Events Books

As much as other reviewers were raving about this book, I thought I would like it just as much. I really thought it was a mediocre work of writing. It consisted of haphazardly organized observations about empire, presented with very little sense of coherence. The observations were often superficial and rarely put into context. It's like reading a collection of notes from a conference on globalization, mixed with a few writing exercises from a creative writing class.

This book would make good reading material for a coffee house. Read it where you don't care if you're interrupted. Read it where you'll get more insight out of the conversations it sparks with strangers and acquaintances.

I don't recommend reading this book unless you have at least a couple of semesters of Spanish on your high school or college transcript. The author writes a lot of the fictional (?) dialogue in a mixture of Spanish and English, and she doesn't always provide enough context clues to figure out the Spanish if you don't already have some education in the language. (Fortunately, I did.) The Spanish-English mixture really wasn't necessary for the book; it was more distracting than helpful, and at times it seemed to stereotype the speakers a little bit.

It would be difficult to add to the depth of insight other reviewers have already provided. Chellis' insight and passion are reinvigorating planetary healing on multiple levels. The best gage for this is the example of her own life. Read everything she writes. A modern visionary with a powerful and compelling voice.

What impact has three hundred years of Western imperialism had on the way we treat each other -- and the Earth -- today?

How is today's global economy simply our latest expression of colonization?

How can our personal woundings become doorways to self-healing and form the basis of a commitment to sustainable planetary culture?

In her new book, Off the Map (An Expedition Deep Into Imperialism, the Global Economy, and Other Earthly Whereabouts, Pulitzer-nominated author and psychologist Dr. Chellis Glendinning explores these themes with a directness, clarity and emotional intensity that awakens the reader to profound insight about the nature of today's world.

In a lyrical braiding of three stories, she weaves the threads of her personal story of sexual abuse in a European-American (and Anglophile) family in the 1950s, the history of the last three hundred years of Western imperialism and a present-day horseback ride through the recently colonized Chicano world of northern New Mexico, where she currently resides.

Glendinning sees Off the Map as a continuation of her past work. "My focus is always the relationship between the personal and the political," she notes. "This book is an effort to make clear that everyone on the Earth is still experiencing the legacies of the classical age of empire, that corporate globalization is just the latest expression of Western imperialism and that, ultimately, it cannot work."

Throughout the book, we follow Glendinning's story of sexual abuse at the hands of her father, through her healing to the reclamation of her essential self and her reconnection to the power of land and nature. We also follow the story of the land-based Chicano peoples of northern New Mexico, a story that goes to the heart of the unspoken wound of imperial systems: the relationship between the colonizer and the colonized.

Glendinning, a highly respected eco-psychologist, received a Pulitzer nomination for her book When Technology Wounds (William Morrow). Other earlier works include My Name is Chellis and I'm in Recovery From Western Civilization (Shambhala) and Waking Up in the Nuclear Age (William Morrow). Off the Map is a compelling look at the unexamined implications of our rapidly expanding global economy and, as such, should cause a great stir among economists, sociologists and all those concerned about the future of humanity -- and all of life -- on Earth.

To the thorough reviews below I'll just add:

It's nice to see someone in my field working for rather than against the social forces that oppose the conformity and imperialism that show up nowadays as well-marketed, hyperconvenient, quick-fix "psychotherapy" (or is that psycho therapy?). Listening to the soul of the world, Chellis Glendinning hears in it an anguish echoing her own--and acts bravely and actively on behalf of both.

There's an annoying idea at my school (Pacifica) that all such activism = acting out, a kind of puerile and heroic impulsiveness--whereas working the imaginal, perhaps from within a well-lighted office on convenient days, should be enough. The example of the author's way of being indicates otherwise. We certainly need to monitor our activism, lest it become just another kind of colonizing arrogance so characteristic of our empire-driven civilization; at the same time, to say and do nothing except in private is not enlightened or soulful, it is cowardly.

Good work, Dr. Glendinning!

Off The Maps: An Expedition Deep Into Empire And The Global Economy by psychologist, social activist, poet, and a pioneer in the field of ecopsychology Chellis Glendinning offers a unique look at globalization -- the modern-day alternative to the economic empires of European and Western history. Using maps as allegory, Off The Maps peers between the lines at the individual hopes and lives of workers and the working class at home and abroad as they struggle beneath the crushing spread of politically imperialistic, homogeneous mass-culture invasive, free-trade oriented, international corporation dominated, western-style consumerism. Off The Maps is a welcome and timely contribution which is very highly recommended for the non-specialist general reader with an interest in international politics and economics.

WOW... this book is AWESOME!! I am a police officer in upstate New York, and I am very impressed with John's way of telling his story. He gives great details, and it doesn't take much of an imagination to be taken away to the places in his book! I have always been interested in the New York State Police, and just wish I started my career earlier and became a Trooper!
I do wish I had the authors address, as I would very much like to contact him! [...]

I thoroughly enjoyed "One Cop's Story", John Briant showed me an 'inside look' at what life in the NY State Police was like in the middle of the 1900's when the State Police Barracks were called "Barracks" because that was actually where the troopers did most of there living. His portrail of this life in what now seems a by-gone age is a testament to the devotion and spirit of the troopers from the days of many years ago. And Mr. Briant doesn't sugar-coat any of it - he shares the good as well as the bad and together they weave into an excellent story of life on the Force. I truly enjoyed "one Cop's Story" and recommend it to all!

A candid portrayal of the author's 28 year career in the NYSP. A career often fraught with danger and full of personal obstacles but also a career of adventure, excitement and oftentimes humor. The reader will warm to John Briant's sincerity and warm personality. John Briant takes you on a tour of his life while modestly downplaying his often heroic achievements. I know because I worked with him. You will enjoy getting acquainted with this man who epitomizes your perception of what a Trooper should be. An enjoyable read.Wayne E. Beyea, author of "Fatal Impeachment."

One Cop's Story: A Life Remembered has reached and completed its fourth year on the market. It still is selling, especially to young men and women interested in the field of Law Enforcement. The book in its early publication almost made the national market, however it is still alive and well to those readers interested in the field and students participating in Criminal Justice Studies. Hardcovers and soft covers are still AVAILABLE.

Chalet Publishing announces the third printing of "One Cop's Story: A Life Remembered by John H. Briant. The book will be distributed by North Country Books, Utica, NY to regional booksellers. The book will be ready for sale in the middle of October. The reason for the reprinting is there have been numerous requests for this book.

Thank you,

The Publisher

This is an excellent book written by person who approaches poverty reduction through agricultural solutions for small farmers that are sustainable, practical and very attractive culturally and resource-wise to poor farmers. Some of the cases and anecdotes provide useful information for relief workers and donors seeking to alleviate the suffering of those who live in rural poverty by elevating their standard of living in a sustainable manner.

After several years of trying different ways to help people get out of poverty, what Paul Polak shares in this book is the most practical and comprehensive help and guidance that I have found. He is not a great writer, but the simplicity common sense findings brings us back to basics to help people in poverty earn their way out of it, in an unsubsidized and sustainable way.

A must read for every one with interests in this endeavor!

Javier Amarante

This book summarizes Mr. Polak's work with his company, IDE (International Development Enterprises), which focuses on creating affordable, useful products that can assist small-plot farmers in developing countries to increase their income. Throughout, he presents salient and frankly obvious points about the very poor and their needs that most aid organizations either ignore or just never thought to address. For instance, from his introduction: "The biggest reason most poor people are poor is because they don't have enough money." See? Obvious.

The point is, however, most aid organizations don't address this root problem, choosing instead to go for big, showy projects that cost a lot and sound really ambitious, but just don't do anything to benefit the average very poor family. Polak suggests a twelve point plan to create programs that can really benefit the very poor. These include things like talking to people with the problem you are interested in, and really listening to what they have to say about it; learning everything possible about the problem's specific context; thinking in terms of scalability; developing measurable outcomes; and designing to specific cost and price targets.

The book tells the story of how one family in Bangladesh was able to move from barely surviving on less than $1 a day and not having enough food to make it through the year to relative prosperity and a much more comfortable lifestyle. This was made possible in part by their access to affordable, small-scale irrigation equipment, allowing them to make more effective use of their other resources - their land and their physical labor. Polak points out that when families can earn more money, they almost automatically do things like improve their diets, further their education, seek better healthcare, and generally become more empowered to improve their lives in the ways they see fit, according to their own priorities.

It took some mental acrobatics for me to begin to accept the concept of dollar a day farmers as "consumers" rather than "aid recipients." But as a market this group has a huge, untapped potential. There are something like 800 million small farmers; the combined purchasing power (given the right products and a little access to credit) would be enormous. Overall, I found this book engaging and its message hopeful and practical. It certainly provides food for thought.

Paul Polak allows readers the privileged of a front row seat to his methods of successful innovation while addressing issues of poverty. Here is proof that real genius is in searching for the most direct solutions and insisting on effectiveness. Well worth studying in depth. My copy is now well marked for future application. Bravo Mr. Polak! Thank you for sharing your process.

An inspiring book that makes one think about the greater good that can come out of poverty eradication & how we can all be a part of it.

Criticism:

1. Author does not cover how he made the transition from being a psychiatrist to creating IDE. This makes it harder to understand how one can participate in this cause, even if one wanted to.

2. While the book is a great food for thought, it seems to be more focused on the destination rather than the journey. At times, it reads more like a journal which may be intentional, but this inconsistency gives the reader, a rather half baked impression.

3. Author's disagreement with major organizations such as the UN feel like a rant at times, as he only criticizes them without putting forth any concrete suggestions for bigger issues such as infrastructure (development of roads, bridges, dam development, power generation, healthcare & educational programs).

[...]

I found this book to be well documented...not so with many of the "tell all" books written today. Every American should read and react to this material. We are a nation that was built on the spirit of freedom and a national heritage of faith in God and should let no one usurp this privilege. The recent falsehood of global warming is just another attempt to lower our standard of living to Europe's to bring us in line for a World Government.

Here you go! If you crave the enticing secrecy of the New World Order and all its entanglements - - - let the pages flow. For here Mr. Wardner gives excellent back-up material, historical facts, and a terrific chapter on a coming `media blackout' which I found superbly accurate.

This is a MUST READ for those who are still perplexed as to the simplicity & redundantcy of our current media broadcasting industry.

I knew much of the information in this book before I read it, however, the depth and documentation this writer has presented are very thorough and believeable. This should be required reading my all Americans. Perhaps then enough will wake up and "throw the bastards" out of office. The scope of the book is long and large...too much to ignore and VERY credible. This makes it to my top ten list of "best reads". I thank the author for the time and dedication it took to write this.

I have to find it odd that no one has reviewed this book after 9/11. I can only imagine that it has sold like hotcakes since then... although it does seem rather difficult to find nowadays...

No other book that I have read comes even close to this straight forward book ! It is a MUST READ FOR EVERY TRUE AMERICAN ! It will shock you, educate you, and wake you up fast ! I have read it several times, and it's a book that will never get out of date ! It took a lot of guts to write this book ! I'm so thankful that this author had so much courage. We all should ! IF you really want your eyes opened, read this little book ! This is not a child's book, so I don't know why it's listed as such.

Rivers is a wonderful author and I expected these books to be as good as her Lineage of Grace series. They were not quite there...

When I was a child, I became an avid reader when I picked up my first secular novel, and I was particularly facinated by historical novels because of my love for history. When I became a Christian, I was in such love with my Savior Jesus Christ that I couldn't get enough of Christian literature. I put aside novels for years. I never thought that there were good Christian novels available, except for romances and the like which only seemed to arouse in me sinful passions and desires. I ran across Francine Rivers somewhat inadvertently. It had been so long since I read a novel that I decided to try once more with "The Prophet." I read it within a week and was rushing to order another one. I was overwhelmed by her skill of writing. She intrigued every facet of my interests, from a good story, to a historical drama, to a Biblical edification. The focus of this book from start to finish was the awesome glory of God. I was in tears often. As the book begins, God's glory is demonstrated in a somewhat allegorical format as we are led along with Amos in the pastures of Tekoa where he shephered his flock. I saw Psalm 23 come alive and was deeply impressed by the gracious patience of my own Good Shepherd as I saw the parallels between the sheep of Amos and myself, as well the actions of Amos to Jesus Christ. Following Amos further through his life exhaulted the long-suffering love of God in bearing with the obstinent sin of His people, and yet His perfect justice to deal with unrepentent rebellion. Rivers' novel brought the Biblical book of Amos to life, which I read in the Bible at the same time. I would highly recommend this book. It is the best novel I have read.

You did a good job in getting the book out fast and it was what I wanted. The book is like brand new.

Thank You

God Bless

Char

The Prophet (Sons of Encouragement)Even if you are an avid student of the Bible, most of us don't spend the time it took Francine Rivers to get to know the prophet Amos. We might study the words he wrote but Rivers has brought the man to life. I came away from this novelette with a new appreciation for the calling that God has on a man's life and what path that might lead one on. Just as Amos was compelled to walk the chosen way that God lead him - so are we. I thank Francine Rivers for reminding me that I too must walk in love and obedience - no matter what the personal cost.

This was a great book! I was in the middle of another book when I got it, so I didn't get to read it right away and my husband started reading it. He loved it so much and I had to wait until he was done before I could start on it! And he never reads my books! But he finished it quickly, so I didn't have to wait long. :-)

An excellent exploration of the meaning, possibilities, and problems of postmodernism, free from jargon and caricature. My only complaint: Isn't it time for a new edition? The book was published in 1995, meaning it was probably actually written in the early 90s or even late 80s. Most of its examples from "current events" and pop culture are of 1980s vintage or even earlier. Many of these examples would themselves require explanation for people younger than, say, dirt.

I assume that the author was pretty old even then, so he might be dead or retired now. But the topic is still relevant, and this is an excellent introduction to it. We need an update. For example, what has been the impact of 9/11 and related events on postmodern culture and thought? Or the coming ecological meltdown that was mere conjecture in 1995, but is an imminent certainty now?

Of all the writings on the subject of postmodern thought I found this text to be of invaluable worth. It conveys the ideas of post modernism in lucid everyday english rather then having its messeges veiled in the recondite jargon of academia. It is a distillation of the rudimentary ideas that run through all strands of post modern thought. As a neophyte to the subject, I found this book far more useful then any other cultural theorist's longwinded and wordy treatise. Other vital introductory texts on this subject are Anderson's "The Truth about the Truth" as well as "Teach Yourself Postmodernism" by Glenn Ward. With these books under your belt, Derrida, Foucalt et al won't seem nearly as daunting as before...and you will start to see how much they obfuscate their messeges in labyrinths of language.

Many books and/or their reviews glibly claim to "change your life". This one doesn't explicitly make any such promises, but change my life it has. More specifically, it has changed the way I look at life and the world. Postmodernism has brought about radical and sweeping changes, whether we realise it or not. This is a book that blows the lid on reality in terms of the paradigms that most of us have grown up with, and within which humanity has come to understand religion, politics, history and culture. Indeed, it is a timely and sobering deconstruction of many of the illusions (or Socially Constructed Realities) that people across time and cultures have come to regard as sacred and infallible. Its purpose is not to deconstruct for the promotion of its own paradigm or belief system (though I suppose an element of that is inseparable from any such undertaking). One of the most enduring images from the book is the description of a postmodern art piece which shows a hand drawing a hand that is drawing a hand. What a striking metaphor for the postmodern world, and indeed for epochs that have gone before us. Where indeed is the line between objective, absolute 'reality' and that which is subjectively constructed? Does it and can it exist for human beings at all? Whatever else may be said, this is a book that challenged me and stimulated me to think about all aspects of modern life in new and profound ways. If you are anything like me and read books which do that very thing, then believe me - this one is for you.

This book was published almost twenty years ago and I only wish I had found it sooner. Written in an easy-to-read and understandable style, it covers the influence of post-modern thinking on politics, pop culture, religion, art and philosophy, among other areas. Powerfully, Anderson makes the argument that everyone has their own version of reality, carefully providing examples from everyday life. For example, he contrasts the objectivist (there are a few perfect rules that everyone must obey) and the constructivist (aware that many rules are part of a socially constructed reality), the exoteric religions (Christianity and Islam - God said so, it must be true) and esoteric religions (Zen Buddhism - a personal journey without judgement).

Why is this important? Because of most of the tension in the world comes from the differences of opinion between six main groups he has outlined: Christianity, Islam, capitalism, communism/socialism, environmentalism and new age. All of these groups passionately believe in the truth of their message and would like the entire world to conform to their thinking. In the end, the book makes you wonder where all this will lead to -- complete freedom is a beautiful thing that makes many people uncomfortable.

Get this book, take it to a quiet beach and you won't see the world the same way again.

I first stumbled upon this book by accident, read a few pages, and was amazed, amused, aghast and (forgive me) agog! Written in 1993, the author's observations and predictions (although he wasnt trying to be prophetic) were accurate and correct -- especially the section about whatit would "take" to get Americans to support a war - and how long (or short) the govt. could keep the people from getting fed up. He said it would take something like Pearl Harbor -- of that magnitude in order for teh govt to whip up enough support for a vindictive invasion/assault etc. He was right about that! That's just one small section -- the entire book is fascinating, easy to read, and explains the fracas over Globalization better than any other book I've read.
Buy it.

Gumbel has run over the history of American electoral fraud, starting as early as 1788 and running through extensive discussions of the 2000 and 2004 elections.

On the way we learn about a number of fascinating scandals of the past, now largely forgotten, along with some that haven't been, such as the famous Tammany Hall gang that dominated New York City for a decade. Gumbel shows that, while big-city corruption got the publicity, elections in many rural areas were equally dirty. He also show how periodic concerns over ballot box stuffing have resulted in a numbr of reforms that, by making voting harder, have effectively lowered participation, which was once at around 80% of eligible voters, and now is sometimes below 50%. For instance, the secret ballot, by replacing earlier party-distributed ballots that had shown, by color and logos, which party they represented, had the quite intentional effect of disenfranchising many illiterate immigrants and former slaves. The practice of denying the vote to convicted felons even after completion of their sentence was invented entirely to prevent former slaves from voting, and is used to disenfranchise blacks to this day, as notably happened in Florida 2000.

Gumbel's discussion of the Florida crisis is useful, although I thought a little too hard on Gore. His discussion of Ohio 2004, which he feels was clearly a legitimate victory, although he does show the strong evidence of illegitimate means used to suppress the Kerry vote, is obviously unconvincing for many of his readers here. (It's interesting to note that, although the book really works not to be a partisan tract, the reviewers on Amazon seem to be overwhelmingly Democrats.)

The extensive discussion in this book of touch screen voting shows clearly how flawed the technology is in current form. He also adds a fascinating historical perspective by showing how past changes, earlier voting machines and punch card ballots, were promoted in their time as technological wonders which would eliminate corruption and make voting easier.

One thing that is very convincing indeed in this section is the discussion of how professional election administrators have repeatedly ignored, downplayed, or just flat lied about the flaws in technology they have committed taxpayer money to, both with e-voting and with previous technologies. I used to think that the professionals who explained how my fears of touch screen voting were groundless probably knew what they were talking about, since they worked with the systems so closely. I won't ever trust those quotes again after reading this book.

Gumbel's discussion of touch screen voting in other countries is also interesting, both for how he shows that such advanced nations as Venezuela do far better than the US at holding clean and reliable elections, as well as some anecdotes showing that American voting equipment companies have just as doubtful a record overseas as they do at home. This section will give you the mild relief of knowing that the way they're screwing up our elections is (probably) more a matter of corporate greed and incompetence than a deep conspiracy to install permanent right-wing government by fixing elections.

Steal This Vote is a fascinating book whose interesting premise is unfortunately marred by a boring and choppy writing style. Gumbel's accusations, arguments and images are stirring and rather frightening; the fact that elections have been stolen for the last two hundred years isn't exactly encouraging to those supporting election reform. He paints a very clear picture of each point in election-stealing history, from the early days of the Republic to Chicago's Daley machine to the 2000 and 2004 debacles. Each shocking detail comes out fast and harsh, which is alarming (as it should be) for the first few chapters, but then soon becomes repetitive and tiring. That doesn't keep the whole story from enlightening the reader, however. Even if I struggled to get through this book, I learned the history of elections in this country and how they are taken for granted and are almost never clean. And though I am constantly distressed by the American population's election habits, Gumbel's suggestions for reform are reasonable goals for which I will fight to the end. With some more editing, perhaps a new edition of this book could be more easily read, and I think it should be read. This population is too ignorant of its system's workings; if the people knew that their perfect democracy is not so perfect, there would be hell to pay, and then there may at last be change.

One would have thought that of all the boring topics that an author could select, the mechanics and history of the secret ballot in the world's pre-eminent democracy should have been close to the top. But far from it, Mr Gumbel has documented and told a quite extraordinary and at times amazing tale. Whether he is right in every detail I have no idea but either way it ought to have every US citizen asking some very tough questions. Politics can be a venal game but surely the actual electoral process itself ought to be above question. Sadly it seems in the USA it's not.

I was really impressed with this book. This is an incredibly important topic, and the author is so immensely knowledgeable, and his handling of the material is so comprehensive and fair, that by the end, I felt closer to grasping what's been going on with American politics than ever before. It turned my perception of the whole voting process in America completely around (I really never suspected it was THIS bad). If you have any interest at all in politics (and if you don't, well, you might be past saving), you should read this, and pass it along, and talk about it. It's an eye-opener. And so entertaining! I laughed out loud several times, and throughout, I felt that the author was presenting really substantial, weighty information in an appealing, witty style. (It's a fun book to cart around, too -- about 15 people stopped me and asked me about the book after glimpsing the title.)

The election travesties of 2000 and 2004 left me angry and disgusted. I'm still angry and disgusted about those events and their conduct, but after reading Gumbel's book, I've softened my impressions a bit and redirected the focus of my ire and disgust. It's clear to me now that no American political party has ever seriously objected to election theft as long as the result was victory. Since achieving honest elections has never been an honest goal (except temporarily for the losers), a party in power has never had genuine interest in realizing honest results! So, here we are.
I shouldn't be surprised at all that, but Gumbel's detail, clarity and focus make me wonder why I'm so late coming to the full realization table.
Gumbel provides clear insight. Nevertheless, the reader is left to judge for himself what all this says about the alleged state of democracy in the U.S.A., past and present.

John Lewis Gaddis is probably the foremost historian of the Cold War.

Strategies of Containment provides a complete basic overview of the subject of U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War. It is specifically a history of the U.S.'s containment policy toward the Soviet Union and the Communist-bloc and its evolution over time.

It begins with U.S. diplomat George Kennan's famous memomorandum or "long telegram" from the Soviet Union which provided the guide for interpreting the intentions of the Soviet that was used by the State Department and the Executive Branch in formulating U.S. foreign policy towards the Soviet Union and the Communist-bloc nations - especially during the early stages of the Cold War. If a U.S. foreign service officer or other U.S. official wanted to understand the Soviet Union's foreign policy or history and the considerations which would impact the Soviet leadership's behavior - he or she was directed to read it.

The initial assessment by Kennan and his subsequent use of the term "containment" in a Foreign Affairs magazine for the first time, was controversial and volumes have been written on what he meant.

His approach basically was to advise against a wholesale reordering of the world order based on U.S. values which would cause consternation in the Soviet leadership and trigger Soviet defensive diplomatic (and potentially more drastic measures) in opposing the new international framework.

Kennan wanted diversity in the international system, to allow the Soviet Union to participate within it, and not undermine or be alienated from it, and thus transformed by it over time. The history of the Soviet Union's participation in the UN and its institutions confirms his analysis.

Kennan initially argued for a particularist approach as opposed to a universalist approach. He also argued for strong point as opposed to wide-scale perimeter opposition to expanding Soviet spheres of influence.

Kennan's writings set the stage for an interpretation of Soviet behavior and intentions. He studied Soviet and Russian history and knew that the Soviet Union would seek to build buffer zones between it and any potential adversary. The Napolean invasion, Germany's invasion, etc. as well as the Crimean War, and the Russo-Japanes War of 1905, and the U.S. and European intervention in the Russian civil war, all shaped the Soviet leadership's thinking.

Kennan wanted to restore a balance of power at the interface between the East and West in the European theater as well as in Asia, but without contesting every Soviet move for influence along its borders and without alienating the Soviet Union from the new international order.

Truman subsequently instituted a policy review process that led to NSC-68 which expressly stated that the U.S. policy was to promote U.S. values of freedom and human dignity. Containment then moved into the shape of a perimeter-type defensive strategy in which Soviet moves on its periphery for political and military influence was to be contested.

The book then describes U.S. national security policy and how U.S. containment evolved over time into Eisenhower's "New Look" policy in which no further Soviet expansion of its power into other nations was to be uncontested and then later into "flexible response" under Kennedy and Johnson and then detente under Kissinger.

The book is an excellent introduction to the Cold War, the U.S. policy of containment and its evolution.

This book show us the strategies of Containment in the Cold War Era; an important beginning had been made with the Truman Doctrine and the Containment thesis, which established a defensive position holding back Soviet expansionism.
In 1947 the US had an exclusive monopoly on the ultimate weapon, the atomic weapon, and this monopoly should be used -the bomb "makes politically possible....the domination of the world by a single sufficiently large state". The architect of containment was George Frost Kennan, best known as "the father of containment" and as a key figure in the emergence of the Cold War.
He later wrote standard histories of the relations between Russia and the Western powers. The NSC-68, the most important of all Cold War documents, was "a plan of military rearment and development is at present going forward". It's the central document of the Cold War that transformed containment into a global crusade. Approved by Harry Truman in April 1950, it still lacked Congressional funding and support, and Truman was too weak a president to push it throught in the absence of a major crisis.
It would have been interesting if the author of the book had also used an approach from the Soviet point of view, as well as one in the West and the United States. In addition, Henry Kissinger has been widely studied and detailed, but it seems that is not mentioned in the book the figure of the first Secretary of State of the Nixon presidency, William Rodgers.

Strategies of Containment, by John Lewis Gaddis, is a description of the evolving strategy of containment that was the basis of US policy toward the Soviet Union from 1946 through 1989. Gaddis traces the concept of containment from its inception by George F. Kennan through the modifications applied by five administrations and assesses the strengths, weaknesses, and effectiveness of each version. This book is more than another chronology of the cold war; it provides deep insights into strategic thinking and is essential reading for any serious student of the cold war. Here's a brief summary:

Kennan's Original Doctrine of Containment

* Identify and defend vital interests based on the centers of industrial strength - Britain, Western Europe, Japan -don't try to defend the entire world.
* Use all instruments of power: economic, diplomatic, political, and cultural power as well as military power. Rebuilding the economic vitality of the above areas is a high priority.
* Seek to divide the communist world. Our primary adversary is the Soviet Union. Other communist countries, if not actively supporting Soviet policy, may be led to serve as quasi-allies by depriving the Soviets of their support.
* General war with the Soviets is unlikely, so we can afford to take risks. We can limit our defense spending and not try to defend the world. A point defense of our vital interests is probably adequate.
* Define threats in light of US vital interests, not in terms of Soviet capabilities

Truman and NSC-68

* The policies articulated in NSC-68 moved toward a perimeter defense covering the entire world rather than a point defense of vital interests.
* Primary emphasis was switched to military power and to the entire spectrum of war
* US interests were redefined in response to perceived threats (anything that is threatened must be an interest).
* US strategy became based on a symmetric response to threats - responding in the same time, place, and with the same means as the adversary (e.g., the Korean War).

Eisenhower, Dulles, and the New Look

* Eisenhower's guiding philosophy was that defense is not just defeating the enemy - it is the preservation of our economic and political systems.
* Spending too much on defense could destroy these systems by leading to either inflation or the imposition of autocratic controls. He reduced the defense budget by 33% from Truman's last year and held it at about that level for eight years.
* Alliances relied on allies for ground forces with the US providing Air and Naval support.
* The nuclear threat became the cornerstone of deterrence across the spectrum of conflict - with goal of avoiding war - in belief that any war was all too likely to escalate to nuclear.
* Asymmetric response to threats - response need not be in same place or using same methods as Soviet threat
* Anti-colonial Conundrum: The communists are fomenting wars of national liberation while the US is trying to rebuild Europe (the colonial powers). If the US backs decolonization, it undermines the European allies it is trying to rebuild. If the US backs the colonial powers, it loses any chance of support from the colonies. The Soviets really put us in a no-win position on this issue.

Kennedy, Johnson, and Flexible Response

* Kennedy and Johnson return to NSC-68 reasoning by lowering threat of nuclear response and replaced it with flexible response, requiring a direct, symmetric response to threats - a respond in same time and place using the same means.
* These administrations applied a circular logic: Threats create interests which demand responses which require capabilities even where no interest previously had been identified. This was articulated in the "bear any burden, pay any price" rhetoric.
* This strategy necessitated greater reliance on military response versus economic, political, etc which increased demands on the defense budget.
* Kennedy abandoned Eisenhower's commitment to a balanced budget and relied on Keynesian fiscal policy to stimulate the economy. Spending was predicated on the potential of the economy rather than its actual performance. Lack of budgetary constraints led to inability to prioritize, to distinguish the essential from the peripheral, the feasible from the infeasible which encouraged more "bear any burden, pay and price' reasoning because it wasn't real money.
* Flexible response led to graduated escalation in Viet Nam which became "never enough to defeat the enemy, just enough to prolong the war". Stakes were repeatedly raised to prevent the humiliation of a defeat but this only made the eventual defeat more humiliating.
* Calibrated escalation yielded the initiative to the enemy - allowed him to define the terms of conflict. Deterrence can be made effective only if the adversary can be made to doubt that he can retain control of the situation. Taking the nuclear option away encouraged adversaries to call our bluff.

Nixon, Kissinger and Détente

* Nixon and Kissinger moved the US government from a bi-polar to a multi-polar world view by positing the existence of five significant power centers: US, USSR, Western Europe, China, and Japan. They recognized that these five power centers were far from equal. Only the US and USSR were superpowers able to exert substantial influence via military, economic, political, or diplomatic means. This strategy was a return to the balance of power envisioned by Kennan.
* In the military arena, they focused on sufficiency rather than superiority over the Soviet Union and sought to persuade Brezhnev that a similar policy would be in his country's best interest as well. Sufficiency won the logical argument over superiority because the latter invariably provoked the other side into matching every military advance, producing and endless and unwinnable arms race.
* Conceptually, Kissinger and Nixon changed the country's strategic definition of US interests and threats to those interests. For most of the interval between Kennan and Nixon-Kissinger, the US strategic view had started with the USSR, its capabilities and intentions, then identified the impact these capabilities could have. These impacts became viewed as threats and US interests were defined as anything thus threatened. Nixon and Kissinger reversed the logical flow, much as Kennan did, starting with the identification of US interests, independent of any adversary. They then identified as an adversary an entity with capability and intent to harm these interests.
* Again returning to Kennan's approach, Nixon-Kissinger sought to use negotiations to influence Soviet behavior. They took a long-term approach to negotiations, discarding the tendency of previous administrations from Roosevelt on to use negotiations and agreements with the Soviets for domestic political purposes. They discarded the approach of seeking agreements on specific areas where they could be reached and adopted a strategy of linkage - maintaining that Soviet unwillingness to negotiate in good faith on military and strategic issues of importance to the US would result in US refusal to accommodate Soviet desires for economic and trade relations and recognition of the post war division of Europe.
* The next step in the Nixon-Kissinger strategy was to seek an accommodation with China to reduce US-Chinese tensions and, thereby, free China to take a more assertive stance in its own dealings with the USSR. This was a return to Kennan's goal of dividing communism and redefined our prime enemy as the Soviet Union

Reagan

Reagan continued the return to Kennan's original concept of containment:
* Adopt an asymmetric strategy - don't let the enemy determine the time, place, and terms of conflict
* Apply economic, political, diplomatic, and moral power more than military power. A prime example was his Berlin speech: "Mr. Gorbachev! Tear down this wall!" He put the Soviets in the same kind of no-win position that they had inflicted on Eisenhower over colonialism in the 1950s by setting the Eastern Europeans at odds with the Kremlin.
* He recognized that Soviet system was bankrupt financially, intellectually, morally and turned up the pressure until it collapsed.
* Reagan was also lucky. Kennan had hoped to transform the Soviet Union with the help of a new generation of Russian leaders. Gorbachev turned out to be the leader Kennan had hoped for. He and Reagan together ended the cold war and transformed the Soviet Union from a totalitarian system to one that might have evolved into a more liberal one had the 1991 coup d'état not destroyed it first.

Now in a revised edition, Strategies Of Containment: A Critical Appraisal Of American National Security Policy During The Cold War is a revised and expanded edition of Bancroft Prize winner and Cold War expert John Lewis Gaddis' classic on understanding the history of containment as a policy, its role in bringing the Cold War to an end, and its possible value or pitfalls in the future. Originally published during the Regan presidency when the Soviet Union was still a superpower, Strategies Of Containment includes a greatly expanded chapter on Reagan, Gorbachev, and the completion of containment, as well as a new epilogue. A welcome scrutiny of history with the advantage of post-Cold War hindsight.

This book is still useful even 20 years after publication. Gaddis view US policy toward the USSR as a pendulum that swings between"symmetrical" and "asymmetrical" approaches. The periods are split into: Kennan's original containment, NSC-68, Eisenhower's "New Look", JFK and Nixon's détente. There is a coda covering Carter, but it is less helpful.

The symmetrical approach confronts the USSR wherever the USSR chooses to probe. In this approach, wherever the Soviets seek to advance is, by their very actions, a US interest. In contrast, the asymmetrical view seeks to identify those areas that are inherently vital US interests and protect those.

The first seeks to build a fence (containment) around the Soviets. The second approach builds its fences around US interests and lets the USSR do what it wants - within reason - elsewhere. Heck, why let them do that? The answer is "means." Gaddis stresses the point that US means are not unlimited. The US must balance means and ends and this leads to the pendulum swings.

The reasons I do not give the book the last star are: It does not cover the Carter-Reagan-Bush era and Smith over draws the magnitude of the swings. The book makes it sound like there were tremendous differences between the various administrations and does not pay enough attention to the essential consistency of US Cold War strategy. Smith acknowledges this in a retrospective on his own book available at the Hoover Institute web site.

Take a look at the cover photo of this book, and the inside content becomes apparent. You can see people, who are now branded as terrorists, were, at one time, chief guests in the White House.

This book carries some of Eqbal Ahmad's writings and transcripts of lectures on various international conflicts including US-Afghanistan and India-Pakistan. This book does a good job of exposing US Govt's hypocrisy and its unilateral goal of furthering only its own interests at the expense of everything and everyone in this world. It also tells you why and how the Afghanistan and Iraq conflicts erupted, and why they have only worsened ever since they began. There's a brief discussion on the Kashmir issue as well. I wish it carried more details. Overall, this book presents to its readers a brief but accurate insight into the most prominent present day international conflicts.

Do not think that if you are not interested in international politics, you may find this book boring. Due to its concise nature, this book is very much readable and comprehensible to all. I say it is a "must-have" for every American, because it will tell them what their politicians haven't. US is the only country that, since its birth, has been at war every single day of the year at some place on this earth. It is mind-boggling to imagine what kind of wealth its people would have amassed if the same trillions of dollars that have been cumulatively spent on mindless killing of people and building nuclear weapons that will never be used, had been just distributed in cash to its citizens. It is no wonder that Eqbal Ahmad's words carried a great deal of truth. Why else would the CIA send its operatives to his house at night to threaten him if he didn't shut up? Eqbal was however up to the challenge, and told them to pack-off immediately since he was acting only in accordance with the US constitution, which says - "No taxation without representation". He said that since his views were not represented by the policies of the US Govt even though he paid taxes, he had every right to protest.

That was Mr Eqbal Ahmad, a foremost authority on international conflicts, alongside, I would say, Noam Chomsky. Do not miss this book. It is worth a thousand times its cover price. After reading this book, I can assure, you will be only egged on to read his other detailed books.

Now, if this only came with crayons and pictures to color in, it might attract the attention of those who really need a crash course in terrorism. To the point, devine intervention happens to other people, but the self-righteousness of powerful America is what makes it so hypocritical. Unfortunately, I expect this primer to be as relevant for decades to come, so let's hope it doesn't go out of print.

Wonderful prescient, but all too brief. Serves as a good introduction to the ideas of the dear departed Ahmad who would be a valuable contributor to the worldwide debate on what exactly consititutes terrorism. The way he shows that the term "terrorism" is construed to eliminate any links to state-sponsored violence and torture demands our attention and respect. This is a courageous and intelligent book.

From the perspective of someone from South Asia (Ahamd was from Pakistan), this book looks deeper at this thing called terrorism.

There are several aspects to the official approach to terrorism. First, terrorists change. Yesterday's terrorist is today's freedom fighter, and vice versa. Second, there seems to be no such thing as an "official" definition of terrorism. Explanations are designed to arouse our emotions, instead of stimulating our intelligence. Third, government officials may not be able to define terrorism, but they know that it must be stamped out worldwide.

Fourth, it's supposedly possible to tell the difference between a terrorist and a freedom fighter. Fifth, the official approach ignores the causes of terrorism. Cause? What cause? Sixth, the moral revulsion against terrorism needs to be selective. Terror from disapproved groups needs to be strongly condemned, but terror from allies or approved groups can be ignored.

Why do groups commit terrorist acts? Getting their grievances heard through regular channels hasn't worked, so, to them, terrorism is the only way to be heard. Terrorism is an expression of anger and helplessness, and also a sense of betrayal. Through the spread of modern technology and communications, terror has become globalized. Everyone is a target.

The author recommends several approaches for America. Stop with the double standards. Don't condone some terrorism, and condemn others. In the present situation, such an approach will not work. Also, America should actually consider the causes of terrorism. It's a political problem; seek a political solution. The author also recommends reinforcing the framework of international law. Try going through the International Court of Justice.

This is an excellent book. It's short, and written from a non-American perspective. It does a fine job looking at the background behind terrorism, and it's well worth reading.

This book affirms that American foreign allies are classified on whether their own goals converge or diverge from our own.

During the 1970's and 1980's we had partnered with Saddam, deciding that he was a 'brutal dictator' only when his objectives no longer echoed American public policy priorities.

Similarly, the people whom the State department now identifies as being 'dangerous' were at one point benign or even considered beneficial---because they had then supported our world view. It is critical and sobering to wonder who is organizing outside of today's policymaker scrutiny.

Regardless of the administration, such relationships of convenience are THE rule in international relations. America talks a good deal about wanting to respect human rights, but the real world often facilitates less stringency.

I completely enjoyed reading this book. The author does an excellent job of writing about real events and what he learned from each one. As a fellow firefighter, I have to say that I've been through a lot of the same experiences and have come to some of the same conclusions. You may find some of the philosophical discussions distracting, but they are presented well and are integral to the book. I would recommend this book for any firefighter or firefighter family!

This is a good book on Volunteer Firefighters. My husband chuckled everytime he read an anecdote that reminded him of his volunteer fire department over the last 25 years.

This is a great book, I live about 15 miles from his volunteer Fire house, and I am a volunteer fire fighter myself. I just became a volunteer about 2 months ago, and so far my fire house and his seem very a like. This book, lets the world know what goes on in a small town volunteer fire departments like my own. Perfect book, describes everything in great detail, and is a great read, I could not put it down.

I highly recommend Dr. Frank's book as it shows us so adroitly how each of us can gain wisdom and love for our fellow man through service to our community. It is also a great tribute to the firefighters and EMTs across the country who keep us safe every day and night (with no holidays off). I would expect that the average firefighter, if there is such a thing, is not likely to write a book about his experiences. Dr. Frank, an outsider like ourselves when he joins their ranks, carries us into their world and helps us see what these amazing people do and why they do it.

As an attorney who first became a volunteer firefighter at the tender age of 45, I found this book to be a great read. I have used it as a way to try to explain to others (my family, mostly) why someone my age would become a volunteer. I found the book to be well written, enlightening, and best of all, funny. I highly recommend it.