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Should Be Read By Everyone That Wants To Understand The Chinese Revolution Review Date: 2006-01-01
A Chinese Marxist explains how Mao came to powerReview Date: 2003-05-10
In the 1925-27 revolutionary upheaval, the Communist Party achieved a decisive leadership position among the masses of urban workers in China. But the party, under Mao's leadership, and working along the lines of Comintern policy, attempted to build an alliance with Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang. The Kuomintang was a nationalist party increasingly coming under the control of China's tyrannical landlords. This mistaken policy resulted in a massacre of the Communist-led workers in Shanghai carried out by Chiang's troops. Chen and his followers opposed this disastrous course.
A large portion of this 580-page book deals with the explanation of how the Stalinized Chinese Communist Party came to power in 1949. In the post-WWII chaos the peasant masses surged forward repeatedly demanding control of the land and its resources and an end to landlord parasitism. The weakened Kuomintang was like a rotting wooden raft in this stormy revolutionary sea which served as the only hope of salvation for the wealthy and privileged elements in China, and they found themselves desparately clinging to it.
The Communist Party, having retreated to Yenan in 1934 after a series of defeats, found itself bolstered by the massive influx of worker and peasant fighters who saw this party as the starting point of opposition to the decaying Kuomintang regime. In the years leading to the insurrection of 1949, Chen explains, the CCP (a non-revolutionary, Stalinist party) repeatedly sought to dampen the rising struggles of the oppressed masses, to limit their gains, and to come to terms with Chiang in the formation of a coalition government. The Kuomintang was too weak, however, and the outcome of the struggle was determined by its own inner logic, not the aims of the CCP.
Forced to flee to Hong Kong in 1948 Chen continued to guide the Chinese Trotskyist movement as well as to participate in discussion and debates among revolutionary Marxist leaders worldwide. He supported the 1949 victory of the Chinese revolution, which was a giant gain for the masses of workers and peasants in spite of the Stalinist leadership. A workers state was formed. But he stressed that the accession to power of Mao's party did not change its essentially counterrevolutionary character. In order for the masses of Chinese people to achieve their liberation from all forms of exploitation they would need to effect a political revolution to bring to power a genuine Marxist party. This party would then serve as the vehicle for bringing the weight of the Chinese masses to bear in the worldwide struggle for socialism.
When China Shook The World ( it will again )Review Date: 2003-05-08
The Reality of Chinese Stalinism, by a Chinese LeninistReview Date: 2002-12-27
A revolutionary looks at the Chinese RevolutionReview Date: 2002-05-19
P'eng Shu-tse's was an early member and central leader of the Chinese Communist Party-- one of the many young rebels won to revolutionary struggle inspired and educated by the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia and the leadership led Lenin and Trotsky. Although imprisoned by the U.S.-backed Chiang Kai-shek dictatorship and later forced into exile by the Maoist regime, P'eng remained true to the course of working class struggle, leading small revolutionary forces in China, Vietnam and later in exile in Europe. H writes to explain and to encourage others to join the struggle.
I also found very useful the lively article and interview by Ch'en Pi-lan, P'eng's companion and fellow revolutionary, on the course of the workers movement in China and on the "Cultural Revolution."

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A clash of values reviewReview Date: 2000-05-15
A Must Read For All Concerned ParentsReview Date: 2000-04-14
Former teacher gives high "Value" to "A Clash".Review Date: 2000-03-12
Empowered To Fight BackReview Date: 2000-10-28
Clash Of Values , By William MandelarisReview Date: 2000-04-07


I Love This BookReview Date: 2007-06-12
Insightful and effectiveReview Date: 2007-02-09
--Tim Galpin
I like this book! Review Date: 2007-04-29
I came across when opening several books and i was still unsure about this one, but there are no other books i can pick, so i bough this one, and it turn out to be a great book that i like very much.
There are only 201 pages with large fonts and not cramfull of printed letters but the insight and ideas are great. The book is about how to get others to act differently to affect a much better outcomes.
I like the MESSAGE, about how we should use the message in a communication to make other do the way we want them to.
Some biased in how people like to be persuaded, like: Simple over complex, powerful over weak, direct over subtle, predictable over possible, necessary over optimal, scare over abundant, want over need etc will make you a better communicator.
There are 4 chapters: MESSAGE, REACTION, GROUPTHINK and WITNESSING. I found golds scatter around that i can use, even that the whole book is not really that well narrated into one flow. But all in all this is a great book that will help you compel others.
Not What I Expected...But BetterReview Date: 2007-02-26
What I got was a rather eccletic but readable and insightful set of how to steps on leading, inspiring, and guiding others to change themselves. How many business books these days can cite the Talmud, Kahil Gibran, Thoreau, Picasso, Camus, Quintus Aurelium Symmanchus, and Dante -- all without seeming pretentious, strained, or misplaced?
Bob's recommendations on how to move others in your direction is both folksy and far-sighted; he interweaves many vignettes from professional experience and historical happenstance to elucidate his points.
I particularly like the analogy of the long distance runner and the effect of personal timepieces - that is one of those interesting factoids that, once learned, seems almost common sense but helps those of us searching for effective means of continuous feedback to search for better metrics.
If you are looking for a primer on how to motivate and lead others in a new direction, this is a must read prior to launching the effort.
One note of quibbling - I am not sure I agree with Bob's discussion of the 'Dark side of simplification' as I think he reduces the argument ad absurdum.
Simplified influce... maybe too simplifiedReview Date: 2008-02-02
The book focuses in on four mechanisms of change:
-Message
-Reaction
-GroupThink
-Witnessing
Each chapter begins by defining the term on which the chapter is focused.
For example the first mechanism chapter, Chapter 1: Message, begins with this definition, "A usually short communication transmitted by words, signals or other means from one person, station or group to another." Certainly a simple definition, but the author's point is to teach you to shape your message so that it becomes a machanism for change. He provides a five step plan for doing this that is easy to remember and implement.
In order to influence reactions, the author suggests shaping the environment and setting or expressing expectations. This appears to be based on the well-known psychological principle that people tend to do what you expect them to do if the enviroment allows for it. This is sound management advice and is well-suited to the author's intentions.
I felt the GroupThink chapter was the least structured and beneficial in the book. I left the chapter feeling like I still wouldn't know how to implement the concepts, if it weren't for other books I had read such as Wikinomics and the The Starfish and the Spider. But then again, my reference to these two books may indicate that I did not fully understand the author's intent. He can certainly correct me, if I'm wrong.
Finally, the chapter on Witnessing - though short - was a nice wrap-up to the book. You leave the chapter feeling that you can indeed start to make a difference in the situations you're involved in and you also come away with some ideas of how to both create your own "witnesses" and apply other ideas in the book.
Overall, it is a good book on shaping people's thoughts and actions and will likely benefit any manager or leader.

Your worst fears confirmedReview Date: 1997-09-21
Your worst fears confirmedReview Date: 1997-09-11
Your worst fears confirmedReview Date: 1997-09-01
Your worst fears confirmedReview Date: 1997-11-03
What the media hasn't told you about transfusion-AIDS.Review Date: 1997-09-30
While the average American probably believes, as I did until recently, that the infection of thousands of hemophiliacs with the AIDS virus was an unavoidable tragedy, DePrince uncovers the awful truth that for many, if not most, hemophiliacs, infection with AIDS and the deadly hepatitis C virus was not only avoidable, but that the government and hemophilia profiteers (like Bayer "The Aspirin People") chose not to act to produce a safer product in favor of bigger profits.
DePrince also reminds us that the tragedy experienced by the hemophilia community isn't an isolated incident. Many millions of Americans are exposed to blood products each year, sometimes unknowingly, which means anyone at anytime could find themselves facing infection with HIV, HCV, or perhaps some unknown virus making its way into the blood supply today. Blood safety is an important issue to everyone - not just those who rely on blood products regularly. DePrince also advocates for the passage of the Ricky Ray Hemophilia Relief Fund Act which provides compassionate payments to victims of this disaster along with important improvements to blood safety.
Read this book as if your life depended on it.

Love this book! (a deaf reader)Review Date: 2007-06-02
This book also talk of people that aren't deaf, were using sign language to talk to each other - for example, from one boat to another or from the cliff down to the beach or because the high wind was drowning out their voices. I can think of many examples that people can use sign language today. Scuba diving sign language is so limited so why not use ASL? A person can tell a minister of an emergency problem quickly from the back of the church without having to go up to whisper in his ear. One could 'talk' to another person in the next building without opening windows. (Windows can't be opened in some office buildings) I could go on and on.
Today, parents are using sign language with their babies (not deaf). Some researchers are saying that it enhances language, cognitive, and social-emotional development. However, I am sure that at the same time, there are some parents of deaf babies, are being told not to use sign language. There are few schools that are pro-oral. Those deaf babies need sign language even more. Where are their language and social-emotional development?? This is irony and sharp contrast to this book. This book prove that all deaf babies need to be exposed to sign language everyday by comparing the Vineyard Deaf people to the Mainland Deaf people.
I am keeping this book to show others because it does support my view of point on the education for the deaf.
Excellent Book!Review Date: 2006-10-29
A book not to be forgottenReview Date: 2005-07-20
Inspiring and interestingReview Date: 2002-02-10
This book is full of fascinating little anecdotes, about how island society worked to include its deaf members. For example, we learn about families and friends, some deaf and some hearing, who would regularly sit next to each other in church. The hearing members would sign the sermons to their deaf friends. Or, sometimes groups of people who could hear perfectly well might be together, for whatever reason, and they might happen to converse by signing just as much as in spoken English. Everyone spoke both languages.
Some of my favorite parts of the book focus on the benefits of signing. For example, perhaps two neighbors wanted to converse, while being separated by 200 yards of noisy space, made vocally impenetrable by sounds of surf and sea. Whether they were deaf or hearing, they could get out their spyglasses (this was a 19th century whaling community, where spyglasses were in every household) and sign to each other across the distance while viewing each other through the magnification afforded by the spyglasses. One entertaining anecdote tells of two young men, who could hear perfectly well, who would use their signing ability to pick up girls off-island. They would pique the girls' interest in them by signing amongst themselves, and would claim that one of them was deaf. After they had secured the girls' interest, they would put on a lengthy, well-practiced charade of deafness to keep the gils curious about them. Do they ever let on that they can really hear? You'll have to read the book to find out! Bwa ha ha haaaa ( that's the sound of an evil laugh).
Those are a few minor anecdotes. The whole book is packed with stories like that, and it's endlessly amazing. The last couple of chapters make excellent, general points about the human issues raised in the book, and about how we as a society think about the "handicapped" -- perhaps, as Dr. Groce points out, we should not use the term in the first place.
Anyway, I'm really pleased to call attention to this book. I wish it were more widely known. If you're reading this because you linked to my reviewer's page from my review of "Jeepers Creepers," or something at a similar level, then, well, I'm just happy you're reading about this valuable story as well as "Jeepers Creepers." Two thumbs up.
An interesting look at a unique deaf cultueReview Date: 2003-05-05
The book analyses cultural impact of the large deaf population within the Vineyard's communities, which was biologically caused by the genetic predisposition for deafness. The book, largely written like an anthropological study, focuses on both physical and cultural aspect of the deafness in the communities. However, the most interesting implications within the book are those discussing deaf and hearing interrelations.

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More Relevant Than EverReview Date: 2007-05-30
Beyond the power of imaginationReview Date: 2003-12-14
Scott outstandingly weaves the history of humanists' thoughts. His account of nations' events makes social and science fictions pale in novelty. Facts indeed beget fiction. Can super powers not be aware of their own action? Are peace makers and Nobel Peace laureates simply instruments of time - when the human spirit can no longer endure the incredible injustice?
If you have often asked yourself why people, businesses, and government today have drag the world into the lowest of any moral standards and darkest moments of the human race, this book will be useful to you. It doesn't offers academic answers. It shows you the conditions around the world in a continuity of thought I have not seen. The conversation with the Dalai Lama on non-violence is both amazingly clear and inspiring. It is an account of risk management and decision analysis with enormous grace and solemnity. Expect a team consisting of a journalist, a philosopher, a historian, and a humanist to accomplish anything close to this book. As I put the book down in the stillness of the nights, I am moved beyond the power of my imaginations. - Tom Tuduc
Thought-Provoking and CompassionateReview Date: 2003-04-26
Marvelouslly,it is also a political eye-opener into the true motivation of the actions taken in the name of peace by the political leaders...
Excellent bookReview Date: 2003-03-03
I would urge anyone who wants an understanding of the problems in the world today to buy this book. Once you open it, you will be compelled to read it from cover to cover.
If you believe that the answer to all the issues of the world are simple, and that all the world except the US is bad, than I ask you to open your mind and take a look at the world described in these pages. If you believe that killing only creates more killing and there must be a better way, than allow these stories to provoke your mind.
The most compelling part of this book to me was the discussion of Cambodia and the Khmer Rouge. I ask you to please try and understand how it can be that such a monstrous people can be created, and how such horrible things can be done to human beings. This chapter will leave you wondering how you can ever again accept on the surface the "information" we are given. You will realize the consequences of violence. You will search your mind for answers that are not on the news.
This book is not perfect. I was left wondering more about the history of Costa Rica than I was given, for example. And there are times when Scott explains things more than I would like. I think he could leave his conclusions to the people he interviews. Others may find that that part of the book helps tie things together.
Still, overall the book was outstanding and deserves every bit of 5 stars.
A HUNDRED STAR RATINGReview Date: 2002-12-20

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a must-have for investigatorsReview Date: 2006-08-20
Written as a textbook, "Geographic Profiling" is clearly organized, packed with well-documented research, and is both theoretical enough to satisfy university researchers and practical enough to inform the rest of us. The book can at times be dense and a little tough to wade through, but it's worth it.
Even though you might gulp when you see the inexplicably high price tag on this book, if you're interested in understanding geographic profiling and the different ways that temporal and spatial crime distribution can assist in investigation, pick up a copy. You'll be glad you did.
Ground breaking and well researchedReview Date: 2002-05-17
A Complete Guide to the SubjectReview Date: 2001-12-22
A Book That Students Actually Read!Review Date: 2001-08-03
Innovative and ComprehensiveReview Date: 2000-02-03
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Delightful reading with a great aftertasteReview Date: 1999-04-07
Can't get much better!Review Date: 2001-06-07
Bravo Andre, please write more!
I love this book!Review Date: 1999-10-27
The soul of a gentle manReview Date: 2000-03-16
Buy this book!Review Date: 2000-01-11

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Mr. President, please read this!Review Date: 2003-04-18
We are in real trouble.
It is the Crisis of World Capitalism- Not Just First world'sReview Date: 2001-02-01
An Interesting Way to Look at The Global MarketsReview Date: 1999-12-10
CapitalReview Date: 2002-01-18
statistic about forty thousand people controlling 81 trillion in assets. Capital.
Not much more needs to be said.
Your move, unless you are powerless, a democratic nobody. Checkmate?
The GLOBALIST FANTASY EXPOSED!Review Date: 1999-10-25


The bible for affordable housing!!!Review Date: 2002-09-19
The author has obviously handled these situations in the past and has thankfully provided a tool for housing managers everywhere to use now and for years to come. A must for any property manager's library!
A comprhensive,easy to read, useful property management toolReview Date: 1999-11-04
This really exceeded my expectations.Review Date: 1999-11-04
Essential Reading for 1st time or Experienced Property MgrsReview Date: 1999-11-02
Very informative for professionals in Public HousingReview Date: 1999-10-12
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Background, The Political History of P'eng Shu'tse
In 1911 the feudal Qing dynasty fell. It had been destroyed by years of humiliating imperialist subjugation as well as having been destroyed by its own feudal backwardness and a yearning of the people for a better society. Included in this subjugation were unfair trade policies and the British militarily enforced selling of opium to the population.
The new capitalist government, however, failed to stand up to imperialism in any meaningful way and left the feudal relations of the countryside intact. As a result, the new government also collapsed and authority disintegrated into the hands of regional warlords under the sway of competing imperialist interests.
It was during this time of chaos, in 1920, that P'eng Shu'tse joined the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He joined the party at a time when the total failure of capitalism in China was self-evident as was the need to end imperialist subjugation. Communism held a strong appeal in its advocacy for anti-imperialist revolution as well as for worker's power, the smashing of feudal land relations, and for the end of the subjugation of women and youth to the old patriarchal system.
In 1921 P'eng Shu'tse moved to Moscow where he attended the Communist University of the Toilers of the East until 1924. There he was elected and served as secretary of the Moscow branch of the CCP for the time he was there.
At the time of P'eng Shu'tse's attendance at the university the revolutionary government of the Soviet Union was young and had only been born four years earlier of the October 1917 revolution. The revolutionary leadership in power was the Communist Party under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky. Joseph Stalin was part of that communist party as well, and he held some power, but he had not yet risen to the position of absolute power that he would later enjoy.
Upon P'eng Shu'tse's return to China in 1924 he published two articles in the CCP's theoretical magazine, New Youth, and the CCP's official organ, New Guide, both of which he became editor of. One was a defense of the Boxer movement of 1900 as an anti-imperialist and not an anti-foreigner movement. Another was on the nature of the coming revolution in China, where he argued that the wealthy classes of China were timid and weak and utterly incapable of leading the bourgeois anti-imperialist revolution. He pointed out that the only hope for revolution would be one led by the working class that was socialist in nature.
A year earlier Mao Tse-tung had published an article in New Guide advocating the opposite position of P'eng Shu'tse on the nature of the coming revolution. In it Mao advocated a bourgeois capitalist government and called on the unity of the merchants to help bring it about.
The Theory Of Permanent Revolution, The Koumintang, And The Interference Of Moscow
The debate between Mao Tse-tung and P'eng Shu'tse was not a new one for the socialist movement. The same debate had taken place in Russia before the 1917 revolutions. The ideas of P'eng Shu'tse dealing with the conditions of China coincided heavily with Leon Trotsky's analysis of Russian conditions written in what later became called the Theory of Permanent Revolution.
Trotsky wrote the Theory of Permanent Revolution in a Czarist jail after his experiences in the failed 1905 revolution. He saw through his experiences in the revolution that not only was the working class the only class interested and capable of carrying out the revolution; he also saw that the Russian revolution would have to be socialist to succeed.
The reasons given by Trotsky were several, but the most important being that the capitalist class would sabotage production if the workers took power. He correctly saw that the only way to have a working economy was to nationalize industry and to implement a socialist economy.
Lenin later adopted these fundamental tenants of the theory of Permanent Revolution in his famous April thesis of 1917. As a result Lenin and Trotsky's parties merged at that time to lead the socialist revolution against the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries who since taking power in February were restarting the war with Germany on behalf of the bourgeoisie and refusing land reform and a socialist revolution.
Trotsky also explained that not only was there no need for Russia to go through a bourgeois capitalist revolution, but that the bourgeoisie was utterly incapable of leading such a revolution in Russia. He explained that the working class had developed to a point that the bourgeoisie feared revolution more than anything else because they saw that a revolution, no matter how small in its original leadership's goals, would potentially unleash the power of the working class to carry out a full socialist revolution. Thus the bourgeoisie sided with the old feudal system instead of trying to bring about their own power.
Trotsky explained this phenomenon as compared to the developments in the west, such as the the bourgeois revolution in the United States, through his theory for Russia of Combined and Uneven Development. Simply put, the technological advances of the capitalist west had become part of Russian society and had created a working class capable of overstepping the bounds of the bourgeois revolution against Czarism, making the bourgeoisie uninterested in any kind of revolution.
In Russia the Menshevik's ridiculous attempts at establishing a bourgeois government confirmed this with the bourgeois representatives they appointed trying to impose military dictatorship and hand power back to the old feudal system. Later Stalin repeated this same sort of mistake carried out by the Mensheviks in his support for the corrupt and murderous bourgeois Kuomintang in China. In fact, in Russia, Stalin had been negotiating the unity of the Menshevik and Bolshevik Parties before Lenin's arrival from exile in April.
As Stalin took the reigns of power in the Soviet Union he also exerted his influence within the Chinese Communist Party to remove P'eng Shu'tse and other like minded leaders that opposed Moscow's position of dissolving much of the CCP's work into the corrupt and brutal Kuomintang. Despite the Koumintang carrying out numerous massacres of the CCP and their worker peasant supporters, the CCP maintained this position of subjegation to the leadership of the Kuomintang from for much of the time from the late 1920's up until not long before the 1949 revolution when Chaing Kai-sheck's attacks finally forced Mao onto the road of leading the struggle for power.
Due to P'eng Shu'tse's opposition to any kind of support for the Koumintang and his defense of Trotsky and Permanent Revolution he was first stripped of his leadership position in the CCP and later completely purged with other fellow travelers. They set up their own political organization and publications. These positions in light of Chaing Kai-sheck's massacres, including his butchering of the workers of Shanghai in 1927, and Chaing Kai-sheck's failure to fight the Japanese, attracted recruits to their Trotskyist organization, but also attracted the oppression of the Kuomintang themselves.
Many of P'eng Shu'tse's comrades were jailed or executed by Chaing Kai-sheck. P'eng Shu'tse spent a number of years in prison under Chaing Kai-sheck himself and was only released after a Japanese bomber destroyed the prison he was in.
Yet while Mao and the CCP had the luxery of Soviet aid to bolster their movement by paying their full time party cadre and writers for much of the time from the 1920s to the 1949 revolution, the Trotskyist movement always stayed a lesser party despite their superior program, because they never had foreign aid. Mao was even able to make gains during the Japanese occupation while he was capitulating to the hated leadership of Chaing Kai-sheck, while at the same time the Trotskyist movement that had been mostly jailed before the Japanese invasion was paralyzed by their small size and Japanese oppression during the occupation.
After the defeat of Japan the Chinese Trotskyist group once again grew in size and was about 350 people at the time that Mao was on the verge of seizing power. Knowing they were not large enough to do much in the coming revolution, and knowing what kind of oppression other Stalinist regimes had carried out against Trotskyists in eastern Europe, the party's last meeting before the 1949 revolution made a decision that all prominent Trotskyists should leave the country and that those that the CCP members did not know should join the CCP.
P'eng Shu'tse and Ch'en Pi-lan moved to Hong Kong where the Trotskyist movement was also being hunted and persecuted by the British. The oppression they faced there forced them to then immigrate to Vietnam. In Vietnam comrades of theirs were under attack from the Vietnamese communists so P'eng Shu'tse and Ch'en Pi-lan were then forced to immigrate to Europe where they continued to be active around the issues of China in the Trotskyist Fourth International.
Some members who stayed behind in China were rounded up in the night by the PRC government with their entire families. Many were never seen again. Others were released from prison in 1976.
The Chinese Communist Party in Power
From exile P'eng Shu'tse continued to speak and organize on the issue of China. He held the position that an undemocratic Stalinist government had taken power in China with the 1949 revolution, and while he saw many improvements for the Chinese people come from that regime, he was highly critical of the leadership of Mao Tse-tung.
In the early years, among other things, P'eng Shu'tse criticized Mao for not holding real elections, for suppressing the freedom unleashed by his earlier slogan of "Let a Hundred Flowers Bloom", for the horrible and predictable failure of the "Great Leap Forward" and its attempts modernize China by producing useless steel in backyard furnaces, for the forced collectivizations that he saw as copying the methods of Stalin's same project with both causing unecessary hardship amongst the peasants as well as having a horrible impact on food production.
In his analysis of these events P'eng Shu'tse saw an opposition open up within the CCP to Mao's ultra-left adventurist failures that forced Mao's resignation in 1958. The leadership Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun, Peng Zhen, Bo Yibo were then forced to deal with correcting Mao's mistakes. They ended the production of backyard steel, restored private plots of land in the countryside, personal ownership of livestock, and the free market in the countryside. Even where collective farming can be more efficient, it will never be unless it done on terms that the peasants enjoy. The peasants greeted these reforms with enthusiasm and production increased. By 1963 food production had risen to levels that ended the famine caused by Mao's policies.
In the international arena P'eng Shu'tse also felt that Mao was also discredited in 1965 with a U.S. backed coup d'etat in Indonesia that left half a million Communists dead. The Communists were close allies of Mao and P'eng Shu'tse saw this as a repeat on a larger scale of Mao's policy of subordinating the national, worker, and peasants struggle to the bourgeoisie just as Mao had done with the Koumintang. Some party members also blamed this defeat on the CCP's influence, with P'eng Chen stating, "Everyone is equal before the truth, and if Chairman Mao has made some mistakes he should be criticized."
After this further setback for the prestige of Mao, Mao proceeded to organize the so-called "Cultural Revolution" to regain power. Mao used sections of the military as well as highschool aged youth organized as "Red Guards" to launch a civil war against intellectuals that had criticized Mao as well as large sections of the leadership of the CCP that were fed-up with the leadership of Mao. This was a coup d'etat carried out by Mao against the collective leadership of the CCP that was supposed to be the proper channel of discussion. Mao did not feel he could get his way through the CCP.
In response to Mao's coup, many local leaders organized their own youth groups to fight back against the Red Guards, as well as turning to military units loyal to them, and even mobilizing workers on their behalf. Ultimately, however, Mao was successful in his power grab through violence that ushered in the reign of terror of the gang of four. In 1976 Mao died and the Gang of Four went on trial. Like his mentor Stalin, Mao had managed to silence his opposition and get rid of all of the leaders that had fought beside him to make the 1949 Revolution.
The 1949 revolution, among other things, made major advances in women's rights, healthcare, and education for the people of China. Yet the legacy of the gains made by the Chinese people through the 1949 revolution must always be tempered by a knowledge of the crimes of Mao.
I think that P'eng Shu'tse would have given up a long time ago if he didn't have a strong love for the truth and for the people combined with an overwhelming optimism. As a revolutionary socialist he did not feel that the Stalinist system was an inevitable product of socialist revolution, but that the money and popular influence of Stalinism at a certain point in history caused China and Eastern Europe to repeat the mistakes of the Soviet Union. There is no reason for future revolutions to repeat those same mistakes.
Today P'eng Shu'tse would also oppose the headlong jump of China into capitalism under the continued brutal rule of the CCP and instead advocate the road to democratic socialism in China and around the world.
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