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Animal Farm + 1984 = Great EditionReview Date: 2008-09-21
Best Orwell's editionReview Date: 2008-08-31
WORTH READING AGAIN - AND HAVING IN YOUR LIBRARYReview Date: 2008-07-28
Boy, this cover is attractive. Review Date: 2008-06-09
Worthy literature that transcends the genre of political fableReview Date: 2008-06-22
I'm not alone in being of a generation that was first required to read Orwell in my student days (Middle School, in my case.) It seems that there was a lot of literature churned out then, accessible to if not directly aimed at children, with the horrors of totalitarianism as its theme. In addition to reading Orwell, we were also reading Huxley, Bradbury, and Verne -- the youth-oriented John Christopher books being yet another example. The generation that lived through Nazism and Stalinism clearly wanted the younger set to be aware of the horrors that could be, and to remain on guard against them.
It doesn't seem to be quite that way anymore. Orwell's name is invoked today, but often in trivializing contexts: "Big Brother" is now a brain-numbing reality show, and "Orwellian" is a convenient and often hysterically-applied charge to political opponents. Some complaceny does seem to be inevitable: we are now further removed from the days when the likes of Hitler and Stalin killed tens of millions. Still, regimes arise that are nearly as horrific on a local scale, from Pol Pot to Saddam Hussein to the Taliban, and are real enough that Orwell's book is no joke. Orwell deserves attention if for no other reason than to sensitize us to the bad form associated with invoking his name in a trivializing context. There was a political ad on Youtube last year from an Obama supporter that cast Hillary Clinton on a giant Big Brother-like screen. I'm not in the least a fan of Senator Clinton, but associating her image with those of 1984 -- as was also done in an infamous Apple Computer ad -- trivializes Orwell's message in a deplorable way. Orwell wrote his novel to warn against real dangers that his generation lived through, and which others might yet, not as a marketing ploy to be used in selling either computers or nearly indistinguishable democratic political candidacies.
The main reason I am writing this review, however, is that re-reading Orwell in my 40's is a stark reminder that his novels are more than political parables, but are worthy literature. I hope that those reading these reviews will be aware of this, and not shut their minds to a rewarding literary experience.
As a kid, I was able to perceive the pedagogical intent of these books, but less so was I able to appreciate the literary artistry. 1984 in particular passes the Nabokovian test of creating a fully believable, if terrifying, alternate world. Beyond that, on nearly every page, Orwell leaves an image that just might stay with you forever. Small wonder that so many of the terms in 1984 ("Big Brother," "Newspeak") have burrowed their way into our lexicography.
Orwell was a man of the left who understood something that many of his compatriots did not; that what had arisen in the Soviet Union was a regime unprecedented in its horror (arriving before, and ultimately outlasting, its horrific mirror image, Hitler's Third Reich.) At a time when others on the left simply refused to believe in the reality of the USSR, he looked at it unflinchingly and wrote what it was really about.
Also, in childhood, I was not able to fully appreciate that Orwell's books simply weren't negative-utopian nightmare-fantasies, but paralleled actual events in the USSR with chilling accuracy. I knew, at some level, that he was satirizing certain events and characters in the Russian Revolution, but only in adulthood was I able to closely recognize nearly every episode and character in Animal Farm. Those familiar with USSR history will find it all here in the two books: the rewriting of the past to reaffirm the infallibility of the Party, the sudden reorienting of national propaganda to suit the latest twist of foreign policy, and the complete elimination of all references to those unfortunate souls decreed never to have existed.
Truly, the thing that makes 1984 terrifying now, is not what was imagined in the novel's construction, but what was real in its sources. It exaggerates even relative to the Stalinist state -- but not by much. It is this recognition that makes it a chilling read today.
1984 is the more vivid and evocative of the two novels. Excepting one passage (Goldstein's dreary history lesson about 2/3 of the way through) it is riveting almost throughout its 300 pages.
A few notes for younger readers: The moral of Animal Farm is not that Napoleon was simply a bad apple, but rather that the system adopted by the Animals ensured that ultimately such a tyrant would dominate. (I find the end of Animal Farm to be something of a false note; in the end the pigs prove no better than, and resemble, the humans they replaced, but this understates the tragic reality that the USSR was worse still than that which it replaced.)
As I close, I leave you with one random question about 1984: how come it never occurs to Eastasia and Eurasia to combine against Oeania? Given that Oceania keeps flipping its allegiance from one to the other, you'd think they'd ultimately catch on and both decide to attack Oceania at the same time.
Silly questions aside, this book is highly commended. Worth re-reading again, especially if you only have read Orwell when as immature as was I.
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The Radical Whig Fountain of Libertarian RhetoricReview Date: 2006-01-02
The two most widely read polemical Radical Whig authors were Thomas Gordon and John Trenchard. By means of their anti-clerical and anti-military essays, known collectively as "The Indpendent Whig" and "Cato's Letters", they kept alive the Radical Whig traditions of natural rights, suspicion of the ever-encroaching nature of state power, and justified rebellion. Gordon and Trenchard were able to transmit these revolutionary ideas in popular form to the American colonies.
Bailyn says "Everywhere groups seeking justification for concerted opposition to constituted governments turned to these writers [Trenchard and Gordon]". He adds "By 1728, in fact, 'Cato's Letters' had already been fused with Locke, Coke, Pufendorf, and Grotius".
Another important connecting link was Thomas Hollis. Bailyn says "that extraordinary one-man propaganda machine in the cause of liberty, the indefatigable Thomas Hollis" distributed libertarian tracts in England and British America, and subsidized the publication of American revolutionary pamphlets, as well as reprinting the classics of the 17th century Whig tradition such as Sidney and Locke. He was instrumental in supplying radical libertarian literature to libraries in France, Switzerland, Italy, and to Harvard University.
Radical Whig libertarianism comprises a coherent body of principles that are held together and given meaning by two fundamental moral principles. The first being the right of the individual to own justly acquired property; the second being the right of the individual not to be aggressed against.
The individual is defined by his physical uniqueness and so has the potential to develop into a mature and responsible acting individual. The individual's uniqueness forms the basic element of all social interaction and is the source of the division of labor and the exchange process. Similarly, privacy is the result of recognizing the dignity, worth, and sanctity of every individual. Only by permitting the individual to enjoy his or her property unmolested, within the protected sphere defined by the self-ownership principle and the derivative right to own property in other physical objects, can there be true privacy and protection of the private side of human life.
Tolerance results from the recognition that all individuals are potentially morally perfectable. As long as no property rights are violated, then all consenting, peaceful activity must be legally protected. Tolerance is vital because it allows each and every individual to exercise moral autonomy. Only by being free to choose between different courses of action can the individual learn from past mistakes and so strive for moral perfection and self-fulfillment.
It is a consequence of the ownership of one's body and the moral autonomy that springs from this ownership that no one can act on any individual's behalf unless expressly and formally delegated to do so. This means that individuals have to begin claiming their rights of self-determination, the right to withdraw or secede from any political organization that is not to their liking, and the right to resist political intervention in their social and economic activities. Bailyn says "Such ideas, based on extreme solicitude for the individual and an equal hostility to government, were expressed in a spirit of foreboding and fear for the future".
In 1765, Charles Carroll of Carrollton said, "corruption . . . will produce the same effects . . but that fatal time seems to be at a great distance. The present generation at least, . . . will enjoy the blessings and the sweets of liberty". Bailyn says "Suspicion . . . of an active conspiracy of power against liberty . . . rose in the consciousness of a large segment of the American population before any of the famous political events of the struggle with England took place".
Bailyn cites the Report of Speech in the House of Lords, 1770: "Lord Chancellor Camden . . . accused the ministry . . . of having formed a conspiracy against the liberties of their country". Bailyn also cites the Boston Town Meeting to its Assembly Representatives, 1770: "A series of occurrences, many recent events, . . . afford great reason to believe that a deep-laid and desparate plan of imperial despotism has been laid, and partly executed, for the extinction of all civil liberty . . . The august and once revered fortress of English freedom - the admirable work of ages - the British Constitution seems fast tottering into fatal and inevitable ruin. The dreadful catastrophe threatens universal havoc, and presents an awful warning to hazard all if, peradventure, we in these distant confines of the earth may prevent".
Colonists such as radicals Thomas Paine and Richard Price added to these fears. Paine is best noted for his popular tract, "Common Sense"(1776), which attacked monarchical government and urged immediate declaration of independence from the Crown and the formation of a Republic, as well as for his passionate defense of the French Revolution in his "Rights of Man"(1792). Richard Price, a Dissenter and self-styled "Honest Whig", defended natural rights, justice, and the right of a people to rebel against oppression in his "Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty . . . and the Justice of War in America", also publishe in 1776.
Bailyn says "the colonists' ideas and words counted too, and not merely because they repeated as ideology the familiar utopian phrases of the Enlightment and of English libertarianism. What they were saying by 1776 was familiar . . . ; yet it was different." He says "The radicalism the Americans conveyed to the world in 1776 was a transformed as well as a transforming force", namely "to make federalism a logical as well as a practical system of government".
Proponents of liberty were mistrusted as well. Bailyn says "denunciations of the work of seditious factions seeking private aims masked by professions of loyalty, which abound in the writings of officials and of die-hard Tories".
It is significant that Bailyn seems only to touch lightly upon the views of the Tories - predecessors of today's neocons. He draws heavily from the radicals. This cozy accomodation and convenient oversightedness is also suspicious. It is an approach that is commonplace concerning the American Revolution. State public schools do not teach the Tories' views, rather their aim is to justify the present organization of American society.
More questions arise from reading Bailyn's work. Why did the Radical Whig revolution in England fail to attract the ruling elite and beneficiaries of monopoly profits resulting from the political system? And why did their counterparts in the American colonies embrace Radical Whig ideology?
My guess is that, when examined closely, the American Revolution fails to live up to its libertarian origins. My particular concern is with the Declaration of Independence - the supposed listing of reasons for the revolt. The facts indicate that the goals of most of the signers of the Declaration were quite different from their rhetoric. They sought freedom from Britain, it is true - the freedom to govern the lives of Americans THEMSELVES. This is obvious, not only from the words of the Founding Fathers, but from their actions as well.
In short, a valuable collection of primary sources. It should be read alongside Raoul Berger's "The Founders' Design" and Cecelia Kenyon's "Men of Little Faith".
The Story of America Begins With Bernard BailynReview Date: 2008-04-19
In particular, it demonstrates the crucial role Cato's Letters played in shaping the minds of our Founders in formenting our American Revolution.
Read Murray N. Rothbard's four volume history of Colonial America, Conceived In Liberty, as a magnificent follow up to Bailyn's beginning.
Still a standard!Review Date: 2007-05-30
Bailyn lays out the basic argument in the book's sixth sentence: "The ideology of the Revolution, derived from many sources, was dominated by a peculiar strand of British political thought" (v). Around this central thought, Bailyn details the convergence of thought that formed the colonists' case for a break from the British empire; he explains the change over time in American thinking on long-held political views; he highlights contemporary issues, i.e. chattel slavery and established religion, that gained argumentative force from the colonials' complaints against the British Parliament; and he illustrates the difficulties that Revolutionary thinking posed for participants of the Constitutional Convention who sought to replace British authority with a central American government.
The first part of the book describes the vehicle, voice, and ideological basis of the Revolution. The leaders of the Revolution propagated their thoughts through newspapers, broadsides, and almanacs. The primary writing form of the Revolution, however, was the pamphlet, which allowed polemicists of all different vocations to broaden the political debate. The American revolutionary pamphlets, though a "distinctive literature of the Revolution," had roots in seventeenth-century American sermon publishing and early eighteenth-century English polemical pamphleteering techniques.
The Revolutionary crisis did not originate during the crisis period from 1763 to 1776. Elements of the discourse had been long present in the colonies, but the post-1763 turmoil fused the ideas into "a comprehensive view, unique in its moral and intellectual appeal" (22). Bailyn nods to the intellectual influences on colonial leaders from quotations of classical writers, a rather superficial knowledge of the Enlightenment, citations of English common law, and the covenant theology of New England Puritanism. One of Bailyn's significant contributions to the present thinking on eighteenth-century American revolutionary thought is his understanding that "the ultimate origins of the this distinctive ideological strain lay in the radical social and political thought of the English Civil War and of the Commonwealth period" (34). He identifies early eighteenth-century English radical writers, such as John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon, as shaping the mind of the American Revolutionary generation more than any other single group.
Change in America did not begin to happen only with the Revolution; it began a century before and progressed slowly. Bailyn constructs an intellectual chronology of Revolutionary thought that consists of three phases, beginning with the years of Anglo-American struggle before 1776, the execution of state constitutions from 1776 through the 1780s, and the crafting and ratifying of a national constitution. The final section of the book exquisitely displays the difficulties encountered by participants at the Constitution Convention to form a federal system of government in the wake of the force of argument put forth at the Continental Congress against the encroaching powers of a central government. Bailyn's discussions of imperium in imperio bookend with sheer mastery his understanding of the entangling intellectual obstacles which American colonists laboriously yet successfully maneuvered to produce the Revolution and the Constitution.
Throughout the Revolutionary period corruption served as the greatest threat to liberty, and, according the federalist view, a constitution establishing a government endowed with the separation of powers would ensure the existence of virtue, the necessary attribute for the sustenance of liberty within a republic. One area of frustration throughout the book is the use of terms like "corruption" and "virtue" that portrays an almost given denotation of such enigmatic expressions.
A true gem within the book is Bailyn's demonstration that the colonial leaders could not contain revolutionary fervor. Opponents of chattel slavery in America and proponents of religious disestablishment used the American leaders' own arguments for freedom from the British Parliament and taxation without representation to assail the continuation of the slave trade and ecclesiastical taxation against religious dissenters.
Bailyn's The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution is nothing less than a most persuasive, brilliantly crafted work that will influence the way Americans think about the Revolution for years to come.
Brilliant - for its timeReview Date: 2007-09-22
Many of today's more serious readers of the period have read much of Bailyn and Gordon Wood indirectly, if not directly reading their own work. Both have been that influential in the field. The "disappointment" in this book is caused by Bailyn's own success, ironically enough. It was his work, along with select others, who began to pay attention to history within its own context - that is what was occurring in life and politics at the time rather than a chronological and linear view of the time. More of an interdisciplinary viewpoint and, as such, more accessible to the reader. Since the time of its first publication, many others have emulated its style (a good idea) but made its rather seismic effects at the time, feel much less so today. Effectively so much hype over the years (deserved then and de rigor today) makes for more than a bit of a letdown for today's readers. That said, those truly interested in the ideas, the philosophies, and their interpretations and misinterpretations of the day are well served reading Bailyn. Others should approach the read with caution as it is fairly dense but filled with moments of sheer academic brilliance.
A spark in the study of the RevolutionReview Date: 2006-03-22


libros que no sirvenReview Date: 2002-11-16
JOVENES!! no se dejen engañar con esta semi literatura pretenciosa , no les dejara nada, existen mejores cosas en el mundo, lean a rulfo,marquez, cortazar, kerouac, ginsberg, mishima, mistral, allende, lean el mundo no lean esto, veran como su vacio se llena con vida y cultura.
su mente se los agradecera.
La Fuerza De SheccidReview Date: 2004-06-29
Best book everReview Date: 2003-08-09
una magnifica representacion de la literatura latinaReview Date: 2003-08-08
Lo mejor que halla leido en mi vidaReview Date: 2001-10-11
Si estas indeciso en comprarlo o no, COMPRALO te aseguro que no te vas a arrepentir...
Carlos, gracias por traer tanta felicidad y sabiduria a mi vida.

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Brief but valuable, a book for everyoneReview Date: 2008-04-08
This is a book which should be read by all college studentsReview Date: 2007-11-08
This is what makes this book so poignant. Hardy realizes that he no longer is Hardy. In today's mathematics world that may not have been the case given the immediate communications possible between humans which may have kept him going. However, it may have been that he was suffering from the onset of dementia or Alzheimer's - it is difficult to tell given his admissions of not being up to the task - regardless, this book is overwhelmingly sad.
Anyone who cares about math should read this and thank Hardy for his contributions - plus they should have a copy of "A Course in Pure Mathematics".
One of my top 20. Somewhat depressing but oh so true.Review Date: 2006-07-07
I can recall when words such as super, excellent, awesome etc. were used judiciously and very rarely to describe truly significant achievement. Today, doing one's job, albeit poorly, is described as excellent.
What I most like about Hardy's book is it's honesty and respect for the reader. A suggestion. Read the book proper BEFORE wading through C.P. Snow's forward. After about the second read tackle the forward.
A must have.
No need to apologize.Review Date: 2006-06-04
A Non Mathematician's apologyReview Date: 2006-03-30
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$15 bucks!Review Date: 2007-11-08
Not Free SF ReaderReview Date: 2007-09-03
It is dangerous to be a good guy. Very dangerous. Demon Lords (and Lordesses) are BAAAAAAAAADDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDD.
Based around Celtic mythology I highly recommend these two books as a blast. A pity he never finished the series, maybe one day?
please make more!!Review Date: 2005-03-23
WonderfulReview Date: 2006-05-16
Give us moreReview Date: 2006-04-19
Every time i come across these on my shelf it is hard to not pick them up. Hope you can get the next books out soon! :)

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Mary Oliver Poems, Book 1Review Date: 2008-03-24
Relaxing, absorbing poetryReview Date: 2007-07-14
Mary Oliver's PoetryReview Date: 2007-05-12
Be Ignited Or Be GoneReview Date: 2007-04-10
New and Selected Poems, Volume Two, is a moving collection of her past works combined with many new poems. There is a Zen isness that permeates her work.Haiku like parsimony with no embellishment. Nature does not need anything extra. For example, writing about what she saw after a storm -
And this detail: the body of a duck, a golden-eye; and beside
it one black-backed gull. In the body of the duck, among the breast
feathers, a hole perhaps an inch across; the color within the hole
a shouting red. And bend it as you might, nothing was to blame:
storms must toss, and the great black-backed gawker must eat, and
so on. It was merely a moment.
I recently saw Mary Oliver at the 92nd Street 'Y' in New York City where she was reading from this collection. See her if you can. She reads as she writes, with dignity and with passion and wisdom. This is an extraordinary collection of poems.
Mary Oliver is magicalReview Date: 2007-02-17
My other favorite book of Mary Oliver poems is her most recent one: "Thirst". It deals with grief at the lost of her long-time partner and is quite beautiful. For those looking for a really good book of poems in general, I *definitely* recommend "Good Poems," compiled by Garrison Keillor; and "Risking Everything: 110 Poems of Love and Redemption" compiled by Roger Housden. Enjoy!

excellentReview Date: 2008-10-06
Great book, great sellerReview Date: 2008-09-08
J Pavlov
reviewReview Date: 2008-05-08
Uppers, Downers and All-aroundersReview Date: 2008-04-28
Good text on just about every subject of drug abuseReview Date: 2008-04-05

Great book!Review Date: 2008-09-30
very helpfulReview Date: 2008-09-03
Resource for all parentsReview Date: 2008-02-09
I really like this book!Review Date: 2006-12-21
finallyReview Date: 2006-06-08

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Took me awhile....Review Date: 2007-02-11
A. The narrative pace is just awful. I don't know what it is about this book I almost didn't make it past the first 40 pages because the begining moves so slowly.
B. The idiotic "conspiracy theory" idea regarding the Texas Revolution. Someday right minded people everywhere will be able to laugh conspiracy nuts right off the street.
Good
The book has a great deal of information regarding the beginnings of an organized abolitionist movement in this country. Garrison was the focal point for this when the movement started to move beyond isolated groups of idealists and Quakers and started to be taken seriously as a genuine force for social change.
Overall-Once you get into the book it is amazing, but you have to be in the right mood to do so.
Both sides to the storyReview Date: 2005-04-08
A Superior BiographyReview Date: 2004-05-26
Mayer admired Garrison, the most important leader of the abolitionist movement. In this book, he succeeds in renovating the reputation of a great reformer and activist who has often been neglected or written off as a crank.
Garrison and the abolitionists were originally hardly more popular in the North than in the South. They were seen as disrupting the Union and were regarded with suspicion for their pro-black beliefs - public opinion in the North was only marginally less racist than in Dixie. Garrison's courage and consistent refusal to trim his convictions for popular acceptance led to a career with an outsized share of controversy, oppobrium, and in several cases physical danger.
Some reviewers have felt the book is too long, and it is hefty. But the length is necessary for Mayer to give a full portrait, which shows not only the man, but also the era he lived in. In particular, Mayer writes extensively about abolitionism as a movement. Abolitionists, and Garrison himself, struggled with many problems - whether to compromise by supporting politicians whose platforms called for less than full abolition, evolving from a paternalist movement of mostly privileged whites to a movement in which free blacks and escaped slaves could play a meaningful role, and reconciling the pacifist leanings of many to their role in a war against slaveholders - that will be of interest to contemporary political activists. Mayer also shows how, after abolition was accomplished, former abolitionists seeking new causes worked for other advances, including the first stirrings of the women's suffrage movement.
Are you a Southerner? Because Garrison hates youReview Date: 2004-09-01
But, being from Texas, I tend to be sensitive to such things. For most people it won't matter.
I still highley recommend All On Fire, though. It is very well written and researched. But most of all, it is the only real biography on Garrison worth reading. And say what you want about the author's biases, he can't muddle the fact that Garrison was one of this country's great patriots, willing to stand up to anyone to free his fellow man. He dedicated his entire life to this noble cause--and except for a few references in some Civil War books--is largely forgotten. What a shame.
A biography long over-dueReview Date: 2005-01-06
Given Garrison's role as founding father of the abolitionist movement, his passion for the cause, longevity in leadership and terminal impact on the greatest political issue of the nineteenth century it is puzzling that he has left such an obscure historical legacy. As author Herbert Mayer notes, Martin Luther King Jr. cited Gandhi, Thoreau and the Gospel as his inspiration and motivation in the Civil Rights movement with no reference to the man whose peaceful agitation did more to eradicate bondage than any other -- and who in turn may very well have been Thoreau's inspiration in writing "Civil Disobedience."
So why the obscurity? Mayer's biography does little to address this paradox. In fact, his book makes Garrison's general absence from the mainstream of American history all the more tenebrous. The man that emerges from the pages of "All on Fire" is a moral giant, a crusader in the purest and best sense of the word, who risked -- indeed, welcomed -- verbal and physical abuse, a life of indigence and scorn, all in pursuit of a truly noble cause. Garrison grew up in New England and never traveled further south than Baltimore until after the Civil War, yet he dedicated his life to the abolition of slavery with an intensity and zeal that surpassed dissident southern whites (such as the Grimke sisters) and even some blacks that had escaped from bondage themselves. Because of his central role in establishing and leading the cause, "All on Fire" is, as the full title suggests, as much a history of the entire abolitionist movement as it is a biography of its leading agitator.
However, a close reading of "All on Fire" also reveals a hidden side of William Lloyd Garrison that Mayer, unfortunately, never fully explores: a man of extreme ambition, vanity, and conceit. Garrison fought tenaciously to keep himself at the front-and-center of the moral movement he came to regard as his own. One senses that the fame and notoriety he gained by his agitation came to mean quite a lot to him. In this sense, Garrison reminds one of a contemporary political gadfly increasingly enamored of his high-profile image: Michael Moore. Perhaps Garrison's attraction to celebrity never fully outweighed his commitment to the ultimate prize of freeing three million humans from bondage, but it certainly meant more than the pious Christian in him would have liked to admit -- and certainly more than biographer Mayer is willing to concede. Again and again throughout the narrative Garrison experiences a painful and personal falling out with some of his closest friends and coadjutors: Frederick Douglas, Wendell Phillips, the Tappan brothers, etc. And time after time Mayer attributes the rift to simple misunderstandings or the result of the stress and pressure of the times. That Garrison might have been something less than the Galahad on ante-bellum America is left unexplored.
Nevertheless, for anyone with a desire to know more about America and especially to learn about a man that was once one of the most controversial and well-known figures of his century, only to sink to near anonymity, this National Book Award finalist can be highly recommended.

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Ambitious, fascinating overview of Mesopotamia from prehistoric times to the first century ADReview Date: 2008-09-08
The term "Mesopotamia" originated with the Greeks and it means "the land between the rivers" and does not include all of Iraq and all of what we have come to think of as Mesopotamia. Surprisingly the ancient inhabitants had no name covering the totality of the country in which they lived.
Though in many ways the inventors of civilization often little remains for the visitor to see of this once great civilization; "[t]he dissolving rain, the sand-bearing winds, the earth-splitting sun conspired to obliterate all remains" and these desolate ruins "offer perhaps the best lesson in modesty that we shall ever receive from history." Part of the reason for the lack of remains is the nature of the Iraqi environment, as the meandering Tigris and Euphrates rivers occasionally change course, isolating once riverside sites as "forlorn ruin-mounds in a desert of silt, several miles from modern waterways." Also these ancient towns were built of nothing but mud as stone was rare. At first made of piled-up mud (pisé) or adobe, as early as the ninth millennium B.C. clay was mixed with straw, gravel, or potsherds and made into sun-dried or kiln-baked bricks.
The very nature of the rivers had a lot to do with the origins of Mesopotamian civilization. As the combined flood periods of the two rivers do not occur when it is best for agriculture, fields must be irrigated. To create these canals and maintain them against silting-up require colossal, unending labor of many people, something that sowed both the seeds of local strife and political unity. The effort to maintain canals and to insure an equitable distribution of water reinforced the authority of the original town chiefs, the high priests, and along with the scarcity of fertile land lead to the concentration of power and wealth in a few hands in a few places, to the creation of cities where further technical and artistic achievements could be made, and the invention of writing to record transactions.
In many ways the book can be read as the rise, spread, and then the decline and fall of Mesopotamian civilization. It was amazing just how small Sumeria really was; it was a mere 30,000 square kilometers, a bit smaller than Belgium, a narrow strip of land around the Euphrates from about the latitude of Baghdad stretching to the Gulf, with the average city-state less than 3000 square kilometers and at most 35,000 people. Sargon and his Akkadian successors subdued the fractious Sumerian city-states and also conquered the entire Tigris-Euphrates basin and built the first great Mesopotamian kingdom. Though the Akkadian empire only lasted 200 years, collapsing from the pressure of mountain tribes and internal rebellion, it set an important example, as to reconstruct Mesopotamian unity, to reach what we could call its natural limits "became the dream of all subsequent monarchs, and from the middle of the third millennium until the fall of Babylon in 539 B.C. the history of ancient Iraq consists of their attempts, their successes and their failures to achieve this aim." The Akkadians greatly enlarged the geographical horizon of Sumer and Sumero-Akkadian culture, supported by cuneiform writing, was adopted by the people outside of Sumeria. In addition the Akkadians forever blended the two historical populations of Iraq (the non-Semitic Sumerians and the Semites), ringed the death knell for city-states, heralded the advent of large, centralized kingdoms, and eroded the power of the temples.
Later as a result of the migration of a very large ethno-linguist group, the "Indo-Europeans," young energetic nations emerged in and around Mesopotamia. That, plus the involvement of Egypt in Near Eastern politics from 1600 BC onwards meant that history in ancient Iraq was raised to a truly international scale, with Mesopotamian political fortunes as well as its culture and science influencing (and influenced by) foreign powers from then on.
The Assyrians played a huge role, though they don't come off well, as Roux wrote of the greed and ambition of Assyrian kings, of "their typical oriental desire to cover themselves with glory, to pose as invincible demigods in front of their subjects," that a combination of religious views and greed lead to "brigandry and occasional massacres" in their attempts to create an empire, which was an "act of gangsterism but also a crusade." Though they did preserve Sumero-Akkadian-Babylonian culture, they left the Near East as a whole impoverished as they took much, gave little, cared little for the advancement of their subjects, and as a result of their wars the rich land of Egypt was forever lost and the Phoenicians lost their rich maritime and colonial empire to the Greeks.
After a last flowering under Nebuchadrezzar II and a brilliant but short-lived "Neo-Babylonian" period Babylon fell without resistance to the Persian conqueror Cyrus. The Persians however did not destroy Babylon or other cities, and there are monuments and inscriptions dating from the Achaemenian, Hellenistic, and Parthian periods testifying to a partial survival of Mesopotamian civilization down to the 1st century AD. Why the slow decline and ultimately vanishing of this civilization? The three main reasons were the absence of any real national Mesopotamian government, the foundation by Alexander and his successors of new cities competing with and eventually superseding the older cities, and more than anything the massive linguistic, ethnic, religious, and cultural changes introduced by waves of Persian, Greek, Aramaean, and pre-Islamic Arab invaders, peoples who could neither be kept at bay nor assimilated. While previous invading peoples such as the Amorites and the Kassites found a young, vigorous culture superior to the own, one which they eventually adopted, later invaders felt that Mesopotamia offered relatively little, that it was a fossilized culture largely perpetuated by a few priests in a few temples; basically, it had died of old age.
Where It All BeganReview Date: 2007-07-20
William McNeill in Plagues and Peoples reminds us that cities are population sinks. They require a hinterland to supply necessities including regular infusions of people. But the plains of Mesopotamia are a fairly hostile environment; the best land is located in the hills where timber, game and clean water are available. The logical conclusion is that the flatlanders were forced there, expelled from the hills, and that they grouped in cities for defensive purposes. This grouping behavior is universal among prey species. McNeill: "Man is to man as predator is to prey."
It was organization that allowed the ancient cities to prevail. Strong central governments arose, backed by a robust religious establishment, sustained and protected by their military.
Sounds familiar, doesn't it? America's military absorbs a lot of our treasure and our religious establishment is a central element in our strong central government -- our presidents swear their oath on a bible.
After 5000 years we can still relate to the peoples of ancient Iraq and appreciate their problems. We're living them today.
How this story came to light is itself another great story, the history of archeology in the area. All this is nicely summarized by the author. My The Cultural Atlas of Mesopotamia and the Ancient Near East (Cultural Atlas of) complemented my library text of the 1964 edition which had arcane marginalia and maps razored out.
I try not to think of tank battles out in the desert, using the ancient mounds as defilade against armor-piercing rounds. Who knows what has already been pulverized and lost forever?
Solid!!Review Date: 2008-05-09
THE ULTIMATE REFERENCEReview Date: 2008-05-03
Ancient Iraq could have been a classicReview Date: 2008-03-18
Georges Roux deserves a 5-star rating for his work but I only give the book 4 stars because the publisher and editor should have done a better job balancing out the material. Cutting some of the political material, and expanding on art, literature, science etc. (It would have been a good idea to include more translations of original texts). They also could have provided better graphic and photographic material and organized it in a better way. If they would have done that this would have been a breathtaking classic.
Having said that the book gives a thorough account of some 8000 years of history in Iraq. I especially was impressed by the scope of vision and depth Mr. Roux possesses. He is able to provide ample insight in the developments from pre-historic hunter-gatherers to the first empires and their inner workings. Showing an extensive knowledge and control over the material. So read this book, but you are going to want to have books like Art of the First Cities: The Third Millennium B.C. from the Mediterranean to the Indus (Metropolitan Museum of Art Series) and S.N. Kramer History begins at Sumer and others lying next to it.
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