Events Books

Judge Bork is a brilliant thinker. Book is a masterpiece of brilliant deduction and understanding of critical political, educational and judicial issues in America, and provides the reader with a foundational grasp of why there is such volatile division between political ideologies in America. We need more thinkers and writers like Judge Bork.

The Tempting of America is the finest book ever written in defense of the judicial theory known as 'original understanding.' In this brilliant tome, Bork enunciates the dangers and abuses (by activist judges of the Right as well as the Left) inherent in rejecting the original understanding, shows the logical impossibility of constructing an unbiased alternative and shows that the original understanding is not only what the Founding Fathers intended, but is the only safe and non-partisan way to allow a free people to govern itself.

Complaints? This book is a heavy, intellectual read, not for the faint of heart. It merits attention and study--but it will reward your efforts ten-fold.

Now for the good stuff: After I read Bork's book, I told fellow law students there were few law school courses I would not trade for it. I only wish I had read it before sitting through Constitutional Law.

Yet the book would be worth the reading for anyone interested in the law. It is likely the most complete and well-reasoned statement of the conservative position (and arguably the historical "American" position) on judicial philosophy, legal practice, and several key political doctrines, including the separation of powers, federalism, and the Madisonian system. He begins:

"In the Past few decades American institutions have struggled with the temptations of politics. Professions and academic disciplines that once possessed a life and structure of their own have steadily succumbed, in some cases almost entirely, to the belief that nothing matters beyond politically desirable results, however achieved. . . . It is coming to be denied that anything counts, not objectivity, not even intellectual honesty, that stands in the way of the `correct' political outcome."

He goes on to describe the greatest threat to the law today:

"In the law, the moment of temptation is the moment of choice, when a judge realizes that in the case before him his strongly held view of justice . . . is not embodied in a statute or any provision of the Constitution. He then must choose between his version of justice and abiding by the American form of government. Yet the desire to do justice, whose nature seems to him obvious, is compelling, while the concept of constitutional process is abstract, rather arid, and the abstinence it counsels unsatisfying. To give in to temptation, this one time, solves an urgent human problem, and a faint crack appears in the American foundation. A judge has begun to rule where a legislator should."

Bork argues that these result-oriented decisions have moved holdings steadily to the left for the last half century. As a result, many Americans do not like those outcomes and are no longer "deceived by the claim that those results are compelled by the actual Constitution." Soon the law may go the way of the press, Bork fears, losing legitimacy with a large part of the public. And conservative activism would only make it worse.

"Conservatives . . . may decide to join the game and seek activist judges with conservative views. Should that come to pass, those who have tempted the courts to political judging will have gained nothing for themselves but will have destroyed a great and essential institution. . . . There are only two sides. Either the Constitution and statutes are law, which means their principles are known and control judges, or they are malleable texts that judges may rewrite to see that particular groups or political causes win."

Bork answers a likely question: "What does it mean to say a judge is bound by the law?" It means he is bound by the only thing that can be called law: the principles of the text, whether Constitution or statute, as generally understood at the enactment." He notes that the lay reader may wonder at this statement. Isn't that obvious?

"Of course, the judge is bound to apply the law as those who made the law wanted him to. That is the common, everyday view of what law is. I stress the point only because that commonsense view is hotly, extensively and eruditely denied by constitutional sophisticates, particularly those who teach the subject in law schools."

Here, Bork argues, commonsense is sound. He quotes Justice Story. "A constitution of government is addressed to the common sense of the people; and never was designed for trials of logical skill or visionary speculation."

Bork resumes: "Story might have been addressing today's constitutional cognoscenti, who would have judges remake the historic Constitution from such materials as natural law, conventional morality, prophetic vision, the understanding of an ideal democracy, or what have you. No matter the base from which they start, they all wind up in the same place, prescribing a new constitutional law that is much more egalitarian and socially permissive than either the Constitution or the American public. That, surely, is the point of their efforts."

Some of my most engaging law school professors saw everything as relative, and the law as an evolutionary force, changing the times and changing with the times. Any appeal to original intent is an appeal to something not only irrelevant but also unknowable. (Of course, the original intent of a contract is evident from the four corners of the document, right? But that's not possible with the Constitution apparently, nor are the numerous speeches and ratifying conventions any help.) Here Bork concedes a distinction. For hair splitters, sure--original intent "calls for speculation." But the ORIGINAL UNDERSTANDING is not at all hard to determine. The reason so many are unhappy with the doctrine of original understanding is not--as they claim--that they have philosophical questions about epistemology. Activists deride appeals to original understanding because they fear such a rule would never have won for them the great civil rights cases of the late 20th century--and those they hope yet to win.

But Bork disagrees. Here his book becomes a tremendous resource. He examines the history of the Court and most of the great cases, explaining that many revisionist cases could have reached the same results through an appeal to original understanding and would have strained logic less in doing so. BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION is the most stunning example Bork cites of a case in which the Court felt compelled to look outside the original understanding of the Constitution when it did not need to. The result is that the century's most immediately, even dangerously controversial decision was based on an argument few could accept. It need not have been this way. Bork's discussion of the this point alone will be worth the price of the book for some.

Bork has no raging desire to see the poor cases overturned, however. Out of respect both for stare decisis and the integrity of the Court itself, Bork would not even reverse the most badly reasoned case of the 20th century, ROE V. WADE. To be more precise, Bork places Roe in a group of cases "so embedded in the life of the nation, so accepted by society, so fundamental to the . . . expectations of individuals . . . that the result should not be changed now." (*I believe he has since modified this position.)

This brings up another interesting issue. Bork makes the case for judicial integrity, the most important commitment of any judge. The temptation to fudge the law to help bad facts is one the judge must resist, because any time the law is compromised, it is weakened. The judge's task is simple:

"In a constitutional democracy the moral content of law must be given by the morality of the framer or legislator, never by the morality of the judge. The sole task of the latter--and it is a task quite large enough for anyone's wisdom, skill, and virtue--is to translate the framer's or the legislator's morality into a rule to govern unforeseen circumstances. That abstinence from giving his own desires free play, that continuing and self-conscious renunciation of power, that is the morality of the jurist."

WHO IS ROBERT BORK TO TALK ABOUT A DISCIPLINED JUDICIARY, ABOUT PERSONAL OR PROFESSIONAL INTEGRITY, some will ask. The second half of his book addresses just that. He describes in detail the nomination process he endured and the lies told about him in the campaign to keep him off the bench. For example, his position in a number of cases was exactly the opposite of the way it was described in the hearings. He received a ringing endorsement from the ABA before taking a seat on the D.C. Court of Appeals. Once there he decided a number of cases in favor of women and minorities. But in the Senate confirmation hearings he was asked, "Why are you against women?" He repeatedly directed Senators Kennedy, Biden, and others to the pages in the opinions proving he had in fact held exactly the opposite. But as they say, a lie told often enough begins to seem true--and such was the case with the lies told about Bork. During one private moment of peculiar candor, Ted Kennedy shook Bork's hand and said, "Nothing personal." Then they vilified him.

Bork's book then, is his public defense. In that it is unique. Not only did the Reagan administration do little to defend him, so unprepared were they for the unprecedented campaign to destroy a judicial nominee, but Bork himself made no public defense.

"The public interest generated by the enormous campaign against me caused dozens of reporters to seek interviews, and television and radio talk programs repeatedly asked me to appear. Despite the unanswered hostile campaign, I decided that it was improper for a judicial nominee to wage a counter campaign by discussing his views on substantive issues anywhere before the Senate, even if it meant letting slanders go unanswered."

Toward the end White House strategists plead with Bork and his wife to appear on a Barbara Walters special. "But . . . we decided we would rather go down than compromise ourselves with what would be, in effect, a personal media appeal." White House advisors thought this a serious mistake; some thought it cost him a seat on the bench. "However that may be, I continue to think that was the right decision.

"The entire process of a judicial confirmation was politicized more than ever before in America's history, but at least I did not contribute to that."

In 1987, President Ronald Wilson Reagan nominated Judge Robert H. Bork to the United States Supreme Court. Leftist pressure groups immediate launched a strident attack on Judge Bork and his record, including such tactics as printing his video rental history in newspapers. The ensuing firestorm gave the American lexicon a new verb - to Bork.

In 1990, Robert Bork first published this book as an explanation of his judicial philosophy, attempting to clear his name. The book has three parts. The first part gives a history of the Supreme Court, showing how the use of judicial activism (judges ruling based on the biases of their own class, rather than on the wording of the Constitution) has been a part of the Court since the early days of the Republic. The second part of the book deals with various theories of Constitutional practice. And, the third part is Judge Bork's memoirs of his nomination battles.

Overall, even after all these years, I still found this to be a fascinating book. In particular, his history of judicial activism was highly enlightening.

What I couldn't help but wonder is how things have changed since this book came out in 1990. The recent firestorm of criticism of the Supreme Court's radical expansion of the power of eminent domain in the case of Kelo v. City of New London, have produced no great groundswell of support for reigning in the Court's activism. Indeed, after the initial criticism, most Americans accepted the new rules of eminent domain as the new law of the land. The activism of the Court was accepted.

So, was this a highly influential book? I suppose that only time will tell. But, I must say that as a history of the United States Supreme Court, and as an explanation of the theories of reasoning used by judicial thinkers, it is absolutely excellent. I loved this book and highly recommend it.

This book may be heavy going in places, but this is because the author deals with a complex and important subject. The single most compelling lesson is how an intellectual elite has become forced to rely on the least democratic element of our government in order to negate the results of free elections, all in the name of "liberalism"! It should be a basic text of any American Government class.

This book is full of enlightening facts that you don't hear in the press. Miller and File are real experts on this stuff. This book is well worth the buy and I have recommended it to all of my colleagues.

This book is great, should be required reading for every US household.

This is obviously written by people with great knowledge about a difficult set of subjects. What sets this book apart from others is that the authors present the material in a fashion that everyone can digest and therefore come to understand the very complex issues surrounding global terrorism.

The book fully addressed and shed light on almost 40 topics regarding the war on terrorism. It gave me a greater understand of WHY the U.S. is a target, HOW al Qaeda operates, WHO bin Laden is, HOW the US and its allies can and are responding.

Ever wonder about the history of the Arab/Israeli conflicts?, the history of the conflicts in Northern Ireland?, what makes al Qaeda different from other terrorist groups? ...its all in here, and then some.

The book lists more more than 40 terrorist groups operating trhoughout the world, what their "cause" is, and the their bases of operation. It identiifes terrorist orgranizations on each continent, and by country. It gives some detail and information about states that sponsor terrorism, and the complex politics involved in each case.

Overall, the book is a "must read." It really gave me a clearer understanding of the global politics in play when it comes to the issue of terrorism.

Great detail and facts about:
What IS terrorism -its defined in many ways, this book clarifies why different countries and even different parts of the US gov. define it differently.

The al Qaeda organization and its global reach,

Terrorist operations in: Africa, Middle East, Europe, Latin AMerica, Asia, etc.

Terrorism and International Law

and it even presents a balanced viewpoint on the hot issue of Civil Liberties.

Overall- I give it 5 stars, and that's because I couldn't give it 6.

To the authors -GREAT job!

This book is exactly what I was looking for. It is well-written, clear, comprehensive, interesting, and very insightful. I learned more from this one book than from two months worth of newspapers, magazines and TV news programs. I give it my highest recommendation, and encourage every American to buy it!

A great, comprehensive guide that helped me to understand why this happened in a historical context. Also helped me to get a better grasp of what to expect with the war against Afghanistan and Al Qaeda. Now I know why this happened and what to expect. The news media seems to breeze over historical elements in favor of status quo Anthrax and millitary events but this book really helped me to get caught up on my facts. Highly recommended!

This book is an excellent study of the all too timely
issue of international terrorism. Unlike much of the coverage
of the tragic events of September 11th, and of
other terrorist atrocities in the past, it provides a scholarly, but highly accessible, account of the wider context of these events, including the history of terrorism and the search for a working definition of the term.
It also provides a concise history of the major terrorist organisations, and also clearly lays out the range of possible responses in the international community to the threat
of terrorism. This book packs a great deal into a relatively
small, and very readable, format--take the time to read it and you will not only be better informed, but also provoked to think more deeply about this crucial contemporary issue.

As a middle-aged, college educated, white man I find it amazing that I cannot find critism with Rev. Farrakhan. After all the propaganda against him I was prepared to hate the man. Then I actuallly read him. And I listened to his entire sermon on C-SPAN, not just once, but twice. The man speaks with righteousness- not self-righteousness, but the righteousness of God. From my own studies and sources I know that he speaks the truth. If he has a hidden agenda, other than speaking truth to power, I do not see it. This man has the Spirit within him and there is no guile to his words. I could have remained anonymous here, but I choose to acknowlege a great man. And no, I am not a Muslim, nor do I plan to convert....

When Americans express their concerns about the Nation, and what they want for future generations, they want safe streets, quality education and the freedom to pursue the joy and happiness that this World can provide. At the 1995 Million Man March, Minister Farrakhan urged all to refrain from drug abuse, not to disrespect self or others, and not to harm any person. Coincidentally, the U.S. crime rate has dropped since the Million Man March to it's lowest rate in over 10 years. A Torchlight for America offers the same guidance in a clear, straight forward context.

This book was amazing as I read through the captivating pages. As a social scientist living in Japan I believe that this is a must read as well as one to be translated. As a student and teacher I found the statistics to be quite informative, concise and worth adding to my bibliography for an upcoming book I am finishing. This book is a must read for any any nation desperately trying to survive (including America) in this 21st century!

My name is Matthew. I first read A Torchlight For America while a college student. The book is clear, concise and well-written.

If you are even a little interested about Min. Farrakhan, read this book. This is a good chance to hear him without the media or anyone else interjecting. Min. Farrakhan has a track record (more than 45 years at the time of this writing ) of teaching the truth to the powerless. He has a proven track record of reforming people. He has a proven methodology for teaching Islam to people who have no knowledge of the faith. He has a proven track record of unifying Muslims, Jews and Christians (see: http://www.noi.org or http://www.finalcall.com ). He is a guiding light for people.

I am thankful to God for Min. Farrakhan. God has used Min. Farrakhan to guide me into healthy personal, professional, and emotional relationships.

If you still think funny about him in spite of my testamony, read this book, and e-mail me about it: bro_matthew@yahoo.com .

I am sure reading this book will make you see differently. I am sure Min. Farrakhan's brilliance will illuminate everyone who reads it.

Peace. *Bro. Matthew

Every American should read Min Farrakhan's book. It answers the painful realities that must be addressed if this country is to realize its full potential and destiny. It is a book for all races, faiths, creeds and colors. Written in a clear, concise and direct language, "A Torchligh for America" is a must read for any progressive thinking person who is serious about solving America's problems.

How well do you think you know the ancient philosophers. How much do you know about the Russian revolution, or the Peloponnesian War. Do you understand quantum mechanics, the Theory of Relativity or Aristotle's Metaphysics? Can you speak intelligently about Conservatism and Liberalism? This book will challenge your intelligence. It will challenge the amount of information you think you possess for everything from ancient philosophy through the Renaissance to modern politics and pop culture. I found myself constantly checking to see exactly who it was Mr. Richey was quoting because I had never heard of the person. Or I found myself checking historical facts regarding a person or event that I thought I knew all about. This is a book that will challenge not how smart you think are, but how much you think you understand about what you know. It will challenge you to think about why our society seems to be going down the drain, and what we might do to slow or stop the spiral. There is definitely a conservative slant to Mr. Richey's writings, but it is hard to disagree with his arguments. I look forward to more of Mr. Richey's writings, hopefully expounding upon some of the many subjects found in this work.

How well do you think you know the ancient philosophers. How much do you know about the Russian revolution, or the Peloponnesian War. Do you understand quantum mechanics, the Theory of Relativity or Aristotle's Metaphysics? Can you speak intelligently about Conservatism and Liberalism? This book will challenge your intelligence. It will challenge the amount of information you think you possess for everything from ancient philosophy through the Renaissance to modern politics and pop culture. I found myself constantly checking to see exactly who it was Mr. Richey was quoting because I had never heard of the person. Or I found myself checking historical facts regarding a person or event that I thought I knew all about. This is a book that will challenge not how smart you think are, but how much you think you understand about what you know. It will challenge you to think about why our society seems to be going down the drain, and what we might do to slow or stop the spiral. There is definitely a conservative slant to Mr. Richey's writings, but it is hard to disagree with his arguments. I look forward to more of Mr. Richey's writings, hopefully expounding upon some of the many subjects found in this work.

How well do you think you know the ancient philosophers. How much do you know about the Russian revolution, or the Peloponnesian War. Do you understand quantum mechanics, the Theory of Relativity or Aristotle's Metaphysics? Can you speak intelligently about Conservatism and Liberalism? This book will challenge your intelligence. It will challenge the amount of information you think you possess for everything from ancient philosophy through the Renaissance to modern politics and pop culture. I found myself constantly checking to see exactly who it was Mr. Richey was quoting because I had never heard of the person. Or I found myself checking historical facts regarding a person or event that I thought I knew all about. This is a book that will challenge not how smart you think are, but how much you think you understand about what you know. It will challenge you to think about why our society seems to be going down the drain, and what we might do to slow or stop the spiral. There is definitely a conservative slant to Mr. Richey's writings, but it is hard to disagree with his arguments. I look forward to more of Mr. Richey's writings, hopefully expounding upon some of the many subjects found in this work.

I think that this book will open the minds of a lot of people that are stuck in limbo bewteen the left and right way of thinking.
The humor will make you laugh. The political parts will make you think. A lot of it will make you scratch your head whale you search for your dictionary.
A awsome read.

Very well written book offers a great deal of food for thought. While I tend to lean a little closer to the center, I found Mr. Richey's musings extremely refreshing and genuinely entertaining.

I do however take exception for the continuing trend of the white washing of the Reagan years (let's not forget the national debt tripled under Reagan, eventually quadrupling during the senior Bush's administration. Not to mention the Iran-Contra scandal, also not to mention the Savings and Loan scandal which is to date the largest theft in documented World history, etc...) The ever popular Clinton bashing, (hey didn't he fix the majority of those debt problems left by his predecessors mentioned in the last statement...) Oh that's right, he had an affair in the White House. Never mind, apparently that cancels out all of his validity and achievements. Be rest assured America, that no one is having sex in the White House during this administration! The republican collective conscience always tends to forget or choose to ignore their scandals.

This book will make you reflect on America's triumphs and shortcomings. Our current U.S. leaders should aspire to be as well read and articulate as Mr. Richey.

I read this book in the early 90s when I was working for an organization that served food to people with late-stage HIV disease. As I write today to an old friend about the path my life has taken, this book (and Sandra Lipsitz Bem's Lenses of Gender) comes to mind as being absolutely critical to a shift in my political perspective and life choices. Specifically, I moved from social service to social advocacy work because this book made clear the role of welfare institutions in the maintenance of social, political and economic inequality. Frankly, reading the book while working in such a context made me absolutely sick to my stomach (in the way that awakening to your sucker-hood usually does). I recommend the title enthusiastically. (And note that so much still needs to be done.)

This book offers a rare first hand glimpse into the welfare experience, and in doing so exposes many hypocrisies and problems within it. MUCH has been written about welfare, but rarely has anything been written regarding how welfare recipients see themselves and the system. Therefore, this book is a must for anyone who thinks they know everything about how the welfare system operates, or how it should be run.

The book starts off with Funiciello's experiences as a welfare recipient, including her decision to go on welfare, and her attempts to find a job which should have been able to break her out of it. She then talks about her experiences with a welfare rights organization in New York. She tells stories of women who were trying to navigate their way through the welfare bureaucracy with varying amounts of success. She then goes on to give her opinions about what is wrong, and why we have yet to come up with a satisfying solution.

This book was a breath of fresh air for me, and forced me to reconsider much of what I thought about welfare, it's role in society, and the treatment of its recipients.

Shortly...I enjoyed this book enormously. Ms. Funiciello is a concise and clear writer. She writes about welfare from the recipient's point of view, revealing the absurdities and cruelties without getting sesationalist. A very good read.

Theresa Funiciello used her own (and her friends) experiences on welfare to show readers what being on welfare is really like. No cash cows existed for these women, they were at the bottom rungs of an 'affluent' society.

She argues that big corporations receive their own welfare in the form of tax subsidies. However because they are rich in a capitalist society championing the accumulation of wealth as success, we are not supposed to view this arrangement as being 'lazy' or 'lacking a work ethic'. Attacking low-income women who cannot write a multimillion dollar check is considered politically safer.

Funiciello is also wary of liberals who claim to support welfare mothers, but are too busy talking about themselves to hear the women themselves(pp. 212-255). She takes the Catholic Church to task for claiming to organize against poverty, while it is simultaneously one of the country's largest land holders (p. 226-227) and now appears more interested in self-preservation than alleviating human suffering. She also dislikes non-profits which don't eliminate poverty, but somehow are eager to have that one additional charity ball where they can don diamonds and eat caviar.

Funiciello believes that it is the American system itself which puts American women and children in poverty. She is savvy enough to recognize that some so-called 'do-gooders' whose own income depends on working in anti-poverty programs are not eager for a real socioeconomic revolution to occur. Then these 'colleagues' would have to see Funiciello and her sisters as activist equals instead of victims or cases. Even some social workers who started out with good intentions became burnt out from their own time spent trying to decipher the mysteries of American social services.

Contrasting, Funiciello's social justice calls for a universal guaranteed income which would prevent people from becoming poor. Funiciello says the success of this program would ultimately rest on initial and subsequent program appropriations, but provides European evidence to document these programs do work and people do not stop working with a guaranteed adequate income (pp. 300-302).

Instead, it can actually open up paid job hours for more people in a society (pp. 304-305) and eliminate the corrupted social service professionals from the field by virtue of a greatly reduced clientele base.

Funiciello also provides a concise synopsis of inner-city and older suburban neighborhood deterioration. Neighborhoods do not simply deteriorate on their own, the best and brightest in a community move away from an area which they sense is becoming neglected and those who cannot move away are left to attempt muddling through as best they can. The closure of stores and banks inadvertently prompts some of those remaining people to legitimize the underground economy as being their only means for survival.

Funiciello writes on a very timely topic with focused indignation. Her personal convictions are based upon experience, but she recognizes the dangers of drowning arguments in emotion. Because this book lacks an index, the prospective reader must commit to reading the entirety of this title and will find it very difficult to 'jump' around in the text.

Funiciello has spent time on both sides of the welfare system and within which found an undeniable constant...the desparate need for change. In her informative masterpiece, she creates three short books. A personal account as a welfare receipient, the reality of non-profit organizations, and a look at possibilities in welfare reform. Each section is written with remarkable insight and is teeming with pertinent information. The most inspiring trait to this piece is that Funiciello, even at the darkest of moments, remains a glimmer of hope for the men, women and children struggling to survive in the most powerful country in the world.

This book prepared me well for the AP exam so I would and did recommend it to friends. Cliffnotes makes a great study tip but be warned of the mistake in the court case review. It's Map Vs Ohio not Illinois. But that's the only draw back.

This book is a great, concise prep for AP US Government. It has a clear well-organized layout and cuts out all the extraneous information so you know exactly what you need to know for the AP Test. I could not recommend it more highly.

Paul Soifer strikes again with his gorgeous portrait of the US Government, and preparation for the AP exam. I think I met Paul one time, albeit not for long, and he sold me on the book. I then took the book and have studied with it. I am assuming I will get a 5 on the test. Doc, This buds for you!

This is another great Cliffs AP book which will help you get your college credit. It really is a help for reviewing the branches of the government, how a bill becomes a law, the Constitution, the amendments, elections, and civil rights. Those are the main, "must know," topics you need to review to get a 5.

This 356-page book was written in the traditional narrative style of CLIFF NOTES and READER'S DIGEST condensed books. If the large over-sized fonts were reduced to standard and if the empty white spaces were eliminated, the contents would have been condensed to 256 pages. This made the information very manageable for studying.

The vocabulary and writing style were simple enough for a high school sophomore or junior to handle. Also, the information was very well organized and concise. As an example, let us exam the chapter on the U.S. Constitution. The ten pages summarized and condensed 37 pages of GOVERNMENT IN AMERICA, the standard text used in high school AP Government classes. Basic information with a sprinkling of details and updated examples was covered. Subtopics were sectioned off, and important terms and vocabulary were bold printed for the reader to focus. After the topic discussion, there was a 15 multiple-choice question test. The questions were constructed in the same style as the items in the actual AP test. Following these exercises were three sentence explanations on each of the answers. All in all, the format as described above was used for all other chapters that followed.

After the subject reviews, there were two sample practice tests. Again, the multiple-choice answers were explained in detail. More impressive was the author's treatment of the Free-Response Section. On each of the essay questions, he provided scoring guidelines, sample essays, and analyzes of the written works.

Appendixes were located at the end of the book. These contained a glossary of key terms, a copy of the U.S. Constitution, a listing of important U.S. Supreme Court cases, and an eight page listing of internet sources.

My only criticisms of this book focused on the second and third items in the Appendixes. Instead of a copy of the U.S. Constitution, a better alternative was to provide an annotated and simplified version. This document was very hard to understand with its 18th Century prose and "high level" vocabulary. Fortunately such a simplification does exist. It is located in the latest Compton Encyclopedia under "Constitution." Secondly, the U.S. Supreme Court case listing needed to be better organized. The cases should to be individually grouped by Constitutional issue and sub-grouped by whether they expanded or limited the specific civil liberty.

As a suggestion, buy Pamela K. Lamb's 5 STEPS TO A 5 AP U.S. GOVERNMENT & POLITICS to accompany Soifer's text. Instead of a narrative approach, the contents was arranged in outline format. In other words, the information presented in U.S. GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS was further condensed in outline form by Lamb. This arrangement made it easier for studying.

Draper writes an extremely detailed case study of the events surrounding the two controversial decisions that led to Congressional hearings and tarnished Reagan's image as a leader of the country. The desire to fund the Sandinista rebellion in Nicaragua ultimately has been combined with the need to rescue American hostages in Iran. Draper follows the events leading to the decisions, introducing the reader to the multitude of players that had a hand in the actions taken by the US Government.

Evidence of Draper's in depth investigative skills comes to bear quickly and is clear throughout the book. Upon starting his research, he discovered a mountain of information in the form of records, interviews, hearing transcripts, letters, and many more articles. He states in his introduction that he was surprised by the amount of info and decided then to allow it to speak for itself. He presents his work matter-of-factly, without too much interpretation. It's a good choice, as the events speak for themselves, the lack of political bias is refreshing in a work written as recently as this.
Draper includes photographs, allowing the readers to visualize the men involved with the scandals. He doesn't, however, include maps or charts which would have illuminated some of the numerous facts and figures he gives. One of the most beneficial elements he adds is a chronology in the appendices. It gives a step by step overview of the events that can eliminate some of the over-worked detail he includes in the text.
This book is excellent for Graduates researching the period. It includes too much detail for the undergraduate student in a survey or limited study course. The reference material alone would be a benefit for research in the topics.

This great book tells how a group of rightwing White House ideologues hijacked foreign policy from the State Department and the Pentagon, with disastrous results: terrorists were empowered and America's image was left in tatters. It might sound like "A Very Thin Line" is about the Bush Administration and Iraq -- but it is actually about the Reagan Administration and Iran/Contra. Aided by the documentary record compiled during Congressional investigations and criminal prosecutions, Draper recreates this sordid and hilarious episode from the 1980s in painstaking detail. His book is smart and readable. Anyone who was surprised by the intelligence and policy failures in Iraq should read this book for a reminder of how Washington really works. (I'm a State Department official.)

I read this book in college and gave my copy to my history prof when I left school. If I had known how difficult it would be to try and get another copy, I might not have left it. (just kidding Proffessor Gill) This is perhaps the best book I have read since Shirer's Rise and Fall of the Third Reich as far as bringing a dense and complicated seiries of events together in an easily understandable, fascinating read. I followed the Iran-Contra "affair" very closely as it happened, and read many books on it before this; but only after reading this book did I feel as if I actually understood what went on. A keeper for anyone's non-fiction library.

The information contained in this book will keep your jaw dropping from page to page. If anyone is wondering why George W. Bush isn't being impeached, after reading this book, you'll know why. Why wasn't Reagan ipmeached? Or Bush Sr.? The abuse of power, the parsing and skirting of law has been going on since the early '80s. Nothing is new - even the people.

In a nutshell the author has reviewed the voluminous data, (transcripts, interviews, personal logs and diaries, etc.) and has written a coherent and engaging book documenting an extremely convoluted and complicated foreign policy initiative, (actually several initiatives) during the Reagan presidency. Aid to the contras, weapons sold to Iran and the diversion of funds from those weapons sales are tracked from inception to implementation to the exposure of these "affairs". This includes all the high hopes and noble causes, the "zeal" of the Americans involved, the greed and corruption of the middlemen used for the transactions, and at times the sheer incompetence which led to the inevitable exposure of what was really happening behind the scenes. This last item being the crux of the book - the hijacking of US foreign policy in the Middle East and Central America by a handful of men, (at times overworked, completely over their heads and out of their league), outside of any purview, oversight or review by the White House, Cabinet or Congress. As for who knew what and when, from President Reagan on down, the author also does a very good job documenting this time line and each of the major players involved. (As an aside, Sec. of State Schultz's involvement, or really conscious lack thereof, was an eye opener for me.) As for the timeliness of re-visiting this affair 20 years later and any lessons to be learned, if any, .... All I know is I found this book both fascinating and a little scary.

WAR has the shortest title but is one of the largest books I own. It is packed with information and well-written. A wonderful book to dip in any time to learn something new and unexpected.

The comments provided by the other reviewers are fair and accurate, I agree with them, so I would only point out that this book does not merely describe what happened but above all it explains why it happened. I hold it as a masterful work that can be savored by the professional historian and educated layperson alike. My rate is between 5 (content) and 4 (pleasure, sometimes falling to 3, sometimes raising to 5). I highly recommend it.

Other books on war that I would recommend would be "War before Civilization. The Myth of the Peaceful Savage", by Lawrence Keeley; "How War Began" by Keith F. Otterbein; and "War and Peace and War: The Rise and Fall of Empires" by Peter Turchin.

Additionally, as a complement to "War on Human Civilization", I would also suggest reading the following works, whose scope is as amazingly global as Gat's: 1. Agrarian cultures: "Pre-industrial societies" by Patricia Crone; 2. Economy: "The world economy. A millennial perspective" (2001) plus "The world economy: Historical Statistics" (2003) by Angus Maddison (a combined edition of these two volumes is to appear on December 2007); 3. Government: "The History of Government" by S.E. Finer; 4. Ideas: "Ideas, a History from Fire to Freud", by Peter Watson; 5. Religion: "The Phenomenon of Religion: A Thematic Approach" by Moojan Momen.

This book actually contains all of the complete details necessary for a comprehesive 2-semester interdiciplinary course on war - at the graduate level. And even if you are a "war college" graduate from any military service - you've never read about war the way Azar Gat presents War. Reading Azar Gat requires one to study and reflect upon the massive amount of supporting comprehesive details that he so skillfully presents -as well as the overall perspective he supports. In this particular case, Gat presents a very detailed perspective of War based upon a cogent argument of complex bio-cultural interaction. He starts at the very beginning of primitive wars (primates/Homo Erectus), and works all the way on up to modern war as we know it. (And don't be fooled - because it's not Darwin's brand of evolutionary theory anymore either.) It is a very complex in presentation - but necessarily so in order to professionally justify a rather basic argument built upon well documented facts, propensities, predispositions and trends of human nature/nuture as they affect the phenomenon of war. It is an argument that is anything but mere opinion. This is an excellent 'insightful' book for mandatory reading at the highest levels of government or military - in any government or military. Surprisingly despite the complexities, it is quite understandable, for you often walk away with many thoughts like - "Well that's what I suspected all along." The price is a mere pittance vis-a-vis the facinating and illuminating content of this book. Anyone who reads "War in Civilization" will never look at War the same way again - including the current wars that are going on right now. You WILL have to read this book at least twice! It's a Keeper!

I had a bit of time over the holidays so I read two new massive tomes on warfare, Gat's and one by Max Boot. Gat's stunningly comprehensive work is so good that it manages to make other 500+ page books seem positively lightweight and journalistic in comparison. This treatment of the history of war and warfare, or 'human belligerency' as Gat puts it, would overwhelm the non-specialist (it clocks in at about 820 pages), if it weren't for the author's ability to synthesize material, sum up scholarship and, last but not least, write some of the clearest and most lucid prose I've seen in the social sciences in ages. He makes forays into evolutionary theory, state formation, antiquity, technology and the rise of science, prehistory, the transition to agriculture, democratic peace theory, etc. The chapter on tribal warfare (in Agraria and Pastoralia, as Gat puts it) is -- as the saying has it -- worth the price of admission alone. His careful demolition of radical Rousseauist idealism is equally fascinating, but he is no simplistic, knee-jerk Hobbesian.

Gat is philosophically astute as well as deep; he knows history as well as theory; and he even treats, if briefly, the question of the causes of war. Above all, the book is animated by his personality: one can surmise that, yes, he's quite intellectual, but his is a mind that is always probing, curious and interesting. (There's a picture of the author on the back flap. He is youngish but he has bags under his eyes. He must read and write around the clock. I for one am grateful.) This is my book of the year.

The first line of Azar Gat's tome, War in Human Civilization, asks a seemingly innocuous question, "Is war grounded, perhaps inescapably, in human nature?" By examining a daunting array of fields--cultural and biological evolution, psychology, archeology, history, political science, sociology, and ethology--Gat constructs a comprehensive analysis of war unprecedented in scope and brilliance.
War in Human Civilization is split into three parts, "Warfare in the First Two Million Years: Environment, Genes, and Culture," "Agriculture, Civilization, and War," and "Modernity: the Dual Face of Janus." Gat begins by examining the fundamental motivations for violent conflict in nature. Adhering to the tenets of biological evolution, violent encounters were the product of competition for reproductive success--access to females and the resources necessary to attract and support them--and somatic resources, food. Gat proposes an "evolutionary calculus" in which the motivations for violent conflict are the direct or subsequent necessity of fitness. The evolutionarily selected behaviors that lead to violent conflict are (1) competition (2) retaliation to injure the enemy and/or reestablish deterrence, and (3) kin-based altruism, dictating that one's willingness for self-sacrifice decreases as the cost-benefit of genetic similarity decreases. Simply, the fight for survival and the protection of offspring, siblings, cousins, and so on, are innate.
Gat utilizes the ideologies of Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. In drawing a distinction between hunter-gathers and pre-state agriculturalists, he finds that the Hobbesian view of intrinsic violence "closer to the truth," but not entirely dominating. He examines archaeological and historical data and reveals that state-based warfare is actually less lethal than pre-state violence, contrary to the Rousseauite thesis of a naturally peaceful man coerced into conflict over state-imposed materialism. In other words, civilization has, by coercive power, enforced (internal) peace, the reality of violent conflict more manifest in the dominating fear of it than its actual practice. However, Gat also recognizes the potential for error in using archaeological evidence that may neither be comprehensive nor representative. The sheer scale of state-based warfare renders it more "spectacular" while the mortality rate (among a much larger population) decreases. From this foundation Gat analyzes the relationship between cultural and biological evolution. Both are reproductive, restrained, and unendingly competitive systems, though cultural reproduction occurs far faster as transmission is possible horizontally from any mind to another. Culture, according to Gat, is largely restrained by biological predispositions that, in turn, affect the selection of biological traits. This, importantly, can even be harmful to our biological fitness, as selection against these traits--such as a taste for sugary foods that previously served to favor ripe, and thereby nutritionally valuable, fruit--is weak. Gat identifies the advent of agriculture and animal husbandry and the development of the state and civilization as the two most influential "'take off' transitions" in human culture.
Production in the form of agriculture and animal husbandry led to population increases and the concentration of peoples and resources. This concentration allowed resource monopolization as well as the differential concentration and appropriation of the limited surpluses. Here the Rousseauite notion comes into play, proposing that "existing natural differences between people were enormously magnified and objectified by accumulated resources." This, in kind, reinforced stratification by creating dependence on a few monopolizers necessary for subsistence. Coercive mobilization of peoples, resources, and the growth of scale increased the size of violent conflicts. Professional fighting forces were established along pseudo-kin lines (soldier brotherhood), dictating that "us" is cohesive against "them." This practice also led to sedentary fortification of settlements and the state-created distinction between murder and feud, and war.
Modern war between nations takes its definitional origins from Prussian military philosopher Carl von Clausewitz. According to Clausewitz war is a political act involving prolonged instances of conflict utilizing violent force or the threat of force to make unfavorable the conditions of resistance to one's will. According to Gat this definition is inadequate, explaining only large-scale war, and ignores the fact that the greater magnitude of state-based warfare is actually less lethal than pre-state violence. Nevertheless, despite his broad and thorough analysis, Gat's loose and implicit definition of war as any form of violent conflict reduces all motivations--political, spiritual, and material--to nothing more than complex manifestations of a desire for sex and survival.
At its most basic, civilization increased the material cost of fighting by harming people and their productivity while adding considerable complexity to the innate motivations of reproductive and somatic resources. Prestige, honor, and power were developed as channels of resource monopolization, demonstrated by rulers' coffers and harems. Cultural links created by language, custom, and even ethnicity and nationalism formed communities similar to kin groups, making defense of these practices and similarities akin to the protection of one's genetic family. Gat views these cultural bonds, religion in particular, as the product of man's biological ability for extreme intellectual adaptation and curiosity: "We are compulsive meaning seekers." The development of written language created another means of connection while permitting the storage and transmission of vast amounts of knowledge, religion and mythology included. Interestingly enough, Gat points out that despite the peaceful creeds of both Christianity and Islam, both structurally accepted war, were utilized in its pursuit, and have been unable to "eradicate the motivations and realities that generated war." War has been a part of human existence for hundreds of thousands of years, but what of its role in the modern world?
In the last section of War in Human Civilization Gat looks to the development of nation-states, the peculiarity of Western success, the impact of technological innovation, and the role of affluent liberal democracies. Immanuel Kant proposed in Perpetual Peace that liberal democracies, particularly constitutional republics, would not war with one another because of the price members of those republics would have to pay to do so. Gat quickly recognizes that some historic republics have been militant and successful contrary to this thesis, but also that quantitative analysis of wars in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries show that very few conflicts were between two democratic states. Gat thoroughly examines the prospect of a democratic peace and delves extensively into the relevant literature and contemporary arguments, pointing out significant exceptions (like India and Pakistan) and errors (oversimplification, assumption, and vague definitions of "war" and "democracy"). In its original form, Gat rejects the democratic peace theory, framing his own in a complex and intricate examination of the organization and operation of modern affluent liberal democracies.
Gat recognizes the significance of globalized commerce, economic interdependence, and the pacifistic tendencies of these societies, and proposes that economic development renders the benefits of peace, and not the costs of war, prohibitive. He supports this claim with evidence of an overall decline in war in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries independent of democratic governments. This suggests that the existence of powerful liberal democracies produces benefits that affect peace globally. The citizens in these democracies, for example, have difficulty justifying killing, conquering, or taking territory. The tolerant democratic process can even be seen as making more palatable and readily practiced negotiation and compromise. Gat's view in this case is highly optimistic, asserting that the tenets of liberal democracy (life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness) make war unacceptable in all but the most drastic and threatening situations, "sometimes barely even then." In this complex ideological system, Gat is careful to mention a variety of related factors--the sexual revolution, decreasing birth rates, wealth, the shrinking size of the modern family, women's vote, and the advent of unprecedented destructive force in the nuclear age. Gat's affluent liberal democratic peace reconstruction, while more inclusive and explanatory, still remains assailable, if not only for its complexity and admitted exceptions.
In a modern sense, war can be symmetrical or asymmetrical, the force and advantage heavily in favor of one participant. The growing use of terrorism and guerilla tactics, combined with the replacement of the nation by the ideological sect as the center of gravity, has historically proved insurmountable for even the most powerful liberal democracies. Vietnam, Korea, Malaya, Algeria, Afghanistan, and Iraq are prominent examples. Gat's examination of insurgency, terrorism, deterrence, weapons of mass destruction, and the particular character of modern asymmetrical war are provocative. If deterrence, countermeasures, and prevention all fall short of effectively countering assault, then what?
War in Human Civilization is undoubtedly an exhausting and impressive work. "Is war grounded, perhaps inescapably, in human nature?" Gat says yes--and it is natural, explainable, and most importantly exceptional from other forms of conflict in nature because of human culture and the development of civilization through agriculture and animal husbandry, not any quality of its intrinsic character. The motivations and realities are the same. "That `war' is customarily defined as large-scale organized violence is merely a reflection of the fact that human societies have become large and organized." The ultimate causes of war are deeply rooted in our evolutionary history. War is a political act, but the politics that underlie its assumption were created in pursuit of the same elementary biological ends. The same evolutionary calculus that pushes us to crave candy and sex encompasses the array of variables necessary (though not always sufficient) that bring us to war. Gat, using a colossal reservoir of interdisciplinary knowledge, has forever changed our interpretation of war, violence, and our very nature.

Having researched extensively about the relationship between liberty and security in the United States since September 11, 2001, I would have to say that "The War on Our Freedoms" has provided me with the most fascinating information about the issue. The book provides an account of how civil liberties continue to be rolled back beneath the feet of many citizens without much attention paid to the fact that America is quickly losing sight of its founding principles and most important values. The essays found in "The War on Our Freedoms" carefully yield a perspective on the war against terrorism that many Americans have begun to overlook. I strongly recommend this book to anyone who is passionate about upholding civil liberties for all Americans and to anyone who is knowledgeable (or would like to become knowledgeable) about the importance of the system of checks and balances that our Constitution mandates.

Reading this book, comprised of info from many sources, I got frankly angered by the way this administration, as well as others in the past, used tragedies and wars to take our freedoms from us and invade our privacy on a whim. I understand some liberties must be sacrificed in times of conflict. The government just after 9-11 was running straight from the executive branch without any checks and balances. Of course who would dispute or bring up civil liberties in times of crisis, obviously not anyone in the courts. People were labeled enemy combatants and contained without right to trial, any proof of guilt, and held months without anyone even knowing their whereabouts. Many were probably guilty, but some were innocent and in the wrong place at the wrong time. Our government wanted to get people to act as spies, surveying their neighborhoods, spying on neighbors, getting your library to turn you in as a terrorist for reading muslim literature or something containing dissent to the govt. Luckily that brilliant plan of ashcrofts has not gone over to will not be tolerated, and should not be tolerated by the citizens that are supposed to be the backbone of our democracy. Very informative book. AMerica must fight to revise this orwellian act that is the patriot act.

I read this book cover-to-cover on a flight from L.A. to New York, and found it both well-written and informative. Indeed, I thought it was such a good survey of the major legal issues in America's war on terrorism that I assigned it as required reading for my American Law & Terrorism seminar at UCLA.

This book provides the "backstory" for many of the key issues I plan to cover, such as prohibition of material support to foreign terrorist organizations and how that law squares with America's First Amendment jurisprudence. For the most part, this book takes a critical position against most of the current legal arguments advanced by the Bush Administration, e.g. that the President should be allowed to designate enemy combatants. But each article presents its argument in a fairly balanced way.

Also, the articles do a great job of explaining the law at a college-graduate level, as opposed to a lawyer's level. That's unusual for most books on the subject, and I think it makes this a must-buy for anyone interested in the subject.

In every era of this nation's history, there has been a small minority of wise and prescient thinkers who, unwilling to drift with the popular current, warn us of the forces threatening our basic freedoms. Labeled as agitators, often despised and feared in their own times, these are the people who take seriously the enlightened principles of the American Revolution. They said no to slavery when the rest of the nation was indifferent to it or saying yes; they protested child labor; they demanded the 8-hour day and the minimum wage; they said we must protect our air and water. Their passionate devotion to the ideals of democracy has chopped away at the greed and denial that grows in America like weeds if no one is watching. But whatever the issue, our nasty habit in this country is to ignore the voices of protest. Then we struggle and suffer and people get hurt, very hurt. Eventually the agitators of yesterday become the heroes of the new day. Why can't we learn to listen before the damage is done? This book is a compilation of essays that MUST be listened to. These people are telling us -- with passion, intelligence and good sense, and without greed or agendas and certainly without denial -- about the delicate balance between national security and civil liberties, about the crucial importance of the free trade of ideas, and the danger of popular intolerance of dissent. If we listen now we can prevent that moment for the historians of the future when they say, "How could they not have seen what was about to happen?" As Anthony Lewis says in his essay "Security and Liberty," "If we are to preserve constitutional values - the values of freedom -- understanding and resistance must come now." This book is a MUST READ for everyone who cares deeply about the direction of this nation.

Comprised of a series of scholarly essays on the gradual of secretive reneging of US civil liberties post-9/11, "War on Our Freedoms" is an important book for anyone living in the United States to read. Though some government opacity and reining in of rights is always needed in the wake of an event such as 9/11 or the war in Iraq, this book is a chilling reminder that there is a thin line that we seem to be crossing, unbeknownst to most Americans.

"Welcome to America" is a highly recommended book for anyone with an immigrant wife from any culture, although the Russian speakers tend to get the best benefit from it (at least I haven't found an edition for other ethnic cultures - but then again, I haven't really looked all that hard).. The topics covered are those that would be of interest to anyone from a foreign culture, particularly since the authors cover only what is here - and there is no mention of what is over there (overseas).

I am a natural born and raised American and my wife is a recent Ukrainian immigrant with a teenage daughter. I wish I had known about this book more than a couple of years ago when they came here from overseas. I am not considered fluent in Russian (or Ukrainian), so explaining how things work (such as credit cards) has sometimes been a long and complex process. Even when my wife had acknowledged that she understood me, seeing the results of her use of the knowledge at something explained was usually very interesting. Sometimes the results are very good - other times, I had to re-evaluate my explanation and try to clarify.

One day, my wife brought me a reference for this book by Mr. Vitaly Demin and Olga Demin Lambert. Our life has definitely changed since the day it arrived, for they have not put together this book on the fly while adjusting to America, it habits, characteristics, and institutions. They have obviously researched each topic they have covered to a fine detail - and it shows in the content and layout of the book.

I particularly like the way it is laid out with English on the left side and Russian on the right. If my wife wants to point out something to me, she can easily show me where it is or tell me what page, and I can take a look at the text myself. Things she likes to show me have to do with previous explanations, sometimes along with "Why didn't you tell me this..."

I won't go into detail regarding the content of the book since it is already mentioned in some of the other reviews on this site. I'll just add my two cents and say that they are comprehensive and correct. This book should be in every immigrant's (and their spouse's) household.

Welcome To America, English-Russian Version is an immense and in-depth guide especially for American immigrants. Each two-page spread presents English information on one side and the same information translated into Russian on the other. Among the many topics covered this comprehensive volume are taxes, insurance, buying and selling a home, obtaining employment, learning English, medical care, credit and credit cards, social welfare and retirement programs, and much more. An extensively thorough yet down-to-earth practical and easy-to-follow instructional, and an absolute "must-have" for anyone braving the challenge of a new culture, legal system and way of life.

This is a really useful book. Even after five years in America, I found plenty of new and interesting information. The author Vitaliy Demin, an engineer, was able to coherently present a lot of material on many different topics that is usually inaccessible to a general audience.

After reading this book, I found that the seemingly unrelated pieces of knowledge that I acquired from other sources now formed a coherent whole. I also have found information on many subjects that I thought were only covered in specialized literature. As we all know, specialized literature usually contains many unnecessary details and sometimes leaves the reader confused and disappointed. Insufficient knowledge of English can be another obstacle to understanding such literature. This book, however, covers many topics in a clear and concise manner, which enables readers to quickly learn about the subject they are interested in. Besides, the current book market does not satisfy the majority of immigrant needs. This book, on the other hand, contains answers to specific questions most immigrants have. In addition, the excellent synchronous English translation has given me the opportunity to take a fresh look at my English skills and to improve them significantly.

The only thing I regret is that this book had not been written five years ago when I first arrived in America. It would saved me so much time and frustration and would have kept me from making many unnecessary mistakes. I think this book is a unique encyclopedia for not just Russians, but for all immigrants.

Olga Sapp www.russianwomenmagazine.com

Although my family has lived in the United States since before the American Revolution, I have always been intrigued by the special problems of immigrants to this country. When the size of immigration was larger, many immigrant groups combined to create their own institutions to help new immigrants adapt. With legal immigration now quite limited, resources for new immigrants are scarcer while the complexity of modern life in the U.S. is greater than ever before.

To fill that void, you can rely on the fine work that Vitaliy Demin and his daughter, Olga Demin Lambert, have provided in this extensive and exhaustive volume. They write from direct experience of having come to the United States in 1993 from Russia.

They have been very successful here. Mr. Demin is the Hardware Engineering Manger for Intelligent Controls, Inc. He has been with the company since 1994. Ms. Lambert has a B.A. in French and Psychology from Bates College and an M.A. in Language and Linguistics from the University of New Hampshire. She is now working on a doctorate in Language and Linguistics at the Harvard Graduate School of Education

The format of the book provides a page of text in American English on the left hand page while the same text appears in Russian on the right facing page. Since I do not read Russian, I can only comment on the English section.

Although this book is designed to be most helpful to Russian immigrants, I would be astonished if it was not just as valuable to immigrants from other countries as long as they possess enough language skill to read the English version.

The book deals with the official and the unofficial equally well. I was especially impressed with the sections on learning English (in the context of my many years of service in English as a Second Language programs provided for immigrants), rental housing, car buying, employment, education, welfare and retirement programs and medical care. There's also good advice on cultural issues like the preference for people to bathe and change clothes daily, use deodorant, brush and floss teeth twice daily and so forth.

This book is so good that I found myself learning things I didn't know in the parts on rental housing and car buying.

The material is easy to follow, with many tables of abbreviations, definitions, measurements and sources.

The section on learning English could have become the basis of a personal memoir that would have quite good sales just for its human interest value. The personal example of Mr. Demin in that section was very moving to me and set a helpful tone for the whole book.

I also tested the material for accuracy, and found surprisingly few errors. The weakest section is on U.S. income taxation. The material won't get you into trouble, but it also doesn't give you as much advice as you need. For example, the book insists you have to file by April 15. But some years, the date is later. Also, if you pay the taxes you owe by April 15 (or the appropriate later date that year), extensions for filing the return for no penalty may be available until as late as October 15. People who read this book should consider getting help in this area from a low-cost tax preparer.

The material in the education section on the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) is dated. The test has been completely changed now, and you should get the latest information.

The book's biggest weakness is that the authors don't seem to be up-to-speed on the Internet as a way to deal with the issues they address. Although they reference the Internet frequently, many problems they describe here as requiring visits to see people (such as looking for housing, mortgage brokers and certain types of shopping) can actually be done faster and cheaper on the Internet. To supplement the book, find someone who uses the Internet frequently to help you learn how to find what you need on-line.

I feel guilty spending so much time on the book's weaknesses, for they are truly minuscule compared to the valuable information and the superb format. I compared the book to various omnibus resources on similar financial matters written by those for whom English is their native language and found this material to be more helpful and more accurate.

If you are a prospective immigrant, a new immigrant or an immigrant who is still having problems adjusting, this book is a must read for you.

If you know such a person, this book would make a thoughtful gift.

We all owe the authors a debt of gratitude for their excellent gift to immigrants!

As others have noted, this is a very complete guide to many of the complexities of dealing with life in America, not just from the standpoint of coming to America, but also for those of us who already live and work here - there is information on governmental offices and responsibilities, basic financial rights and obligations, education opportunities and resources, and much more.

According to author and publisher Vitaliy Demin, there are nearly a million legal immigrants to this country every year - America has long been the land most sought in immigration, and the beacon to peoples around the world for a better life economically and politically. As Demin states, this book, written by immigrants for immigrants, approaches the subject from the standpoint an immigrant (and those helping the immigrants) would most need; there are too many aspects of American life that those of us more acclimatised to the culture take for granted. A good example of this is highlighted in the sections that deal with numbers, time, money, shopping and holidays - these are so ingrained, that it is sometimes hard to realise that there are others who won't understand the meanings or customs readily.

I recall one friend arriving from Britain, whose culture and language are very similar, still having problems shopping - prices listed in Britain are after tax; prices listed in American shops are generally before tax. My friend would count out the money carefully to make sure he could afford the items, get to the cashier, and find he didn't have enough. Another friend from the then-Soviet Union was very perplexed at the number of choices for toothpaste - `I only wanted toothpaste!' she exclaimed, and instead was presented with an almost staggering array of marketing choices that Americans have learned to look past. Clothing sizes, shoe sizes and more are different in different countries.

This is a very practical guide, which includes everything from filing taxes to renting or purchasing a home to writing a resume - the one-page resume on page 330/331 would serve as a good model for anyone. Information on opening banking and other accounts is worthwhile for any reader, immigrant or `home-grown' person. The instructions are clear and useful, designed for applicability as well as comprehension.

The authors Vitaliy Demin and Olga Demin Lambert represent a family who went through the immigration and adjustment periods first-hand. When they arrived in America, they spoke no English, and thus had to learn to get by not only as foreigners, but as non-English speaking foreigners in a land that is not noted for being `user-friendly' toward those who do not speak English.

The book is written in Russian and in English on facing pages (note: those English speakers who want to expand or brush up on their Russian, or Russian speakers who want to do the same with their English, can use this text as a way of working with very practical words, sentence constructions and topics). While this book is written with the Russian immigrant in mind (evidenced by both the authors and the second language present), it in fact presents information that any immigrant would find useful and helpful. There is undoubtedly a market for dual-language or multi-language editions of this book.

Like many books of this sort, there are some pieces of information that go out-of-date quickly; perhaps a future edition of this book would come with a website for updates? The bulk of the advice, however, is sound and useful, and not likely to be outmoded any time soon.