exactly who it was Mr. Richey was quoting because I had never heard of the person. Or I found myself checking historical facts regarding a person or event that I thought I knew all about. This is a book that will challenge not how smart you think are, but how much you think you understand about what you know. It will challenge you to think about why our society seems to be going down the drain, and what we might do to slow or stop the spiral. There is definitely a conservative slant to Mr. Richey's writings, but it is hard to disagree with his arguments. I look forward to more of Mr. Richey's writings, hopefully expounding upon some of the many subjects found in this work.

I think that this book will open the minds of a lot of people that are stuck in limbo bewteen the left and right way of thinking.
The humor will make you laugh. The political parts will make you think. A lot of it will make you scratch your head whale you search for your dictionary.
A awsome read.

Very well written book offers a great deal of food for thought. While I tend to lean a little closer to the center, I found Mr. Richey's musings extremely refreshing and genuinely entertaining.

I do however take exception for the continuing trend of the white washing of the Reagan years (let's not forget the national debt tripled under Reagan, eventually quadrupling during the senior Bush's administration. Not to mention the Iran-Contra scandal, also not to mention the Savings and Loan scandal which is to date the largest theft in documented World history, etc...) The ever popular Clinton bashing, (hey didn't he fix the majority of those debt problems left by his predecessors mentioned in the last statement...) Oh that's right, he had an affair in the White House. Never mind, apparently that cancels out all of his validity and achievements. Be rest assured America, that no one is having sex in the White House during this administration! The republican collective conscience always tends to forget or choose to ignore their scandals.

This book will make you reflect on America's triumphs and shortcomings. Our current U.S. leaders should aspire to be as well read and articulate as Mr. Richey.

This book prepared me well for the AP exam so I would and did recommend it to friends. Cliffnotes makes a great study tip but be warned of the mistake in the court case review. It's Map Vs Ohio not Illinois. But that's the only draw back.

This book is a great, concise prep for AP US Government. It has a clear well-organized layout and cuts out all the extraneous information so you know exactly what you need to know for the AP Test. I could not recommend it more highly.

Paul Soifer strikes again with his gorgeous portrait of the US Government, and preparation for the AP exam. I think I met Paul one time, albeit not for long, and he sold me on the book. I then took the book and have studied with it. I am assuming I will get a 5 on the test. Doc, This buds for you!

This is another great Cliffs AP book which will help you get your college credit. It really is a help for reviewing the branches of the government, how a bill becomes a law, the Constitution, the amendments, elections, and civil rights. Those are the main, "must know," topics you need to review to get a 5.

This 356-page book was written in the traditional narrative style of CLIFF NOTES and READER'S DIGEST condensed books. If the large over-sized fonts were reduced to standard and if the empty white spaces were eliminated, the contents would have been condensed to 256 pages. This made the information very manageable for studying.

The vocabulary and writing style were simple enough for a high school sophomore or junior to handle. Also, the information was very well organized and concise. As an example, let us exam the chapter on the U.S. Constitution. The ten pages summarized and condensed 37 pages of GOVERNMENT IN AMERICA, the standard text used in high school AP Government classes. Basic information with a sprinkling of details and updated examples was covered. Subtopics were sectioned off, and important terms and vocabulary were bold printed for the reader to focus. After the topic discussion, there was a 15 multiple-choice question test. The questions were constructed in the same style as the items in the actual AP test. Following these exercises were three sentence explanations on each of the answers. All in all, the format as described above was used for all other chapters that followed.

After the subject reviews, there were two sample practice tests. Again, the multiple-choice answers were explained in detail. More impressive was the author's treatment of the Free-Response Section. On each of the essay questions, he provided scoring guidelines, sample essays, and analyzes of the written works.

Appendixes were located at the end of the book. These contained a glossary of key terms, a copy of the U.S. Constitution, a listing of important U.S. Supreme Court cases, and an eight page listing of internet sources.

My only criticisms of this book focused on the second and third items in the Appendixes. Instead of a copy of the U.S. Constitution, a better alternative was to provide an annotated and simplified version. This document was very hard to understand with its 18th Century prose and "high level" vocabulary. Fortunately such a simplification does exist. It is located in the latest Compton Encyclopedia under "Constitution." Secondly, the U.S. Supreme Court case listing needed to be better organized. The cases should to be individually grouped by Constitutional issue and sub-grouped by whether they expanded or limited the specific civil liberty.

As a suggestion, buy Pamela K. Lamb's 5 STEPS TO A 5 AP U.S. GOVERNMENT & POLITICS to accompany Soifer's text. Instead of a narrative approach, the contents was arranged in outline format. In other words, the information presented in U.S. GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS was further condensed in outline form by Lamb. This arrangement made it easier for studying.